the mirt al-quds in context 19

CHAPTER TWO

THE MIRĀT ALQUDS IN CONTEXT

2.1. A BIBLIOGRAPHICAL SURVEY OF THE MIRĀT ALQUDS AND ITS RECEPTION IN EUROPEAN LITERATURE

And when father Manoel Pinheiro was here with father Jerome Xavier, in the city of Agra, the latter presented to the King a treatise in the Persian language, on the miracles, life & doctrine of Christ our Lord, which this same King had asked of him and much desired.1 It was with these words that in 1605—only three years after the text had been submitted to Akbar—Father Jerome’s achievement was remarked upon for the first time in print. The announcement was included by Fernão Guerreiro, S.J. (d. 1617), in his first Relaçam, an account of the Jesuits’ work in various regions of Asia, Africa, and South America (fig. 2.1).2 This is a credit to the Jesuits’ ability to put into print information concerning their religious activities in both Europe and the overseas territories in which they had established themselves. This, however, would have been of little use if the members of the had not organized themselves into a remarkable network that encouraged the fluid communication crucial for the accomplish- ment of their ambitions. Each year, the superior of every Jesuit mission in Asia, Africa, and the Americas was required to send his respective Provincial a com- plete report of his mission’s activities.3 The Provincial of Goa would send the annuae to on different Fig. 2.1. Title page. Fernão Guerreiro, S.J., Relaçam annal vessels of the same fleet or on successive fleets, in order [sic] das cousas que fezeram os padres da Companhia de Iesus to substantially increase the chances that at least one nas partes da India Oriental… (Lisbon, 1605). Houghton copy would reach its final destination.4 In Europe, the Library, Harvard University, Ind 2106.05.2. (Photo: courtesy annual accounts from every mission were then com- of Harvard College Library) piled, edited, and often translated by fellow Jesuits, who were well aware of the importance of remaining faithful as those produced by Father Guerreiro—were often to the original sources. Demand for these was high, as is published and distributed to the main Jesuit centers revealed by Father Jerome’s letters, in which he repeat- spread across Europe, and sometimes to the overseas edly asked to be sent copies.5 The compilations—such missions as well. 20 chapter two

Two years later, Guerreiro’s Relaçam of 1605 reached in 1647. He discussed the origin of the Mirāt al-quds, other Jesuit centers, where—as was then the norm— stating that while in Agra “to persuade the King to parts of it were selected, translated, and included in accept the Christian religion [Father Jerome] gave other works. In 1608, Pierre du Jarric, S.J. (d. 1617) him a book written in the Persian language on the life, began to publish in Bordeaux his own compilation, enti- miracles and doctrine of Our Lord Jesus Christ. He tled Histoire des choses plus mémorables.6 As with Guer- [Akbar] greatly esteemed it, and ordered its reading reiro’s work, it deals with the Jesuits’ activities not only many times, because he found satisfaction in its les- in India but also in other parts of Asia. Writers in this son.”15 Once again, this shows the context of its recep- period seldom cite their sources, but Du Jarric acknowl- tion by Akbar; oral recitation was probably followed by edged that he had access to copies of the Relaçam, sent commentary. Nieremberg refers to de Dieu’s translation by Guerreiro himself, whom he regarded very highly.7 only briefly, stigmatizing him as a heretic.16 A further Not surprisingly, for the part covering India in the work in which Father Jerome’s activities are described period between 1600 and 1610, and specifically the sec- is the Kerckelycke Historie vande Gheheele Wereldt by tion on the Mirāt al-quds, Du Jarric used Guerreiro’s Cornelius Hazart, S.J. (d. 1690). The most interesting text almost exclusively and followed it very closely.8 aspect of this Universal Church History, printed in four In the Epitome de la Biblioteca oriental i occiden- volumes between 1667 and 1671, is perhaps the set of tal, nautica i geografica, published in in 1629, imaginative prints related to the Jesuit missions in sev- Antonio de León (d. 1660) referred to Father Jerome eral continents. Among these is an extraordinary print as the author of a book on the “Life, death and pas- portraying Father Jerome seated next to Akbar in what 9 is supposed to be an interfaith debate at the Mughal sion of Christ in the Persian language.” Father Jerome’s 17 Mirāt al-quds had by then achieved some renown in court (fig. 2.2). An account of Father Jerome’s life appears in the Europe, but occasionally for undesirable reasons. In Chrono-Historia, published in 1710 by Bartolomé de 1639, in a period when Protestants were keen to show Alcázar, S.J. (d. 1721). This examination of the Jesuits’ the less orthodox views of Catholics and the liber- activities in the province of Toledo includes eulogies of ties that they took with religious issues, Ludovico de its most notable “spiritual sons,” and, more importantly, Dieu10 published in Leiden a bilingual edition of Father reproduces six letters sent by Father Jerome to fellow Jerome’s Life of Christ entitled Historia Christi Persice Jesuits in .18 Alcázar’s notes, entitled “Eulogy of Conscripta (figs. 0.1 and 0.2).11 As we have already seen, Fr Jerome Xavier, apostolic missionary at the Mogor,” the purpose of de Dieu’s exercise was to denounce the were reproduced from the earlier (1629) Epítome de la “contaminated” texts of the Catholics: he printed Father Biblioteca oriental mentioned above. Besides describ- Jerome’s Persian account side by side with its Latin ing Father Jerome’s works, notably the Mirāt al-quds, translation in order to show that the Gospels were not Alcázar remarked that when this was “presented to the the exclusive source of Catholic doctrine. To him, the Great Mughal, he [Akbar] entitled it Mirror of Purity.”19 text was “replete with idolatrous superstition” (super- This appealing idea, however, is not confirmed by other stitionibus idolatricis refertum) and incorporated apo- sources. cryphal stories from the Evangelium Infantiae (Infancy De Dieu’s version of the Mirāt al-quds was certainly 12 Gospel) and the Acta Pilati (Acts of Pilate). References known to Mathurin Veyssière de La Croze (d. 1739), to the Mirāt al-quds continued to appear in later pub- a French Benedictine monk who became a Protestant lications. In 1643, it was mentioned in the Bibliotheca convert and authored an Histoire du Christianisme des Scriptorum Societatis Jesu by , S.J. Indes. La Croze savages Father Jerome’s work and rep- (d. 1652),13 an updated edition of the earlier (1608) bib- utation. The Frenchman rightly reports that the Jesuit liography of Jesuits’ writings by , wrote two works in Persian—the Mirāt al-quds and a S.J. (d. 1611).14 Life of Saint Peter—and that de Dieu translated both into Juan Eusebio Nieremberg, S.J., also included Father Latin. According to the Frenchman, the Mirāt al-quds Jerome’s life in his Vidas exemplares, a work on the was crammed with “monstrous fictions, dreadful tales” lives of some venerable Jesuits published in Madrid and the Jesuit had “falsified it immensely,” since he was