Master of Arts – Integrated Studies
INDIGENOUS VOICES FOR WELL-BEING IN NORTHERN MANITOBA: AN EXPLORATORY STUDY
By
MIRIAM E. PERRY
Integrated Studies Final Project (MAIS 701)
submitted to Dr. Leslie Main Johnson in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Master of Arts – Integrated Studies
Athabasca, Alberta
May, 2017
Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [2]
ABSTRACT
Indigenous Peoples have often been viewed from the outside, that is, through the lens of the dominant Western society and worldview. This has often led to inaccurate and even harmful understandings and subsequent policies affecting the lives of Indigenous Peoples and their communities. Indigenous Peoples, while sharing many similarities, are diverse in their local conditions, environment and cultural traditions. Thus understanding at the local level is necessary. This exploratory study employed an Indigenous Research Paradigm to gain the perspectives of the people in the two communities of Sherridon and Pukatawagan in Northern Manitoba. A participant observation and conversational method was employed emphasizing the Indigenous Research Paradigm principles of respect, reciprocity, relationship-building and reflexivity. Data from the conversations with the people were analyzed using grounded theory and thematic content analysis and reflective notes throughout the process. The main goal of this project was to work with the people to gain a richer understanding of the main issues of importance to their lives and to their community. Other goals are accountability and reciprocity with communities, promoting positive social change; providing insight for future studies on local issues; to influence policy as it pertains to the worlds Indigenous Peoples; and lastly, to allow for views that have in the past, have largely been dominated by those from the outside. Two dominant themes that emerged included concern for youth, with the subthemes of quality of education attainment and youth distress issues and development and governance issues. Minor themes included issues with drugs and alcohol, residential school issues, and revival and re-learning of culture and traditions. Strength-based themes included youth cultural continuation and positive perspectives of life and community. Data analysis highlighted the interrelatedness of the themes and the clear link of many of the challenges to the legacy of colonialism. There is evidence that community and individual healing is needed and there are numerous ongoing historical, structural and social impediments to local well-being to address. The strengths that were revealed allow for me to share and contribute to a differing narrative of Indigenous Peoples, as well as provide a strength foundation to build on.
Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [3]
Table of Contents Abstract………………………………………………………………………….……...... 2 Table of Contents……………………………………………………………….…………3 1. Introduction …………………………………………………………………...…………5 2. Literature Review…………………………………………………….…………………9 2.1 Indigenous Methodology…………………………………………………….…….…11 2.2 Analysis & Theory Considerations……………………………….…………………..12 3. Community Descriptions………………………………….…………………….……16 4. Methodology/Theoretical Perspective………………………………………….………18 4.1 Qualitative Research Discussion………………………………………………….18 4.2 Western Research Paradigm Discussion..………….…………………………...... 20 4.3 Indigenous Research Paradigm Discussion………….……………………………21 4.4 Indigenous Epistemology, Ontology and Axiology………….…………….……...22 4.5 Indigenous Research Paradigm Principles……………….…...………….…...... 24 4.6 Positioning Myself as Researcher…………………………………………...... 29 4.7 Data Collection – ‘Conversational Method’………………….…….…….…….....33 4.8 Data Analysis………………………………………………….………….…...... 38 4.9 Ethical Considerations……………………………………….…………….……...39 5. Findings ………………………….……………………………….……………………39 5.1 Community Strengths – Youth Cultural Continuation ………………….…...... 40 5.12 Community Strengths - Perspective of Life and Community….………….……..43 5.2 Areas for Improvement.………………….………………………………...... 46 5.21 Concern for Youth……………………………………………………….…...... 46 5.211 Perspective of Lower Education Quality….…………………………….……..47 5.212 Youth Distress Issues.…………………………………………………….……48 5.3 Governance/Development Issues………………………………………..….…...53 5.4 Drugs and Alcohol Issues……………………………………….………….……58 5.5 Residential School Issues……………………………………….………...... 60 5.6 Reviving and Relearning Culture and Traditions…………………………...... 61 5.7 Insights and Experiences of the Conversations……………………………….…64 Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [4]
6. Discussion …………………………...………………………………………….……...66 6.1 Concern for Youth……………………………………………………………….67 6.12 Perspective of Lower Education Quality…………………..………………...... 67 6.13 Youth Distress….………………………..…………………………………...... 73 6.2 Governance & Development Issues………………………….……………...…...79 6.3 Residential School Issues…………………………………………………...... 82 6.4 Drugs and Alcohol Issues………………………………………………………...84 6.5 Reviving and Re-learning Culture and Traditions…………………….…………85 6.6 Interrelatedness of the themes……………………………………….…….…..…86 6.7 Community Strengths - Youth Cultural Continuation……………….…………..87 6.8 Community Strengths - Perspective of Life and Community..…….….….……..88 6.9 Focusing on Strengths ……………………………………………….………….88 7. Summary, Conclusion & Recommendations…..…………….…………….…………..90 7.1 Note on Challenges……...….……………………….…………………………...94 7.2 Future Steps………………………………………………………...………...... 94 7.3 Limitations of the Study………………………………………………………...95 8. References…..……………………………………………………………………..……97
Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [5]
1. Introduction
It is well known that Indigenous Peoples of Canada (Inuit, Métis, Status and Non-
Status Indians) have endured a damaging colonial legacy that has resulted in many structural, political and cultural challenges for the people today. There are numerous studies, surveys and official statistics conducted over the past decades that have provided a clear picture of poor outcomes and gaps compared to the non-Indigenous population in areas such as education, health, income levels and housing. The disadvantaged situation of Indigenous Peoples has been embedded as part of the Canadian narrative, as well as that of the world’s Indigenous population for quite some time now (“Background”,
United Nations). Though the narrative has been evolving in the past few decades due to changing ideologies of Western governments and in the evolution of scholarship pertaining to the “Indian problem”, or Indigenous problem, one thing has been constant, that since colonization, the narrative has been written, spoken and spread largely by the non-Indigenous population. The Indigenous People’s ‘situation’, in all aspects of life, from history, to governance, to health and education has been viewed through the lens of the dominant society. Western (used to refer to the dominant, European-ancestry-based culture) scholars, civil servants and politicians, have produced studies, analysis and many subsequent economic, political and wellness development strategies in their effort to facilitate progress for Indigenous Peoples. There have been initiatives and policies over the past century that worked incrementally to bring about positive developments in
Indigenous People’s situation, though many developments were as a result of the long, hard-fought struggles by Indigenous Peoples through the courts. This has mainly involved addressing issues of increased autonomy, identity and cultural revival and the Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [6]
reconciliation of past wrongdoings (RCAP, White, Beavon & Spence, 2007). These include such research projects as the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples; developments in Canada as the federal government acknowledging the inherent right to
Aboriginal self governance in the Constitution Act of 1982 (“The Government of
Canada’s Approach to Implementation of the Inherent Right , 2010”); settled land claims, such as the notable comprehensive claim of Nunavut (“Nunavut Land Claims Agreement
Act”); and Sioux Valley Dakota Nation final agreement in Manitoba (“Sioux Valley
Dakota Nation Governance Agreement”). However, it is further part of the common narrative that the vast majority of the world’s Indigenous populations have not experienced nearly enough positive benefits from these efforts largely led by the dominant society. It is unjust in a country such as Canada’s which repeatedly makes it to the top 10 on the Human Development Index (Human Development Index, 2015) and
World Happiness Report (World Happiness Report, 2016) that the First Peoples are not benefitting equally in the prosperity.
It is also common for understanding and policy proposals to treat Indigenous
People in Canada as a homogenous group. This further exacerbates difficulties because the over 600 Indigenous communities across the country are unique in their geographies, cultures, languages and historical circumstances (RCAP). Thus, an understanding or appropriate policy for a community in Eastern Canada, may be inappropriate for those in the West, for example due to the fact that much of the region in British Colombia has not officially signed treaties at the time of nation-building and thus have had differing on- going relations with the state.
A few well-known instances of disconnect in the national context include the Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [7]
infamous White Paper in 1969 and the Oka crisis of 1999, which brought to light some of the main Indigenous issues (Lajoie, et al., 2006, p. 252), as well as the lack of understanding between dominant societal perceptions and Indigenous peoples.
An example of a recent policy proposal that highlights the inconsistent views of the dominant culture’s (here the government of Canada) – and Indigenous peoples’ perception of the important issue of Indigenous education, is expressed in Bill C-33. Bill
C-33, The First Nations Control of First Nations Education Act, was brought forth by the
Conservative government in spring of 2014 and it resulted in an unanticipated lack of
Aboriginal support, as demonstrated by the Assembly of First Nations (Lynn, CBC
News, 2014). There was a strong divide between what the government of Canada anticipated First Nations education would look like and what the Chiefs thought was appropriate. The government seemed to think that the Act covered all areas that First
Nations deemed to be important, such as cultural education, and increased funding, but
First Nations leaders said the Act put too much control in the hands of the government, similar to past colonial thinking, and First Nations were not adequately consulted (Lynn,
CBC News, 2014).
Another example can be found in the well-known omnibus Bill C-45 which sparked the Idle No More movement. From the governments view: “[they] have been hard at work modernizing legislation in order to allow First Nations and aboriginal organizations to operate at the speed of business,” (Scoffield, 2012). On the other hand,
First Nations saw an erosion of treaty and Indigenous rights by way of:
drastic changes to the Indian Act, the Fisheries Act, the Canadian Environmental
Assessment Act, and the Navigable Water Act (amongst many others)… as well as Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [8]
the lack of consultation with the people most affected even where treaty and
Aboriginal rights were threatened” (The Kino-nda-niimi Collective, 2014, p. 21).
The question arises then, how can the government repeatedly propose policy that turns out to be incompatible with Indigenous visions, and which in many cases, is rejected outright by Aboriginal people, from the infamous White Paper to proposals such as the recent Education Act and the Omnibus bill?
It has been increasingly recognized, for example by the United Nations Permanent
Forum on Indigenous Issues (UNPFII), that the lack of effective development and progress is largely due to the lack of involvement of Indigenous Peoples in the policy process and decisions as well as the research, if any, policy is based on (as cited in White,
Beavon & Spence, 2007). The UNPFII argues that Indigenous people’s perception, social indicators and involvement in tackling indigenous issues are key for real change
(as cited in White, Beavon & Spence, 2007, p. viii). It must be realized that the days of academics speculating and analyzing on the situation of Indigenous People’s from the
‘outside’ (for example Flanagan & Cairns, 2007; Richards, 2006; & Russell, 2006 ) cannot be the dominant means of understanding and shaping progress of Indigenous
Peoples and their communities.
As I consider myself to be a part of Indigenous culture (Métis of Cree, Saulteaux and mixed European ancestry descent), and having had conducted the research by directly engaging with Indigenous People to collect subjective perceptions through direct conversational-style interviews, my study’s purpose is to address this gap on the ground in northern Manitoba. This research project explores local subjective insights on well- being and issues of importance for community well-being in the communities of Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [9]
Pukatawagon and Sherridon, two closely neighboring communities in northern Manitoba which are known to me. While they have many positive traits such as a significant number of people practicing their traditional culture and language and genuinely working to better the community, they also have challenges such as high unemployment rate, loss of cultural identity for some, issues with substance abuse and issues with people in the
‘system’ such as Child and Family Services and the Justice System. Having been brought up in the community of Sherridon and knowing most of the population and some from neighboring Pukatawagan, and having lived experience with many of the issues, I believe an exploratory study is warranted. A greater understanding of the issues that are important to the people who live in these communities will help work toward more effective policy, help foster positive social change and hopefully work to help change the dominant narrative based on the perceptions of outsiders. Further goals are to add to the literature of micro-level subjective exploratory studies that are done with Indigenous
Peoples in Canada as well as internationally and to add to the utilization of Indigenous methodology as an important research paradigm.
2. Literature Review
A literature review was conducted to explore what others have done in terms of working with Indigenous People in community-level studies, with attention to the well- being measurements used and the methodological approach. There are a number of relevant and recent studies that have produced insights and analysis working through community-level studies with Indigenous communities. A significant study is by Kant, et al., (2014) and their work on subjective well-being in two First Nations communities in
Ontario and British Colombia. Their study built on knowledge of the vast cultural, social Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [10]
and geographical differences with the indigenous communities across Canada and highlighted the need for more community-level studies to genuinely inform development locally, nationally and internationally. The study emphasized in particular that past well- being measures solely focused on the material aspects of income, unemployment and housing, and thus “ignore[ed] the most common and predominant First Nations’ cultural notion of a person’s connections to the land and the environment” (Kant, et al., 2014, p.140). Their study worked with the people first to define their domains of well-being and from there explored subjective satisfaction with included a newly identified domain called ‘Social, Cultural, and Land Use Activities domain (Kant, et al., 2014). This highlighted the differences of values between Indigenous Peoples in smaller communities and non-Indigenous people who live in larger urban areas for example. The study found that their perspective “challenged the perspective of a market-based worldview that is focused narrowly on economic growth as a universal key to the achievement of well- being and many past and current development policies targeted at First Nations,” (Kant, et al., 2014, p.153).
Other studies have added to the importance of understanding the significant differences of Indigenous communities across Canada through looking at other well- being domains such as mental health, local economy, education and the environment, and support the subsequent need to engage directly with the people in micro-level and contextual studies; see for example, Barrington-Leigh, 2016; Biddle, 2014; Briggs &
Sharp, 2004; Chandler & Lalonde, 2004; DeGagné, 2007; Dewache, 2009; Elias, et al.,
2012; Elliot, et al., 2012; Gaudin et al., 2015; Kirmayer, et al., 2000; Latimer, et al.,
2014; Schaefli & Godlewska, 2014; Macdonald, 2014; & Turner, et al., 2008. The theme Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [11]
of direct engagement and cultural understanding is undeniable. Dewache (2009) in her subjective well-being study of Indigenous People in Quebec states: “... if one wishes to acquire a full understanding of well-being in First Nations, [you must] actually visit First
Nations communities and to talk to community members,” (p. 67). Turner (2008) also points out in her study of ‘Invisible Losses’: “rather than referring to legal precedents or economics, we are saying: Ask the people who were hurt about the nature of their
[environmental and social] losses,” (p. 2).
2.1 Indigenous Methodology
As well as conducting a micro-level subjective study, this research project is also committed to utilizing an Indigenous Research Paradigm. Policies based on research commissioned by the government, for instance, too often result from insights that are based on research that is, as Indigenous researcher Gegeo and Watson-Gegeo (2001) state, are “imagined, conceptualized, and carried out within the theoretical and methodological frameworks of Anglo-European forms of research, reasoning, and interpreting,” (as cited in Louis, 2007, p. 132).
Research that is not sensitive to the perspectives and worldview of Indigenous
Peoples will work to perpetuate the historically dominant voice. This has repercussions for policy development and bears significant meaning as part of larger narrative both for
Indigenous and non-Indigenous People. It impedes addressing ignorance and misinformation and supporting a genuine understanding of the diverse perspectives and lived realities of the people in the over 600 unique communities across Canada.
This growing recognition of a culturally sensitive and culturally relevant methodological approach to gaining honest, subjective and respectful insights from Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [12]
Indigenous Peoples is recognized by many academics and researchers (Goulding, Steels
& McGarty, 2015; Kovach, 2005, 2006, 2009, 2010a, 2010b; Louis, 2007; Weber-
Pillwax, 1999; Wilson, A., 2004, Wilson, S., 2008). A review of the literature reveals studies conducted by Indigenous and non-Indigenous researchers using Indigenous methodology in the context of many different countries. The methodology section will discuss the Indigenous Research Paradigm in greater detail as well as its application to this project.
2.2 Analysis and Theory Considerations
This project is based in a typical grounded theory approach in the analysis, theory and concepts used. That is, it has evolved from the bottom up through constantly thinking about what is being discovered throughout the research process (Seale, 2012). I have approached this work through awareness of many general issues in the communities and through the perspectives gained throughout my interdisciplinary graduate studies program. Given this background, the work is based in interdisciplinary theories and concepts, and a review of relevant literature from a range of disciplines and interdisciplinary work.
The literature review revealed some important concepts that have proved to be important during the research process. For example being aware of cultural relativity challenges one to consciously open up their perspective in order the escape the biases of one’s own culture and to make sense of another (Ferraro, 2006). This concept is particularly important for me to be aware of doing cross-cultural work, as there are many areas of Indigenous culture that are unfamiliar to me such as knowledge associated with language, worldview concepts, medicines, healing and ceremonies. Recognizing a Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [13]
culture’s local Indigenous knowledge: “offers a positive way forward [in the learning process] in that they take greater account of the specifities of the local conditions, draw on the knowledge of a population who have lived experience of the environment in question, and provide peoples with ownership of the development process,” (Briggs &
Sharp, 2004, p. 651).
Being aware of the cultural differences also brings to light the underlying philosophical issues that make up the differing worldviews. For example, in terms of the traditional belief systems related to the structure of the economy there exists important differences; where Indigenous People are known to have a more holistic worldview, the
Western view, or greater Canadian society, mainly posses an individualistic orientation in their worldview (Berkes, 2012). This understanding has implications for how these worldviews factor into current community circumstances. For example, traditionally,
Indigenous Peoples were communal, and many still practice the sharing of country food, or wild meat (based on personal experience and knowledge; see study on the Cree in
Northern Quebec by Laberge, et al., 2015), while the influence of individualism has only grown stronger in Canada in the last century. This clash of worldviews is a factor in relations between Aboriginal communities and larger Canadian Society and affects socioeconomic and community health status today.
The concept of social constructionist also works to foster how phenomena are understood by the act of labeling it. In this view, different phenomena get defined by people in different contexts. For example the concept of poverty is a social construct, while one might use the word poor to refer to lack of material things, a person coming from a different social context might use poor to refer to lack of land and freedom. I use Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [14]
this concept to be aware of the social constructs of many phenomena coming from the framework of being taught many ‘academic’ or Western concepts such as freedom, stability or poverty, many of which may be understood differently based on very diverse backgrounds.
A critical realist perspective may also prove useful as it assumes that human perception and knowledge works in constructing an independent reality (Neumann,
2005), thus allowing for recognition of the power of unique histories and socio-cultural influences of one’s perception of the world. Theory and concepts from the sociological tradition are also useful as they emphasize the importance of social forces on the individual. This is especially important to examining the debilitating legacy of colonialism that continues to impact Indigenous Peoples. Also useful is Battiste’s (2005) use of the concept of ‘cognitive imperialism’ which recognizes the impact that Western worldview and thought has had in Indigenous lives, especially through the education system, where it is touted as a superior construction of reality and knowledge.
Recognizing perhaps the hesitation of Indigenous Peoples’ discussion of knowledge and beliefs excluded from the school for instance will also be beneficial for this project.
Another concept put forth by anthropologists Kleinman, Das and Lock (as cited in
Cryzewski, 2011), is the idea of ‘social suffering’. Because of colonialism and other cumulative effects experienced by Indigenous Peoples, there is the recognition of group- wide social suffering which is “the pain and marginalization of a group… indeed, it has been proposed that the normalization of such pain contributes to its persistence,”
(Cryzewski, 2011, p. 7). It would also be beneficial to take into consideration the ‘tone’ or general knowledge of Indigenous issues today. For instance, there is growing Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [15]
awareness that many Indigenous issues are not known by the general public; this may include Indigenous Peoples themselves. A national poll undertaken in 2013 indicated that
“nearly two-thirds (62%) of respondents perceived most of the problems experienced by indigenous people to be brought on by themselves,” (Wotherspoon, 2014, p. 332-3). This is an example of the classic sociological concept of ‘blame the victim’. Another study by the Coalition for the Advancement of Aboriginal Studies (CAAS) in 2004 of 519
University students across Canada found that the “vast majority of students, including students of Aboriginal parentage, had little or no knowledge of any of these matters, [i.e. historical relations, political reality, residential school knowledge, living conditions, geographical Aboriginal knowledge],” (as cited in Godlewska, Moore & Bednasek, 2010, p. 429). The paper by Godlewska, et al., (2010), has as its main premise, the long- embedded problem of Canada’s education system perpetrating ignorance of Aboriginal realities as well as its history of ignorance in the structure of Aboriginal and Euro-
Canadian relations that have resulted in an apparent broad societal ignorance of
Aboriginal realities and worldviews. This potential lack of awareness will be taken into consideration as it may have informed the type of discussion or conversations during the community research phase. This may perhaps provide an opportunity for educational awareness in subsequent community and broader public dissemination and review of the project.
Foucault provides a potentially useful theory for deeper analysis of the issue of ignorance (in Schaefli & Godlewska, 2014). Foucault asserts that knowledge has been
“historically conditioned and linked to power and social hierarchy,” (Schaefli &
Godlewska, 2014, p. 111). He goes on to stipulate: Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [16]
Ignorance is not a consequence of faulty individual cognition, nor is it the
collective absence of knowledge yet to be acquired … Rather it is an outcome of
structural methods of not-knowing that, consciously or not, are deployed in ways
that perpetuate privilege and domination, (cited in Schaefli & Godlewska, 2014, p.
111).
Foucault further argued, “power is diffused in our society and understanding how to effect social change requires a sophisticated understanding of social and institutional processes and circumstances,” (as cited in Godlewska, Moore & Bednasek, 2010, p. 436).
Therefore, ignorance in the institutional structures of the local education and community- political structures as well as the influence of larger structures through media which is dominated by the non-Indigenous perception for instance, may have also influenced the findings of this research.
This type of theory creation can be at odds with the Indigenous research paradigm
(Kovach, 2009); therefore great care will be given in their construction and utilization.
The main utility of these potentially relevant theories and concepts is that they may aid in the understanding of the views of the participants.
Also, in line with Indigenous methodology, I, as the researcher will be especially mindful of my personal and socio-cultural biases, especially given the recognition of living in predominantly white communities for most of my adult life and being immersed in Euro-centric academic studies.
3. Community Descriptions
The town of Sherridon is situated approximately 800 km north from the capital city of Winnipeg in Manitoba. Pukatawagan is approximately 72 km north of Sherridon. Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [17]
Both communities fall into the boreal forest region of Northern Manitoba, which is north of the 53rd parallel. Sherridon was originally a copper and zinc mining town from the
1920’s to the 1950’s. Since then it has a mixed economy, with the biggest sector being the tourism industry, with many people being employed by the Kississing Lake lodge, a five star fly-in resort situated on an island which is a 20 minute boat ride from the town.
Other employers are the local school, which goes from pre-school to grade eight, the nursing station, the town maintenance workers, the Natural Resources station which employees many seasonal workers such as fire fighters, and other opportunities including logging, commercial fishing, trapping and wild rice harvesting. Community members also generally practice traditional sustenance activities such of trapping and fishing and berry picking, with many people continuing to go to their camps, or traplines, for considerable lengths of time. The community is accessible by gravel road, rail or small plane. Sherridon also has area that is currently under the treaty land entitlement negotiations underway for Mathias Colomb Cree Nation, the nation of Pukatawagan.
Pukatawagan has a population of approximately 2200 people who live in the community, with another 1200 who are part of the band but reside elsewhere. The nation is part of Treaty 6 territory, signed in 1876 (Indigenous and Northern Affairs Canada). It is accessible by rail and plane which the band owns, as well as a seasonal winter road.
The train runs 2-3 times per week, stopping in Sherridon, Cranberry Portage and The Pas.
The Pas is where many people get their stock of groceries, usually once a month. The town has a Northern store that sells groceries, utilities and hardware; a band office; an airport; nursing station; train station; local radio station; schools and a church. The main employers are the band owned Missinippi Construction company, the Northern store, the Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [18]
airport, schools; band office; nursing station and the train station. Many people have camps in surrounding areas and spend great amounts of time there; there is also tourism, a commercial fishing industry and many locally-run stores.
4. Methodology/Theoretical Perspective
In order to conduct an exploratory study with the Indigenous People of Sherridon and Pukatawagan Manitoba, an Indigenous Research Paradigm was chosen. My “strategy of inquiry” (Wilson, 2008, p.40) or methodology includes a qualitative approach utilizing grounded theory, Conversational method (Kovach, 2010), participant observation, and thematic content analysis.
This section will describe first the main aspects of qualitative research followed by the foundation and significance of an Indigenous Research Paradigm (IRP) including its ontological, epistemological, and axiological assumptions. Within this paradigm, I strove to utilize the main principles and values common to this paradigm in the research process: respect, reciprocity, relevance and responsibility. My position as the researcher, important in qualitative research and in IRP is also presented followed by a discussion of the method. I further describe the data gathering procedures including relationship- building, recruitment procedures and my conversational data collection method. Next I explain the data analysis techniques and procedures. Finally I provide an evaluation of the study as well as the ethical considerations.
4.1 Qualitative Research Discussion
First of all, my research falls into the methodological realm of qualitative methodology. This type of methodology was chosen because it is a method that is compatible with an exploratory research aim, in that it allows for the utilization of an Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [19]
interpretive or subjective stance (Seale, 2012). It is also appropriate for exploring voices and experiences which have often been ignored or misrepresented in the past, as well as theorizing inductively (Seale, 2012). A qualitative approach is traditionally contrasted with quantitative methods, which essentially purport to be objective with the aim to test theory or hypothesis through a deductive process (Seale, 2012). Furthermore, qualitative methods allow for rich understandings, important in this micro-level study where the goal is to attain genuine perspectives, while quantitative methods are more concerned with generalizability and reliability (Seale, 2012).
As was highlighted previously, this project is based on an Indigenous Research
Paradigm, and thus the approach chosen needed to be congruent with this paradigm.
First, as noted by Kovach (2009), qualitative research methods are also able to “offer space to Indigenous ways of researching,” (p. 24). One of the main ways these methods are compatible is that they both start from a belief system which assumes the social construction of reality. They further have at their forefront subjective inquiry, rooted in the relationship between the researcher and that what is being studied, such that, “the stories of both the researcher and the research participants are reflected in the meanings being made,” (p. 26). There is also great emphasis placed in reflexivity on the part of the researcher so that biases are being thought about and the researcher consistently situates herself in the research process (Kovach, 2009).
A qualitative methodological approach is also appropriate for my research project because there is room for the exploration of “contextualized realities and acknowledge[- ment of] many truths,” (Kovach, 2009, p.26), thus allowing for the opening up the real lived realities and experiences of those I interacted with. This is in contrast to a Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [20]
quantitative method which is grounded in the positivist philosophy of a single static truth from an objective distance.
4.2 Western Research Paradigm Discussion
As was discussed above, a qualitative approach is appropriate for my research aim in exploring the perspectives of the Indigenous Peoples; however the goal of this project is also to engage in a decolonizing stance which situates Indigenous ways of knowing and
Indigenous epistemology at the forefront. In order to place the significance of this goal in context, a brief overview of the shortcomings of traditional research based on Western paradigms, qualitative or otherwise, are discussed here.
First of all, a research paradigm can be defined as a set of beliefs that shape the research process. More descriptively a paradigm is, “the way that we view reality
(ontology), how we think about or know this reality (epistemology), our ethics and morals (axiology), and how we go about gaining more knowledge about reality
(methodology),” (Wilson, 2008, p. 13).
A Western-based research framework has been criticized by Indigenous researchers such as Goulding, Steels & McGarty, 2015; Kovach, 2009; Louise, 2007;
Weber-Pillwax, 1999; and Wilson, 2008; as one that drives colonialist and imperialist notions of identifying the Other, such as those from a different culture, from a particular ideological framework. Historically, as explained by Denzin, Lincoln & Smith (2008), qualitative research has “serv[ed] as a metaphor for colonial knowledge, for power, and for truth,” (p.4).
Furthermore, through a Western-based lens, there is, as Willis and Saunders (2007) state, a categorizing of the Other in often problematic terms which subsequently, “derives Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [21]
an investigative and classifying apparatus that can only respond to the unknown in terms that further compound both difference and difficulty,” (p. 99). Thus come the further criticisms that misrepresentation of Indigenous beliefs and perspectives have, in many cases, worked to negatively affect the effort of Indigenous Peoples both in Canada and internationally.
4.3 Indigenous Research Paradigm Discussion
In preparation for this project I considered a few different methodologies that aligned with my general first goal of gaining subjective voices of Indigenous Peoples in the communities of Sherridon and Pukatawagan. Upon deeper learning, including what other Indigenous and non-Indigenous scholars have done with similar inquiries, I became more knowledgeable of an opportunity to use a growing de-colonizing methodological approach that resonated with my goal, which is the Indigenous Research Paradigm approach. This approach includes not only the methodology but the underlying belief system from which the project flows. The work of Wilson (2009), Kovach (2008, 2010) and Louis (2007) have particularly inspired me and I have drawn from their work for much of my research process.
Kovach (2010) explains what is meant by Indigenous methodologies as a paradigmatic approach: “In a paradigmatic approach to research, be it Indigenous or otherwise, methods ought to be congruent with the philosophical orientations identified in the research framework to show internal methodological consistency,” (p 41). In other words, an Indigenous research methodology recognizes that all methods start with perspectives, beliefs and assumptions about the world. These assumptions necessarily determine the questions that are being asked, the tools that are used, the analysis, and Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [22]
ways in which findings are disseminated (Wilson, 2008). As explained by Russell-
Mundine (2012), an Indigenous research paradigm “seeks to privilege the voices of
Indigenous peoples by focusing on matters of importance as identified by them and by using the core structures of Aboriginal world-views, recognizing that they are distinct for each group and location,” ( p. 86). This is in contrast to the Western positivist paradigm which as Wihongi (as cited in Willis & Saunders, 2007) argued in the context of the
Maori of New Zealand, non-Indigenous researchers have often been “using scientific and positivist methods, [and] identifying ‘problems’ which they consider exist and then providing solutions based on their own worldviews, “ (p. 2).
An Indigenous Research Paradigm offers an approach for the type of understanding that critical Indigenous researchers have emphasized allow for an opening of borders that traditional Western-based qualitative paradigms have been criticized as not being able to do, one that places Indigenous Peoples, epistemology and beliefs at the forefront. In understanding a paradigmatic approach, it is also beneficial to understand the concepts associated with paradigm, the underlying ontology, epistemology and axiology. The next section briefly describes these concepts in more detail.
4.4 Indigenous Epistemology, Ontology and Axiology
Epistemology delineates the philosophy of knowledge (Seale, 2012). It refers to questions such as ‘how we can know what we know, and whether this knowledge is reliable or not,” (Seale, 2012, p. 567). This goes hand in hand with ontology, making a
‘knowledge belief system’ (Kovach, 2009, p.25). While epistemology is more the ‘social relations’ of knowledge production, ontology deals more with the nature of being and reality (Kovach, 2009). Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [23]
Kovach (2010) defines epistemology as “knowledge nested within the social relations of knowledge production,” (p. 41). Thus while it has knowledge production as central, knowledge production is a social process; that is, it is dependent on the social group employing methods based on their particular worldview.
There has been a dominance of Western epistemology and ontological stances that have long been accepted as the dominant and ‘true’ ways of doing research (Denzin,
Lincoln & Smith, 2008). Specifically, research has been “relegated according to positive epistemologies… [with researchers] pressed to produce technical knowledge that conforms to Western standards of truth and validity,” (Denzin, Lincoln & Smith, 2008, p.
6). Being open to differing epistemologies does not mean to naively question or reject the long-standing so-called scientific or positivist epistemology, but instead to be open to a different way of understanding truth and nature. This is the ontological aspect of epistemology. IRP therefore works to break down assumptions about what counts as knowledge and offers guidance in methods (Kovach, 2012).
In terms of an Indigenous ontological position, just as in epistemology, it is about being aware and open to the Indigenous understanding of reality, understanding that there is not an umbrella term, but specific to groups (Kovach, 2009). For me, understanding and being aware of the long-held belief of one knowledge creation system – epistemology based on a certain ontological stance, such as one espousing the ideology of science as universal truth, allowed me to be constantly reflexive and considerate of alternatives that may arise.
Lastly, axiology, encompasses the ethics or morals that “guide the search for knowledge and judge which information is worthy of searching for” (Wilson, 2008, p. Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [24]
34). Common in Western-based research, knowledge production had been conducted with an axiological stance of knowledge for the sake of knowledge, with the research often not benefiting the communities or people in which it was conducted. Whereas with an Indigenous axiology: “Indigenous research is a tool used for survival, healing and self- determination by “satisfying a need to know and a need to extend the boundaries of existing knowledge through a process of systematic inquiry,” (Kurtz, 2013, p. 2019).
Thus Wilson (2008) stresses that the purpose of research should be to use this power in a way that is positive to those being studied, in a way that produces harmony and works toward positive social change.
Based on these epistemological, ontological and axiological assumptions common to Indigenous methods, I aimed to commit to these values inherent in them, including relational understanding and accountability. I have broadened my perspective to be open to differing worldviews, recognizing that the dominant Western perspective reaches in many aspects of our lives such as through school systems and thus may at least be
‘blended’ in with various Indigenous worldviews. I also take the moral stance of giving the research back to the people, to work toward positive social change and genuine benefits for the people and the communities.
4.5 Indigenous Research Paradigm Principles
Having committed to an Indigenous Research Paradigm, I spent a great amount of time considering how exactly the process would be carried out, such as in data collection and analysis. I reviewed many works of research utilizing an Indigenous methodology from different cultures and contexts: for example in Australia (see Craven, et al., 2016;
Kurtz, 2013; Russell-Mundine, 2012; Willis & Saunders, 2007), New Zealand (see Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [25]
Smith, et al., 2016), the United States (McCubbin, et al., 2013; Simonds & Christopher,
2013), Finland (see Heikkilä, 2016, Tervo & Nikkonen; 2010 & Wrakber & Granqvist,
2014), and Canada (see Marsh, T. N., et al., 2015a; Marsh, T. N., et al., 2015b; Vukic, A., et al., 2016). There has been recognition of the similarities of Indigenous Peoples in countries that were former British Colonies as while they are unique in their landscapes and culture, are similar in many important aspects such as in their connection to the land and their common history of colonialism (Wilson, 2008). What I found, as many other researchers have stated, is that while there does not exist an agreed upon framework similar to other established qualitative methodologies, there are common principles and values which guide the paradigmatic process. These are: the acceptance of a non- structured, fluid methodology; willingness to be reflexive; relationship-building and relational accountability; and respect and reciprocity. In the design of my research project, I reflected on these principles and the ways they would be utilized to further the
Indigenous People’s goals of self-determination, positive action, and genuine understanding while being in accord with Indigenous epistemological beliefs.
Unlike Western positivist methods, Indigenous methodology is not structured and linear, but rather fluid, changing and contextual (Wilson, 2008). Less focus on structure is important because greater structure “provides less flexibility and power the research participant has in sharing his or her story… through this less-structured method, the story breathes and the narrator regulates,” (p. 99). The non-linearity can be understood when the diversity of the communities are realized, including the distinct culture, history and landscapes, and highlights the necessity of being immersed in the community. What also stems from the ‘un-structured’ form of the methodology is the emphasis on the Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [26]
relationships between researcher and those being ‘researched’ as well as the form in which information is being given. For example Goulding (2015), et al., states “… the sharing of stories and experiences – a method that encourages a more balanced relationship [is common]… the two-way flow of information inherent in this type of research reduces the power differential between researcher and participant… this approach essentially requires that the researchers adopt the position of ‘learners’ in recognition of the participants capacity to teach them about communication” (p. 790).
The theme of reflexivity is also paramount. As Kovach (2009) describes,
“reflexivity is the researcher’s own self-reflection in the meaning-making process… it requires an awareness of the self in creating knowledge” (p. 32). Kovach emphasizes that the main impetus for self-examination is to identify biases, such as that which could influence question, direction and analysis. In her own reflexivity regarding working with
Indigenous peoples of Australia, Russell-Mundine (2012) states: “Like all of us, I bring to my work interpretations and analysis based on my world-view. I make decisions both consciously and unconsciously about what I choose to see, live and experience based on what resonates with my values, beliefs and interests. I interpret the evidence through the lens of my multiple identities,” (p. 86). Hence, this was a large part of my methodology:
I continuously questioned my thought patterns and took time to both choose my choice of words and to recognize the many ways in which words or a discussion flow can be perceived.
Relationship-building and relational accountability is also a common theme and a principle I used. As explained by Louis (2007), relational accountability describes “the concept that Indigenous peoples share about their dependence on everything and Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [27]
everyone around them… it implies that all parts of the research process are related, from inspiration to expiration, and that the researcher is not just responsible for nurturing and maintaining this relationship but is also accountable to ‘all your relations’,” (p. 133). For me, many of my relations existed long before inspiration for this project started developing throughout my graduate project. In fact, I can say I knew I wanted to contribute to my community long before that as well, when I first started learning about the academic, or statistical side of Indigenous issues in Canada and the world. I feel that relational accountability is innate because of the connection I have to the people, to the communities and to the land. Wilson (2008) emphasizes that an important part of
Indigenous research is the building of relationships with family and friends to gain contacts with participants as it works to further strengthen your relations by enforcing accountability to this growing circle of people. A key relation in that greatly contributed for me being able to establish relationships was a long-time friend of who lived in both communities and has many family connections in Pukatawagan. She stayed with me during my visit in Pukatawagon and we both participated in activities including a boat ride, blueberry picking, going for walks, cooking around a campfire and visiting with tea and duck soup. I owe her a great deal of gratitude as she not only connected me with a range of wonderful people but she participated in conversations and at times probed for opinions and elaboration on certain discussions that she, having spent much of her childhood growing up in the town, would have had a different perspective not available to me. In this sense, the label research co-constructor can be applied to her.
Indigenous methodology also strongly emphasizes reciprocity and respect as part of the process. Being respectful of the people and their customs and views for example is Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [28]
essential in relationship-building as well as in the means of communication. For example
Kovach (2009) states there must be a holistic journey of both parties and that it can never be a “smash and grab approach to seeking knowledge” (p. 99). Reciprocity ties into this with the notion of giving back to the community in which the research had taken place.
As Goulding et al. (2016) emphasizes research is powerful and it is paramount to use it as a tool for positive social change.
I practiced respect in the many times I visited by being cognizant of my mannerisms, such that I tried not to over-explain my views, but was mindful of the back and forth giving and taking in a conversation. I mainly aimed to be a listener and a learner of the community life and Indigenous knowledge. Under the realm of reciprocity,
I also brought a gift for everyone that I visited and spoke with. Consistent with Cree custom, I offered most people tobacco, I also picked many blueberries as it was blueberry picking season and offered them to many of the people. I also brought with me a few bags of flour to give to the people I visited as staples such as that are always needed following the advice of my friend who accompanied me to Pukatawagon.
Reciprocity also involves ensuring your research means something to the people and community who are participating. I plan on visiting the people very soon after completion of this project and showing them the project in person, as well as presenting it to members of the town council in Sherridon and band council in Pukatawagan. I also will present at an Indigenous conference, and will publish in Athabasca’s Digital Thesis library where I hope the voices and perspectives that I garnered will contribute to policy at different levels on a larger scale. I also hope this contribution will affect the larger aim of Indigenous self-determination by way of my personal journey through being a part of Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [29]
the Indigenous paradigmatic approach to researching.
These main components of Indigenous methodology, especially the consideration of the worldview, the contextual and non-structured ‘interview’, or conversation-style of inquiry, reflexivity, respect, relationship-building, and reciprocity have all been utilized in this research project.
4.6 Positioning Myself as Researcher
Important in Indigenous Research Paradigm is locating oneself in relation to the research. For example, as Lavalée (2009) explains, Indigenous research is subjective, and the researcher’s point of view necessarily affects the research:
Individuals conducting the research are necessarily connected to the individuals
being researched, and all are connected to all other living things. Emotions are
connected to all mental process. Every time we think, use reason, and figure,
emotion is tied to that process; therefore, it is impossible to be free of emotion and
subjectivity in research, (p.23).
Therefore I will offer my background here briefly to demonstrate the view from which this research project is taken.
My great grandfather on my mother’s side came from Belgium and my great grandmother was from the Cree nation in the area of Young’s Point in Northern
Manitoba. My mother’s paternal side included Ukrainian origin. On my father’s side I know less, as I never knew him; he passed away when I was young and he was adopted.
From what I have learned over the years, his ancestors originate from France and the
Saulteaux nation of southern Manitoba.
Growing up I was more influenced by my mother’s matrilineal side of the family as Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [30]
my grandmother and many of her children, my aunts and uncles, also lived in Sherridon. I was born in Winnipeg but my mom and brother and I moved to Sherridon Manitoba when I was 5, so in describing my childhood I say that I am from and ‘I grew up’ there as that is the only place I remember. My mom also grew up there and her mother lived there for most of her life. I was surrounded by many relatives on my grandmother’s side in the small town of 150 people, give or take over the years and so understand the common situation of many rural northern community members of close knit family and community life. My grandma and grandpa were big parts of my life growing up, with me and my brother often staying at their house, visiting and them speaking both Cree and
English to me.
The town was and still is a mix of Status Indian, or non-Status Native, Métis, and people of European descent. One of the most significant characteristics of this town that
I believe is important in shaping my frame of reference is this mix of close knit friends that I had from a young age. It did not know it at the time but it is remarkable the range of backgrounds, for instance one of my best friends was a status Indian with a European father and Saulteaux mother who spent lots of time in her mother’s reserve in Southern
Manitoba as well as in the suburbs of her father’s family home in Vancouver. Another best friend had grown up until seven years of age at her family’s trapline before her mother moved to Sherridon and registered her for school. Another one was the daughter of a women whose roots were from the area but had been removed during the infamous
‘60’s scoop’ and had returned to reunite with her family later in life. My two other close friends were status Indian, but I suppose who looked ‘Métis, and whose family spent much time in the trapline, often going for the entire summer with their parents to fish, Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [31]
trap, rice and harvest berries and hunt. My other best friends (I consider everyone I grew up with my best friend, at least at some point during my childhood, thus demonstrating the closeness of the community), came from challenging situations such as single mother households or adopted parents for whom, I later knew, had roots of intergenerational trauma likely connected to residential schools and/or cultural displacement and thus lost much of their cultural knowledge.
I also believe my family’s personal situation is significant for my frame of reference as my mom was with a Cree man for most of my childhood and who, understandably became a big part of me and my family’s life. From this union as well, came my two-half brothers. I did not know at the time, but the cultural activities that we were a part of, in large part by being a part of his family activities and traditions such as with his sister, cousins and mother, from getting to go the trapline, to hunting and trapping, camping, making a dog team, and always having wild food, had a profound impact on my life.
These activities of course were considered ‘normal’, but now, from this new frame of reference, I consider them extremely valuable. I recount this because I find it interesting that these activities were commonplace and ordinary at the time, but now as an adult, living in the city for over a decade and being educated from the ‘Western’ point of view,
I have had the opportunity to re-evaluate the extraordinary lifestyle that I was a part of.
Labels and cultural concepts did not get attached to my experiences until leaving the community and ‘viewing’ through the eyes of those in places such as Flin Flon and
Winnipeg. I succumbed to societal ideals of ‘normal’. Reflecting back, I now realize this changed my thinking in a sort of cognitive imperialist fashion. This began my journey of finding ways to ‘fit in’ and be more like the Western ideal way to think, act and be. Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [32]
Statistics and the narrative of the disadvantaged Native person also did not enter my narrative until higher education and most likely mainstream media. Later on, I would learn that our First Nations communities in Canada had conditions that were equal to
Third World Countries. Many other ‘statistics’ had great effects on my thinking, for example that the suicide rate for Indigenous People was the highest in the world at one point (1994), higher than any other distinct group of people (Kirmayer, 1994); this greatly saddened me.
It wasn’t until I was well into my Masters program that I delved deeper in the foundations of our assumptions and basis of our knowledge production, such as through our education systems, and social and political systems, among others. Looking into some of the foundational thinkers and their assumptions opened up new modes of thinking for me. It is in learning to question frameworks that led me to eventually choose an Indigenous Research Paradigm for my research project, which allows for the opening up of alternative understandings of reality and experience, especially by the non- dominant group.
By this time, I had also re-connected my community after having been gone for a few years and made it an annual summer tradition to go and spend up to a month there, visiting, fishing, picking blueberries and just being in the bush. Upon reflecting, I realized that understanding history from differing views, the power of social circumstances and culture was very enlightening to me as it provided various lenses for which to view the circumstances of the community and peoples’ lives as well as my own life.
My experiences and relations in the town of Sherridon were mostly positive and Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [33]
memorable. Although I was aware of issues such as alcoholism growing up, I believe that the emphasis on negativity consumes the mainstream narrative that we have of northern communities and Indigenous Peoples and thus brings it to the forefront of our minds and consequently frames how we view people. This is why I made a point to focus on strengths and positive stories in this project as well as issues of concern. My research project can help to bring a different perspective, through engaging and talk directly with the people who actually live in these communities and the good that they perceive.
4.7 Data Collection: ‘Conversational Method’
My data collection method falls into the realm of qualitative interviewing using an open-ended, semi-structured technique. More specifically, in keeping with an Indigenous
Research Paradigm, I found great value in employing Kovach’s (2010) Conversational method. In general, open-ended interviewing is known for gaining subjective responses and accessing attitudes and values and is able to achieve depth and complexity of responses (Seale, 2012). It is further useful for sensitive issues or possible emotional- laden topic which may arise.
Kovach (2010) emphasizes that a conversational method offers congruency with
IRP because of its relational aspect as well as the belief of knowledge creation, or epistemology, being based on ‘self-in-relation’. She further explains that this relational aspect is central to the epistemology, the way in which knowledge is acquired, whereas in
Western paradigm, this is viewed as bias and thus not as reliable or as producing low quality research (2010). While there are conversational methods found in Western paradigmatic methods, this particular method situated within an IRP has several particular characteristics. A few key ones that I utilized include: being linked to a Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [34]
particular tribal epistemology, being relational, being purposeful; being informal and flexible, and being collaborative, dialogic and reflexive (Kovach, 2010). It is with these characteristics of Kovach’s description of a conversational method and IRP’s principles that I designed in my data collection method.
My pre-research preparation began to start taking shape about a year before my interviews began. I began slowly mentioning my intention to talk with people I knew in
Sherridon for school purposes in my trip to Sherridon in the summer of 2015. I did not have a clear research question in mind; I just knew I wanted honest perspectives of the people and I let many people know beforehand that I had an idea for a project pertaining to that. I also conversed regularly with my friend who would be accompanying me to
Pukatawagan and introducing me to her family and friends so she might, if she felt it was right, let people she knew of our visit and purpose. It was very exciting to plan our trip to
Pukatawagan and we talked a lot about it.
I drove down to Sherridon from Calgary in August 2016. I arranged to stay a little bit of the time at my aunt’s house, a friend’s house and at the local campground with family and friends. I had planned to stay in Sherridon for 10 days before my trip on the train to meet up with my friend in Pukatawagan for five days. Then I would return to
Sherridon for another week before driving back to Calgary. I did not have a formal schedule in mind on how many people or the duration to talk with them, only a base group that I would visit first and an intention to be open to opportunities. Having an informal, conversational method in mind, I also did not have a series of questions to be asked; only guiding questions should they be needed. I began simply with an intention to explain that I was doing a research project to gain perspectives of the people in the two Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [35]
communities. I explained that throughout my schooling I learned a lot about Indigenous issues, but that the statistics and recommendations seem to be framed in a generalized way and I didn’t ‘hear’ the voices of the people, especially in the context of what I had experienced growing up.
When the time was appropriate, upon meeting most of the participants, I presented the ethics and consent form. I explained that my University required me to ensure participation is voluntary and that I had permission to record the conversations. Everyone who I presented the form to signed it after my explanation and I left them with the research purpose section to read further in their own time. This was one part of the process that I felt was the most uncomfortable as it felt too formal and lengthy. I did accept verbal consent with three participants as in two cases I did not have the form with me and the third I spoke with on the phone after my journey back to Calgary.
I had an idea of where I wanted to start after ‘catching up’ and a comfortable atmosphere developed. I tended to start with asking where they grew up or where their family was from. I strategized that important topics or issues would flow led by the participant, given my introduction, and this would enable them to lead the conversation on what matters to them about their communities or personal lives. I was aware of other researcher’s methods of taking a decolonizing approach in their interviews, or
‘conversations’ and the importance of being mindful of wording, especially at it pertained to Western or ‘academic’ terms such as ‘the economy’. I found that while most of the conversations flowed very well, there were a few cases in which the person seemed unsure of what to talk about. In those cases I used my core guiding questions, including asking what is good or what they enjoy about living there, what could be improved on, Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [36]
and using prior conversations to build on what had been mentioned. An example being if there was an impasse, I would suggest, ‘this person mentioned their grandparents still take them out to camp, do you or your family go out in the bush often?’ The response elicited a feeling that I gained from how they talked about the pleasurable activities they did or how they talked with pride of what their family does.
When posing direct questions that came to me during the conversation flow, I took note of the importance of question framing (Seale 2012), in that I did not want to frame a question in a way in which elicited a particular response. For example, I used knowledge from my literature review of the common assumption regarding the importance of economic indicators as foremost in well-being studies and was mindful of falling into that same frame of reference. I tried to stay away from dominant narratives, keeping in mind there may be topic areas that based on underlying assumptions for what people expected I wanted to hear. For example, I got the impression that a few people assumed that I wanted to learn of their cultural or political opinions because this is an ‘educational’ study. In those cases, I tried to give back to the conversation by sharing my personal stories of the things I recalled growing up in an effort to make it known that any area is valuable.
Most of the conversations took place in the context of the participant’s home while drinking tea, most often wild mint tea as it was being harvesting at the time. About a quarter of the conversations I had were one on one and the rest were with at least two people. For example there were three husbands and wives sitting together; one mother and daughter; two cousins, and an aunt and a niece.
If it wasn’t really obvious, near the end of conversations, I probed to ask about the Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [37]
positive aspects in their life or of the community. In doing this, I was keeping with an
Indigenous Research Paradigmatic approach to foster positive social change, in purposely focusing on the positive views that people have of their community and life. On the other side, I also probed areas that people felt could be improved upon. This is congruent with the principle of reciprocity, for the research to be beneficial to the participants by gaining their perspectives of areas for improvement.
As was mentioned I used grounded theory for data organization and analysis and thus kept notes and topic organization throughout my conversations with people and during the duration of my entire visit in Northern Manitoba. I built on the topics or ideas that came up from one person or group through probing with the next person interviewed on the topic discussed. For example, a main theme was lack of quality education for the children and so I would build on it with the next person asking, ‘this person mentioned they would move to the city only for their kids schooling, what do you think?’
I conducted conversations for the purpose of my research project with a total of twenty-two people. Ten of these participants lived in Pukatawagan; ten lived in
Sherridon; and two didn’t live in either community at the moment but had spent their whole lives until very recently living in both communities. Five participants fell into the age category of thirty years old and below; fourteen in the category of thirty to fifty years old; and three in the age category of fifty and above. I spoke with a total of eighteen women and five men. I purposely tried to access a range of ages and a balance of genders, but based on many things such as context circumstances, relations and connections provided by my friend from Pukatawagan, I ended up speaking were with those in the middle age group and a lot more women. This worked out fine with me as Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [38]
the perspectives were rich and I learned a lot.
4.8 Data Analysis
I used a grounded theory approach in data organization to analysis and interpret the conversations, working from the ground up to bring together themes. Upon completion of my trip to the two communities and return to Calgary, I worked on transcribing the recorded conversations. I quickly became aware that much of the conversation content, true to informal and give and take conversational method, consisted of such things as pleasantries, my background, jokes and topics related to family and friend connections. I thus decided to not transcribe every part of the conversation but to listen to the recordings a few times to gain a sense of common themes. I also used my notes taken during the trips for reference and to recall context and thoughts at the moment. I further used memoing upon listening to the recordings and this worked well in breaking up the recorded conversations into parts that I felt were valuable. I mainly began transcribing key conversation ‘moments’ into the broad themes that were taking shape. I then re-read the transcribed contents at various conjunctions and re-listened to the recordings until I was sure I did not miss anything. I did a lot of reflecting back on what I was doing at the time of the talk and referring to my notebook that I carried with me. I also started reflecting on the observations I had of the community and the people I spoke with, such as their mannerisms, the activities I saw people doing, the look of the communities and worked to incorporate these into my findings. I also followed up with people who I spoke with to discuss the words and quotations I used to ensure I received the meaning they intended.
I utilized thematic content analysis as a way to handle the data. This technique is Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [39]
described as focusing on “what a phenomenon, event or social integration ‘looks like’ to the individuals of interest (their lived experience),” (Seale, 2012, p 367). This method of data handling is compatible with Indigenous Research Paradigm as it places at the forefront the perspectives of the participants and their lived experiences. I also believe it is beneficial for this type of exploratory study in which a broad themes rather than a detailed analysis are preferred to gain insights.
4.9 Ethical Considerations
Throughout this study I ensured the study conformed to the guidelines of the
Athabasca University Research Ethics Review Committee and ‘Conducting Research with Aboriginal Peoples’ guidelines. I was aware that emotional topics would arise pertaining to residential school for example and ensured that those did not have to be disclosed and in those cases in which I did hear cases I took care to be empathetic and to offer a break by interjecting with a personal story of mine if it was appropriate.
As many of the conversations were recorded, I ensured that I had a password protected device on my iphone, which was put in place both for the recording app and to unlock the phone as well. I also made sure to inform each participant that I would be the only one hearing the conversations as it was a way to provide context and to ensure I did not forget the words.
I was also aware of the legacy of colonizing research and the manner in which data was collected in the past, mainly as a ‘take’ process. Therefore I took great care in developing relations, building on my relationships, and assuring everyone that their discussions with me are voluntary. I also offered gifts of tobacco, blueberries and flour to most of the people I visited, a sign of respect for their sharing and an important aspect Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [40]
of Cree cultural practice.
5. Findings
I arranged what emerged in the conversations by the sections of first the positive aspects and second the challenges, or areas for improvement. First the strengths or positive aspects were mainly related to the pride in youth on their cultural continuation such as the retaining of the Cree language and many of the cultural traditions such as going out to camps, or traplines as a family. The community strengths included descriptions and stories of what is loved about life in the communities including, connectedness, community relations, freedom, peace and love of the bush life. What arose as the main issues for improvements by the majority of the respondents were the two dominant themes of which I labeled, ‘concern for youth’ and ‘governance and development’ issues. Included in this section are also minor themes that emerged including issues with alcohol and drugs, residential school issues and the theme of re- learning and revival of culture and traditions.
Each theme is described in greater detail using the direct voices of the people from the conversations to retain the integrity of the data. This section is organized starting with the strength themes of youth cultural continuation, followed by what is loved about life in the communities. The next section concerns the themes that arose under ‘areas for improvement’ starting with youth distress, governance and development issues, and the minor themes of alcohol and drugs, residential school experiences, and re- learning and revival of culture and traditions.
5.1 Community Strengths - Youth Cultural Continuation
Under the broad theme of youth, on the strengths side, many people spoke of Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [41]
instances pertaining to cultural continuation such as pride in the ability of their youth in speaking and understanding Cree and the traditions they carry on associated with hunting and sharing wild food.
While the theme of youth distress did arise, there were also many positive instances of youth both of which I observed and were spoken about in my conversations with different families. For instance during my visit with one family with four of us sitting around the table and one of the grandkids playing nearby, I noticed the grandma asking the small boy questions in Cree every now and then. I observed: “he understands well hey?” The grandma replied yes and her daughter said that all the grandkids do, which they later counted to let me know how many; there were close to 50.
I spent the day with another family where we went to a place by the lake to have a fire and pluck ducks and have a wiener roast. Two of the young kids noticed an eagle fly away from a tree and went to look for eagle feathers; they ended up giving me a small white one. All the kids participated in plucking the ducks and watched on as they were gutted and cleaned by their mom and other extended family. The mom also spoke Cree to them all the time, jumping back and forth to Cree and English constantly. The kids were full of energy and seemed very excited to talk and show me things. One boy spoke excitedly that he wanted to get his picture on their family’s ‘wall of fame’. This is a display of pictures of each family member who had shot a moose and was posing with it.
After returning to their house for supper (duck soup) we had conversations about a few different things. She relayed a story of her experience with her friends and family going commercial fishing and one young boy was told in Cree to clean his nose and he misunderstood and thought he was told to throw the fish back in the water so he started Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [42]
throwing the suckers back in the water. She then stated: “so that is why it is good for parents to speak Cree to their kids on every little thing, cause that’s where they get lost when their growing up without hearing it.” I offered: “so if they were to move, to Flin
Flon maybe, it’d probably be harder to learn or to keep it?” She continued: “Ya, that’s where everyone loses their Cree when they go live out there,” She further said: “for me,
I would take my kids out there just to go to school and come back.”
In a conversation with a woman in her twenties who is a mother with two small children, she relayed that she was brought up with good values by her parents. She went to their camp in Burntwood every summer until she was 12. She spoke Cree and said she would teach her kids the language as well as the values and traditions that she was taught, emphasizing the good memories.
In another conversation with a mother in her forties, she spoke of her young son going duck hunting and that he had just come back from giving away a few to a neighbor, she described how she teaches him not to ask for anything, such as money. Another younger family member agreed, “My mom raised us to help others and don’t expect anything in return… ‘you don’t ask for anything’ she would say…” The first family member offered the idea that maybe they should teach those values in school, such as those who aren’t exposed as much: “maybe take the kids who are well behaved out in the bush and teach them”.
A couple from Sherridon spoke fondly of their son who they say, loved fishing and hunting from a very young age, often skipping school if there was a chance he could be out on the lake. His parent described him as gaining a hard work ethic from keeping busy learning the ‘bush’ ways from a young age and thus is looked at favorably as a person to Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [43]
employ. They proudly expressed that others say positive things about his cultural knowledge and work ethic.
A man in his forties described the boat ride trip he had with his cousin, a boy of about fifteen, to their family’s trapline in Burntwood, which is about 30 km away and 7 hours by boat and through many narrows. He relayed that they had to stop because of a thunderstorm and park on an island, and described his surprise when they went on their way again and it was in the opposite direction that he assumed they had to go and that he was completely lost and grateful that he was with someone so knowledgeable, he stated:
“There’s a confidence you feel when you’re with someone who knows what they’re doing out there [in the bush]”.
5.12 Community Strengths - Perspectives of Life and Community
Arising out of many of my conversations, the theme of family connectedness, peace in their communities and love of the bush life arose as dominant themes for what people love about living in their communities. It was clear speaking with many people, in their descriptions of what they enjoy doing, which were mainly all sorts of outdoor activities that their parents and grandparents used to do. I also got to observe and participate in many activities that people offered, such as going for a boat ride, going for a walk up Puk Mountain, cooking over the fire and being invited for bannock and tea at people’s homes in both communities.
In a conversation with one couple from Sherridon, they relayed that they would only move if they had to, such as for health reasons, and expressed because: “Here there is no trouble, quiet, no really bad stuff… and people like doing stuff, going out in the bush… out in the lake”. Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [44]
Another woman in her thirties who had lived in larger urban areas for more than five years off and on reported: “here it is different every day, in the city it is the robotic life – work, work, and work – people need to money to do things (entertainment) – even if they can’t afford to”.
Other people spoke of their experiences when they would leave for a while to go visit relatives in larger urban areas, thus allow them to express what they missed when leaving home. For example one women said, “I can only last so long in the city,” and she went on to explain her appreciation for returning home, describing how she can go down to the lake to watch the sunset or go for nature walks right outside her door.
Another male in his thirties described going to The Pas, a community of approximately 5500 people, and how he felt: “I’m one of those bushed out Indians, I swear, I went to The Pas, haven’t been there in years, I went into culture shock because everything was so different… I had to go run to the bridge to look at the open water and the trees and breathe”. I inquired: “what was it that got to you?” He replied: “It was the concrete, everything comes in on you, the hustle and bustle, I’m used to this… [points to the gravel road where we were walking, the lake within eyesight, trees, rocks in the background, and houses scattered around]… people were swearing, kids crying, mom yelling… all that…”
Upon my further inquiry about what are the best things he likes about living in the community of Pukatawagan, he replied: “The best thing about living out in Puk is you’re able to do anything you want no matter what the season is… cause it’s not just any one thing,…cause I was going to say, my one time that I get to jump into the lake, cause I make it a rule, to at least jump into the lake once… like what we’re doing now, having a Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [45]
conversation in the bush at the beginning of fall…” I inquired further what exactly he meant be that, he said “well you can’t go have a fish fry in the middle of Main Street
[referring to Flin Flon]!” Emphasizing his land-based point of view.
Two women in their fifties spoke at length of their upbringing in the areas, as they lived in camps near the two communities. They expressed how they enjoy being at back home even though one lives away now and one travels for her teaching because of their memories. One lady recalled:
“Mom would be happy when dad [with the brothers] come back from hunting,
setting snares after few days with lots of fox, beaver, lynx… we would line them
all up, mom and dad start skinning, dry them, stretch them for awhile… Saturday
and Sundays were holidays, we would sit down and dad would tell us stories,
sometimes about Weetigo… We made everything, birch canoe, snowshoes…
moccasins with moose hide and use rabbit fur or beaver for the inside to keep
warm…it was hard… we used to have to walk 3 days from camp to town
[Sherridon]… dad would make shelter, we’d hear the wolves, [the younger
brother] would be on the dog-sled with the supplies and we’d all walk…
Me: “Did you ever feel lonely at camp because there wasn’t anybody else very close by?”
She replied: “It didn’t feel that way, as long as I had mom and dad”.
She emphasized that she would like to go visit at the place she grew up soon and bring her children.
Another lady in her fifties also recalled the time living with her family in their cabin close to the two communities before she went to residential school: “We had pet bear cubs, crow, rabbit, squirrel… that’s why my mom said we were so rich back then, we had Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [46]
everything”. Both ladies live and visit the communities often and clearly expressed a deep connection.
A man in his fifties who works as a guide emphasized that he likes everything about living in the community, upon further inquiry by me, he listed all the activities he does outdoors especially fishing, and his wife interjected: “he’s a wilderness man, enjoys everything, even fishing, even though he does that for work”.
In another conversation with a woman in her forties she spoke of her trips on the train she often takes to visit her family and stated: – “I wouldn’t move... I get lonely in
The Pas if I go for awhile”.
A woman in her forties described what she like about living in the community of
Sherridon and that she thinks she would never move away: “I feel freer, there is way more I can do, more than in the city, in the north, it’s a different kind of hustle and bustle.”
Another woman in her thirties relayed: “There is beauty here, peaceful, slow- paced, the chance to learn about my culture… many things to do… lots of family support”
A woman in her thirties who had lived in both communities stated: “I feel like there’s a lot of good that can be done in each of these communities and there’s a lot of good people that still have the values…”
5.2 Areas for Improvement
This next section is where I arranged the challenges that people spoke of, what I called areas for improvement.
5.21 Concern for Youth Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [47]
The broad theme of ‘Concern for Youth’ for both children and young adults was brought up as an issue in differing contexts by the vast majority of the respondents. From this category, there are two sub-themes that were presented including; lessening
(mainstream) educational attainment, and broad distress concerns including violence associated distress such as gang activity and the loss of values and cultural traditions such as respect for the elders.
5.211 Perspective of Lower Education Quality
Many people expressed concern that the education system was not as good as those found out of the reserve, in neighboring towns for example. A greater number of people expressing this concern were from Pukatawagan. One respondent, in the context of a conversation with a couple in their home, speculated on the topic of possibly moving away. They expressed that they like the community for the family support and familiarity but, as one women, both a mother and grandmother stated: “If I had the chance to move,
I’d move, because I want to take my kids to have an education, when we first moved in
2002 to The Pas, my kids were tested, they were higher in Puk, but two grades lower over there.” Another family described that they too liked very much living in Pukatawagan, but that they “would move somewhere for my kids education, but would want to stay
[here] if education was better”.
There was also a sense of the importance of education. For example one respondent spoke passionately regarding the next generation: “we have nothing today, we have to give freedom to the next generation, we got to pass it on to them, if we don’t have education, we’re going down, because no one will be a leader… me, not enough education, all these jobs I had… not enough.” The same respondent spoke of his life Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [48]
growing up on the trapline and all the things he learned such as hunting and trapping and living off the land, and stated: “Now we need education to do something – but not a lot of us have that because we were raised on the trapline, there’s lots of us…don’t have much education, but lots of trapping!” This respondent further stated that he wanted his kids to learn English and French, not Cree, because he saw how it was as a young person, leaving the reserve and the difficulty of communicating with other people.
Another respondent discussed with me and another family member the quality of education in Pukatawagan, she expressed that it was good and there were cultural teachings, such as elders taking the kids out to show them things such as birch bark basket making but that it “has to be meaningfully taught, genuine, not only because you are paid”. Her words give the sense that the traditional way of teaching would be more effective.
In another conversation I had with a mother, she described the things she enjoys doing in the community, which was going out to her camp in the summer mainly. I asked if she would ever consider moving to another community. She replied: “maybe, just maybe, I was just thinking about it…so they can go have their education, cause they’re not getting a good education in here, like it’s slow…”
5.212 Youth Distress Issues
Many people spoke of the youth next generation in concerning terms. For example participants in Pukatawagan spoke of the gangs that emerged in the neighborhoods and how sometimes it’s scary to walk out at night because of fear of being jumped. Many people gave instances of someone they knew that had got attacked and badly hurt recently. In Sherridon people voiced concerns that many kids don’t care to attend school Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [49]
consistently. From both communities there was a sense that youth were misguided or heading in a wrong direction such as not knowing where to invest their energy. For example, one respondent described that many of the youth were really into being on their phones: “4 or 5 kids sit there all day, even the parents, they lose out on being in the bush.”
An elder who has cared for many foster kids as well as has many children and grandchildren said she noticed a difference in the youth in terms of the respect they had toward their elders and their attitudes to help out around the house. In speaking with her and other family members they described the youth that had been cared for by them:
“they’ll get mad even if you tell them to wash the dishes, it’s not hard to wash the dishes
I’ll tell her… she’ll get mad”. Then the conversation with another family member went as follows: “We had it rough, they (younger generation) think it’s pretty easy for them, like growing up…They don’t think how we were brought up… it’s easy for them… they don’t respect the adults and how they were brought up and what they are trying to teach them…”
Another family member interjected: “they’re lazy”
I offered: “Ya... it (referring to changing of times) changed really quick, maybe that’s part of it?”
The first respondent continued: “Ya they’re lazy they don’t even want to wash their own clothes, they’ll just drop them where the washing machine is… and it’s so easy to turn the washing machine on and put your clothes inside, they don’t even do that…ya… even the older kids.”
I asked: “I wonder what is...why, when did they stop learning about that [referring Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [50]
to helping out in chores]?”
The second family member replied: “It’s all what’s against their ear [demonstrating holding a phone]... The TV…”
Me: “ya the TV, the new technology came in quick and they just care about that too much maybe.”
First family member: “Ya, that’s when it spread.”
Second family member: “Ya, that’s what they care about.”
The first family member further stated: “Ya now they won’t even listen to you, if you want to tell them something they won’t even listen to you, just turn around and walk out.”
Me: “They don’t want to hear it?”
Family member: “Yah, [imitating] ‘I don’t want to hear it’… they think we’re lecturing them but we don’t.”
A different family member interjected: “they don’t understand you’re trying to help, to teach them good values…” She went on to offer: “ just throw them out if they get you mad… but I guess it’s hard to here, because there’s not enough housing… here it’s hard, you have to live with somebody.”
I agreed: “Ya in the winter can’t just do that, where you gonna go?”
Another participant in her early thirty’s described her family’s experience:
“Me, I was brought up with discipline, respect for elders, my mom would say ‘go and help your granny, help your elders’… haul water in winter, finish chores… even
10pm you have to do it, you have to find a water hole… hang the pail outside – my hands were frozen”. Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [51]
She further described her younger sibling’s attitudes and experience during a conversation of youth attitudes in the community: “I have a younger sister, she’s a teenager, um, she had that attitude too, she got mad at my mom when she asked her to wash the dishes, and she always wants everything, a cell phone, money, everything… “
Another family agreed: “Ya, that’s what they say, everything…”
I offered: “entitlement?”
The first respondent replied: “Ya they feel entitled, like you need to give it to them, and I always tell her, well no you gotta earn it, you gotta do some chores, you gotta earn it, get a job and buy it yourself…”
I brought to the respondent’s attention, whom I knew since childhood: “Claire*, you had a different upbringing, because you’re like almost 15 years older, so your mom and your granny had more of an influence on you living out here, and she didn’t have all of that right?”
She responded, “Ya, no she didn’t…”
Another participant in her fifties offered her input concerning youth describing the apparent differences between her generation and the current: “this generation say ‘I don’t have anything’… they are not sharing… we used to share, kill a moose, even fish –
I don’t sell them, I always give to elders… this generation, they don’t go to camps, they’ll go for a ride and want to go back home, they don’t even know how to fish.”
Another conversation with man in his forties stated that parenting skills are needed. There is a sense of loss of knowledge transfer that occurred from generation to generation that is contributing to the kids skipping out on school or not helping out for example. Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [52]
Another woman in her forties stated: “Parenting skills are needed, they have a lack of discipline, [parents trying to be a] friend to the kids…In the olden days there was respect, the values are gone…”
Another participant and I were having a conversation about youth and she offered her insight: “What you learn at home, you take out into the world, into the community… the way these kids are is because of the parents.”
A man in his forties spoke of the issues with youth in the community as being one of the biggest concerns from his perspective. He relayed how he thought it stemmed from the young parents: “some of them have very little to no parental skills, and I find these are the ones getting drunk on family allowance... and you know children are struggling to eat and realize what their parents are doing, and they’re a burden and you know they lash out.”
I inquired for his perspective on what he thought the cause of parents doing that, he stated: “That’s where the whole residential school problem is with these kids, because
I’d say it’s been about 2-3 generations now… loss of family values.”
A few people spoke directly of mental stress and mentioned suicide attempts in the community of Pukatawagan. One woman in her thirties directly said: “There are lots of
Mental Health issues, attempted suicides.”
The same topic came up with another woman in her twenties who stated: “even my little sister talks about it, I don’t know what’s wrong with her.”
The topic came up again with a couple in their fifties:
Me: “I wonder why suicide attempts?”
A family member, man in his fifties replied: “Because they do drugs, feel Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [53]
different, like a choke, get hurt, can’t go anywhere, get frustrated…. because of that train… forget it, I’ll just die” emphasizing the isolation of the community especially in the summer when the limited running train is the only main accessible mode out of the community by most people.
A women in her twenties who had grown up in Pukatawagan spoke at length of her observations of the youth, she stated the school is not how it was when she was growing up, the kids are being more disrespectful and in general stated: “Puk is not the same anymore… the violence went up more, just everything, people are just fighting one another, little crap*y gangs around here… the girls getting pregnant, they think it’s so easy, that’s all they see… my dad talks about it all the time…”
A man in his forties brought up the gangs as well and his reasoning for where they came from: “Some of them boredom… feels better to belong to a group… I would also say a lot didn’t get to go out [to camp], some lucky enough to go out, I think there’s a lot less doing stuff, some have no opportunity to go out on the boat.”
Another man in his forties also spoke to the issue of gangs, he relayed: “some of our youth go into the system [juvenile detention or jail] and end up back here and bring things they learn out there.”
Two women in their fifties and a woman in her twenties all expressed fear of the increasing violence of youth gangs in the neighborhoods, with one saying: “my nephew was attacked just last week,” and “my brother was jumped, and another guy was stabbed!”
Many people had suggestions that something for the youth to do is what is needed.
One parent said recreational activities for the youth and the young adults would be a good Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [54]
idea. A woman in her thirties emphasized that elder teachings traditional values of respect would be good. A woman in her twenties emphasized that boredom and lack of recreational infrastructure is an issue and that playgrounds or docks with diving boards for the lakes, is needed: “Stuff for kids is needed in this town to give them something more to do.”
5.3 Governance & Development Issues
The broad theme of governance was an issue of concern expressed by most of the people. There are two different circumstances in the two communities. As was described previously, Pukatawagan is a reserve with a much bigger population (approx. 2200) than
Sherridon, and an elected band and council. Sherridon is a small community of approximately 100 run by an elected mayor and community council.
In one conversation with a couple in Sherridon, the issue of the conflict that was known at the time to be going on with members of council arose. The lady said the fighting is a problem and that “People are not working together.”
In a conversation with a woman in her forties as we were discussing what would make the community better she replied:
Well to make things better for people to start working together and getting along
instead of all trying to hate each other all the time or be jealous of someone else’s
accomplishments, they should start encouraging one another to improve the
community, not fight amongst each other, saying you know ‘we shouldn’t let him
get that or her get that… why do they have that and nobody else has that, you know
like sh*t like that should stop, it’s all about unity and equality, it’s not about just
one person gaining something, everybody has to gain, like it’s working together to Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [55]
improve our community, if we can’t work together, we’re not going to get
anywhere… for everybody, not just for certain people, if they just get past that
bigheadedness that they have then people start working and talking with one
another with their ideas…. Like one person can have one idea, another person can
have one idea… and get together and plan and get some kind of structure going so
they can build on that…that’s one of the things that I would like to see for my
community, to have the unity that was once in our community when I was younger.
I further inquired on the topic of distress in the community that seemed to stem partly from the council disagreements and asked her why she thought this was happening. She replied:
We have no elders… all the elders are teachers, the teachers are all gone, like when
I was growing up, we had [she listed 10 elder’s names]… when they got together,
like when something needed to be discussed you find a lot of the elders at one
persons home, discussing things, talking about you know like what we should do
about this, this is getting bad, this is getting worse, and then they would have one
person, that they would choose someone to be the speaker for them, to say you
know you know we need this, or if they needed the whole group, the whole group
was there to talk to the people…
In a conversation about the issues of governance in the community, a lady in her forties said that what we need is “unity and equality, not just development for one, not all this greed.” She further went on to say that she hates when people say there’s no work in the north, she says: “there can be… there can be… what is government for… these
MLA’s or these MPs…?” Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [56]
In a conversation with another couple in their fifties, the lady expressed that some people don’t like to change, but that she sees, “other communities, see good stuff, fix things, taken care of, make a difference, make it seem nice, pride. She further stated:
“changes need to happen, someone needs to stand up, get rid of negativity.”
Many people also spoke of governance in a more pointed way as in toward the federal government. For instance upon a conversation with a male in his forties regarding what is looked at important for his community stated:
There needs to be a change, there needs to be a meaningful desire to work together
in this country, so um, what needs to happen is that in our territories, the government
has to accept the fact that we are a partner and that we will have to be a partner on
how we develop as a nation, and they have to accept that and accept the fact that we
have our own authority, they have to enshrine that and accept it and move forward
with us in that way because that is what we are wanting to do… we’re not saying we
don’t want development, we’re not saying we don’t want progress, we want to do
that, we want to advance and provide for our people, but the government has to
work with us to do that.
I also spoke with a man in his forties from Pukatawagan and he explained the
‘system’: “The current government system has been streamlined from the time of colonization, so it has in effect, become effective in what they have been trying to do and that is to keep us down.”
He further stated: “It’s easy for someone who is living in Canadian suburbia, ‘oh why can’t they go out and get a job’ or you know, go out and get their education, they don’t know the social aspect, they don’t know this persons’ life…” Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [57]
Another man in his forties stated his view of the economic development happening on their territories, which he pointed out is under the Treaty Land Entitlement negotiation but development had been occurring for many years and had made the “CEO somewhere down south millions…from resources on our territories, meanwhile we don’t have enough houses for everyone and can’t put all the kids who want to go to school through,” emphasizing the struggles that the community has due to lack of funding.
In another conversation with a couple in their fifties, the husband was describing his family’s history of how they moved from their trapline to the community and came to be placed in government housing and attended the day school in Pukatawagan. He explained that his dad misunderstood what would be provided; they thought they would own their own house and not the current government housing situation they are not in.
He further described the his family’s understanding of the treaty agreements and the changes made to the trapline set-up, such as the change of number of trappers per parcel, he describes: “we are trying to fight for our land, but a lot of issues to deal with from the back … it is set that way and hard to change…”
What also arose was the sub-theme of development and governance potential.
Many participants offered ideas and criticism for what is needed to improve the community and people’s lives. For instance one woman in her fifties from Pukatawagan expressed her view on her community’s governance: “We don’t go the whole mile, only half- a mile”. She further stated that they have plenty of resources, such as forestry and minerals, and that knowledge is needed.
Another male in his fifties offered his perspective for what he sees for his community of Pukatawagan: “We could have a gas bar, a restaurant, a hotel, have Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [58]
visitors, tourism… lots of things to do”. He says he hears people say, “holy sh*t look at
B.C., people got farms, own houses and they’re treaty like us!” He says he tells them:
“… I say ‘listen we can be like that, if we work together, but us here, we’re fighting all the time… we’ll never get anywhere.” He further went on to say to be a leader in the community you have to talk to the people.
A man in his forties stated from the same community: “We can do it, we have lots of educated people, never before have we ever had as much”.
In a conversation with a man in his forties I commented on my observation of the many locally run stores that were in the community, many out of people’s houses, as well as the tidbits I heard of people having their own small businesses of such things as ice- shacks and carpentry works. He agreed: “Yes, there are lots of self-made entrepreneurs…something that isn’t part of common knowledge.”
The next section includes issues that were brought up to a lesser degree than the previous themes and thus are what I have labeled minor themes. The first section highlights a few conversations I had with people who explained in their own view their take on the issue of drugs and alcohol in the communities. This is followed by the topic of residential school experiences that arose in many of the conversations. Lastly, the minor theme of cultural revival and re-learning will be described.
5.4 Drugs and Alcohol Issues
The first minor theme that arose was the issues associated with drugs and alcohol in the communities, with a number of respondents stating directly that “it is a problem in this town”.
One person explained: “Every time I go to the Northern [the main grocery store], Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [59]
I have to see people stagger around the road, trying to hitch a ride.”
In another conversation the topic of drugs being sold in the community arose. The following conversation was between a woman in her fifties and the friend whom I travelled with the Pukatawagan. A conversation is included below, note the changed names*.
Claire*: “Do you think that’s [selling drugs is] a big problem?”
Mary*: “Yah.”
Claire: “Do you think the community knows where the drug comes from?”
Mary: “Yah they know and don’t want to tell anybody.”
Claire: “Why do you think they don’t want to tell anybody, if they know it’s a problem?”
Mary: “I guess it’s because they like selling those drugs…even the bootleggers.”
Claire: “Like everybody knows who they are, but no one wants to say anything?”
Mary: “Ya, no one wants to say anything.”
Claire: “was that always a problem?”
Mary: “No, when I was brought up, there was no bootleggers, no drugs, nothing.”
Claire: “When did you notice that?”
Mary: “Just recently, 10-12 years ago and it’s getting worse.”
Claire: “When I worked here (police officer), a lot of the things we went to was alcohol related, or drug related… if everyone drank responsible, or stayed sober, the police wouldn’t need to be here… Everyone we dealt with was intoxicated, 99% of the time… they became violent when they were drinking, that’s what I noticed.”
Me: “But do you find a lot of issues come out when people are drinking, like they get angry at stuff maybe they’re holding inside?” Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [60]
Claire: “Ya always fighting with each other… the only time they called the police, when they became violent and started fighting with each other.”
Claire: (to Mary*), “Has there ever been a treatment centre in Puk?”
Mary: “No, you have to send them out… when they go to treatment and they get out they’ll start drinking again, I’ve seen that many times”.
Another family member agreed: “People start fights with each other… it’s mostly with family.” Claire agreed: “I’m brave enough to express my anger when I’m drinking… I would fight my own family only, I wouldn’t fight anyone else.”
In another conversation I had with a woman in her fifties, she described the negative experience she had in residential school, calling it “like a nightmare.” Then she explained how she drank for 30 years directly because of her experience: “I would be angry with the people I was drinking with… I’m glad I let go”. She further explained that she tries to help her friends, those who attended the school with her and said many have already died from drinking and many have aged, “they look ten years older than they are”, and “they can’t forget.” She expressed that she wishes she could help them.
This statement is interrelated with the next minor theme, the topic of residential school experiences that was expressed by many people.
5.5 Residential School Issues
The next minor theme that arose in many conversations with participants from both communities was stories related to residential school experiences. A few people spoke at length of their experience, at times taking up the majority of the conversation suggesting that it is an issue that they deemed to be very important. Other people spoke of their own experiences, their family member’s experiences or what they knew of other community Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [61]
members. A few others did not know their family’s history pertaining to attending any type of school.
One woman in her sixties described at length her experience and how she felt about being at residential school. She described being strapped and said, “I didn’t want them to see me crying… That’s why there’s no emotions now, didn’t want to give them that satisfaction.” She further recalls both girls and boys being taken away at night and offered her assessment of the effects: “that’s why men in that generation are angry and drink and pass it on… it’s a cycle.”
This woman is a Cree language teacher and I inquired how she was able to keep her strong cultural ties and language, she replied: “I was stubborn I didn’t want to lose my language… I got strong traditions from my grandparents.” Upon my inquiry if her parents or grandparents attended residential school, she said they didn’t, though many of their family and friends did of that generation.
In another conversation I had with women in her fifties, she also described at length her negative experience at residential school: “The memories stayed with me… I had nightmares for 30 years, that’s why I was drinking heavy…. When I finally told the lawyer I let it all out, I felt better, and we had to tell our story… I didn’t tell everything, they knew I didn’t tell everything. Today I don’t have nightmares, they went away.”
She further described her friends’ current situations that attended the school with her and stated: “I keep in touch with my friends from school, quite a few passed away from alcohol (under 50)… The ones I see back home, it’s like they aged twice… they can’t forget…they do talk to me… today I see them, they’re still the same.”
Another participant in her forties spoke about her upbringing and described how Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [62]
her father was to her and her siblings, she recalled that he was very strict and would be angry at certain things and resort to extreme punishments, such as they way they cleaned or not following rules. She said: “I didn’t even know he went to residential school, he didn’t talk about it, but when I found out, I felt better, I didn’t think it was right [how she and her siblings were treated], but at least I understood.”
In a conversation with a woman in her thirties, she told stories of life being raised by her grandparents. She spoke passionately about the experience of her grandpa: he was very strict, often getting very angry about certain things such as cleaning and relayed to her messages about going to church and doing chores very specifically, “the right way” she emphasized. She stated “that’s what I don’t understand, why did he love the church so much, when they are the ones who messed him up.”
5.6 Reviving and Re-learning Culture and Traditions
The last minor theme involves people speaking of what they know of their culture and traditions. They expressed not being taught by their parents or as part of their education and the cultural knowledge and identity coming to them later in life either through seeking it out for themselves or from the influence of family and friends.
In a conversation I had with a woman in her thirties who was raised by her grandparents, she explained her observation of the erosion of speaking Cree: “Even in my grandparents generation it was already lost.” She described how her grandparents would only speak to the friends of their generation and speak only English to their kids and grandkids. She said she understood Cree, but she didn’t pass it on to her kids so she stated “now it stops with me.”
She further explained that, growing up, cultural concepts such as Cree or Métis Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [63]
were not known to her in the way that it is now: “I didn’t even know I was half-white, or whatever, wasn’t taught to me, I thought I was just a human-being… I didn’t know all the culture was important, wasn’t taught to us, like speaking Cree… it didn’t matter before but now it matters.”
Another respondent in her forties spoke of how growing up she was not aware of many of the cultural traditions that she is learning now. She described the Sundance to me in detail and of learning to use medicines such as Sweet Grass, she said: “It is scary to learn all about that stuff, got to respect everything, or else Karma.”
In my inquiry into how it was for her growing up she stated: “I didn’t know I was an Indian… I was ashamed because what we learned in school, the Indians were the ones who always died.” I asked her when she learned that, she replied: “About grade five… but now I’m proud to be an Indian.”
In my conversation with another woman in her forties, she described growing up on the trapline with her parent’s, grandparents and other extended family at times. She explained that her grandparents and extended family taught her many things and that eventually they had to move to the community when she was about seven to go to school.
She described the changes she noticed of people, included her family members:
… alcohol got into the category, so there was a lot people were fighting and
arguing, kids were being left with other people… you know like the stuff that we
were taught, that my grandparents were teaching us, were being, I guess you can
say un-taught, like they were not being… they were putting alcohol before their
responsibilities. Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [64]
She further relayed that she has been trying to retain the teachings by her family she received growing up, especially by her grandparents.
A couple with whom I spoke with described their experiences growing up. One had attended residential school her whole life and the other had attended regular school; both did not retain much cultural knowledge due to not having any teachers. Both kept their Cree, but tend not to speak it dominantly, such as with other community members.
The lady stated that she never even knew that many other people spoke Cree when she first moved to the community, and slowly began learning that over the years. She commented that they speak Cree often as a couple and commented reflectively, “it’s funny how our kids don’t understand our language.”
I know them both and know they like being out in the bush and depend a lot on wild meat and berries asked how they were taught. She replied that her husband taught himself through observing others trappers for example. She explained that she is slowly learning about traditional medicines as well, stating that: “you have to be careful what you take from mother earth, there are some very powerful medicines.” She further emphasized that, “I wish our elders would have taught us this and that,” referring to other traditions she hasn’t learnt yet.
In a conversation with a woman in her fifties who lived in both communities as well as grew up in a trapline about 40 kilometers from Sherridon, she explained that she didn’t pass on much specific knowledge to her children largely because of a lack of assumed relevance. She relayed that her eldest daughter had recently asked to be shown where she was brought up and wanted to learn more of what she was taught, which made her happy and she is looking forward to that. Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [65]
5.7 Insights and Experiences of the Conversations
I spent a great deal of time also visiting informally with the people of whom I conversed with for the purposes of research. In Sherridon, I participated in many of my usual activities of going out for the day in the bush blueberry picking, fishing, having tea and walking. In Pukatawagan, my friend who accompanied me actually met a lady on the plane ride over and was invited for a boat ride with her family after she told the lady that we never seen up the river before. We got to see what is called the ‘first rapids’, a place that we had not seen before, as well as her family’s camp, which is on a beautiful sandy beach and consists of a few cabins for extended family members. We also picked some blueberries together, heard some stories of the area, saw many eagles and in the end, have tea at her place.
On another occasion, we visited my friend’s family and were invited to help pluck ducks and roast them out in their campfire, then return to their house for supper. It was very informal, the family was warm and inviting and I felt I got to know them very well.
At no time did I feel not welcome with any of the people I met and spoke with in
Pukatawagan; it was in fact just as easy to speak with people in Sherridon, the town I grew up in, as it was there. My friend and I also walked around town, speaking with two people during our walk, visiting the local main store, the Northern, as well as another locally-owned store. We were further invited to a church service as a family members’ baby was being baptized, and I happened to be in the right place at the right time to speak on the local radio briefly about my experiences and purpose in Pukatawagan. The whole experience was very memorable and I can say I genuinely gained strong relations that I hope to build on in the future years. Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [66]
While I did not know everyone personally that I connected with, I did find many interconnections, such as a person knowing of someone else that I knew or a knowing of the family name. These I felt were important as they provided context and a sense of community and familiarity. There was a greater overarching connection by being from the same area and knowing that our family and friends had most likely been a part of each other’s or their families’ life in the past.
On five cases I had follow-up conversations with participants from both communities doing activities or during a subsequent visit. One instance was the following day after my initial conversation having a morning tea and the participant began opening up. Another occasion was a few days after my initial recorded conversation during an afternoon of blueberry picking, a few hours of discussion ensued with just two of us.
Another one began with the initial visit turning out to be more formal than I expected as I believe the participant had that impression of a formal interview. However the second visit came from an offer from them to visit once more and the conversation flowed and allowed for a greater opening up on their thoughts and life experiences. I felt that these are significant to take note of as they demonstrates that they were thinking about the project, perhaps more deeply and wanted to ensure their perspectives were known to me on those follow up conversations. In the future this type of data gathering technique may prove to be very beneficial as I do recognize that it is tough to think ‘right off the bat’ of all the issues that one cares about, and a longer term and subsequent follow-up conversations may prove to be very productive.
6. Discussion
The goal of the current study was to explore the issues of importance to the Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [67]
Indigenous People of Sherridon and Pukatawagan with the aim to gather a sense both of the strengths of the community, as well as areas for improvement. There were several significant themes that arose. The strengths areas that arose were the themes of cultural continuation and pride for the next generation and positive aspects of community life, including community relations, freedom, peace and love of the bush life. The areas for improvement include the dominant themes of Concern for Youth, and Governance and
Development issues. This is followed by the minor themes of residential school issues, issues of drugs and alcohols and issues associated with cultural revival and relearning.
Below I summarize key findings and their implications. Given the study’s exploratory nature, I can offer my analysis of the many conversational insights the people entrusted to me but cannot make definitive conclusions.
Below I discuss the themes in more detail starting with the theme of concern of youth and the subthemes of lower education attainment and distress among youth. I end on a positive note with the discussion on youth cultural continuity and positive insights and potential people spoke of their communities.
6.1 Concern for the Youth
6.12 Perspective of Lower Education Attainment
The themes identified from the conservations suggested that many people are concerned with the plight of the next generations in terms of their education attainment.
There was a sense that many parents in Pukatawagan felt they had to leave their community in order for their children to gain an education that was at par with the standards with schools out of the community, such as in The Pas. This perspective supports the assertion from First Nations advocates, the Assembly of First Nations (AFN) Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [68]
as well as from reports by individual provinces across the country that there is a significant funding gap between many First Nations communities across the country compared to provincially funded schools (Drummond & Rosenbluth, 2013).
Viewing from a historical and political standpoint, the community of Pukatawagan is working within a system in which, by way of treaty-agreement, places financial responsibility of First Nations students on a reserve under federal government jurisdiction. Beginning in 1972 when the then, ‘National Indian Brotherhood’ first proposed the policy of ‘Indian Control for Indian Education’ (“First Nations Control of
First Nations Education, 2010), the situation across the country is one of varying degrees of administrative and financial controls across the country, such that each reserves has their own particular formula-driven funding agreements and discretionary arrangements with the federal government (Drummond & Rosenbluth, 2013). The criticism by First
Nations advocates is that the band-funding formula is outdated and inadequate for the current situation of many First Nations communities. For example, since 1997 there has been a 2% cap on funding, which as Drummond & Rosenbluth (2013) point out, owing to the growth rate of Indigenous populations of 29% between 1996 and 2006, “means that real per student funding declined 3-4 per cent annually,” (p. 5); and a patchwork of funding formulas that result in many school in Canada receiving 20-50% less than their provincial counterparts (Drummond & Rosenbluth, 2013).
The comments of a mother saying her child’s grade level was two levels lower in
The Pas compared to Pukatawagan as well as the number of people who stated they would only move away for their children’s education, perceiving it be better elsewhere suggests that a lack of an adequate funding policy is having a very real detrimental effect Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [69]
on the well-being of the communities youth’s education and their families.
The community of Sherridon, not being a reserve, but a small Northern community is funded provincially and thus falls into a different system than Pukatawagan. It must be pointed out that in none of my conversations with people in Sherridon, was education brought up as a reason for leaving the community, only the issue of some kids not attending consistently, further suggesting perhaps the differences in education funding formulas between the two communities.
As was mentioned, both communities share cultural and lifestyle similarities. For instance, it is noteworthy to point out that many of people I spoke with had children who spoke and understood Cree and participated in many traditional activities such as hunting and going to camps. Perhaps as these things are not officially ‘measured’, they are more likely to be perceived as less valuable as what is being measured in the mainstream education system.
While there was a sense of the importance of mainstream education for many people, there was also a sense of the importance and pride for cultural education that is not taught at great length in the education system. For example as one man stated in the context of what he can offer as a band council member for community, he stated pointedly: “I don’t have much education… lots of us like that… but lots of trapping.”
This suggests that he sees his cultural knowledge of trapping and his experiences of growing up on the trapline are valuable to teach, in addition to mainstream education.
In another example, a family in Pukatawagan whom I got to know described her older boy dropping out by grade 10, but also describing his activities and knowledge of numerous cultural activities such as his ability to take the family by boat the long journey Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [70]
to their camp through observing the shape of the tree line. The same type of example is found with a family in Sherridon. The parents spoke with pride of their son who had adopted cultural activities such as fishing, trapping and hunting from an early age, though had often resulted in him at times missing school to engage in them. He is described by other communities in many positive ways as well because they notice him being engaged, but yet from the perspective of the education system, could be seen as falling far behind and as well as being a ‘drop-out’ a few times.
These examples suggest that there is a disconnect between the mainstream education system and the lived realities, such as those with cultural or Indigenous knowledge, of people’s lives in these northern communities, particularly for the next generations. As in many instances, families are proud of the cultural knowledge of their children, but on the other hand, realize they may be missing out on the mainstream education, because the value is not ‘seen’ by the youth.
The conversations given by many people of their observance of many young people dropping out of school and not finishing or not reaching their full potential suggest that there may be a lack of support, either from family or community or the student may not see a connection in education, which deters them from trying to complete their schooling and envisioning that they can go further. Potential areas to explore further would be what are available at the local economy level for youth with varying levels of education, such as up to grade ten, high school graduate, trades or various disciplines of post-secondary schooling. Upon observance and based on what a many people spoke of, there do not seem to be many opportunities. Many people expressed that numerous young people have graduated and are able to work but the local Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [71]
jobs are few and far between. An elder had spoken of a few of her grandkids finishing trade school such as carpentry and welding because that is what is needed in the area, but they were also unable to gain employment. Further areas to explore are the political circumstances pertaining to resource development and land rights and the extent to which outstanding political issues possibly impede economic development in the area and thus the need for related educational skills. One area to explore would be the extent to which the Mathias Colomb Cree Nation’s current Treaty Land Entitlement process is impeding economic opportunities in the territories around Sherridon and Pukatawagan. If history has been any indication, the process for resolving past wrongs will be a lengthy and hard fought battle.
The lack of job prospects in the area, coupled with the strong family and community connections that is apparent in these communities could make it difficult to make the connection for youth to see the value in going further in education.
The disconnect of the education system and a lack of culturally responsive education system has been corroborated by First Nations advocates in previous studies
(such as St. Denis, 2007; Battiste, 2012). For example Battiste (2005) argues for the greater inclusion of Indigenous knowledge systems in education curricula’s stating:
the most serious problem with the current system of education does not lie not in its
failure to liberate the human potential among Aboriginal peoples, but rather in its
quest to limit thought to cognitive imperialist policies and practices. This quest
denies Aboriginal people access to and participation in the formulation of
government policy, constrains the use and development of Aboriginal cultures in
schools, and confines education to a narrow view of the world and its knowledge Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [72]
foundations… (p.9).
Based on the findings from this study of the youth, it may be worthwhile to investigate the potential of a more culturally responsive education system to be beneficial for the youth and enable them to be more excited and engaged. Such a system might also offer a role for the parents and elders in the community who may not have a mainstream education, but may be able to also be more engaging with the education of the youth. For example Bartlett, et al., (2007) points out that in the Indigenous context, “lived experiences are an essential part of knowledge development…whereas Western knowledge development begins with facts and data that are synthesized into abstract information, which is then analyzed to form non-personalized knowledge,” (p. 2375).
Many people in this study spoke of stories rich in cultural and lived knowledge. For example the man who pointed out that there’s a “lot of us like that” referring to growing up on the trapline and having cultural knowledge but no mainstream educational knowledge and the women who described their upbringing on the trapline and the many ways they used the natural resources and traditional teachings.
Pursuing this avenue of increasing cultural responsiveness in the education system understandably would require increased funding. Increased funding would likely need to come from the federal budget which would entail the public understanding and support of the issue on a wide-reaching scale, making it an immense task to achieve. Alternative funding could also be from band revenue should they have control over economic developments taking place on their traditional territories, such as was mentioned previously. The Treaty Land Entitlement process currently underway in the region would enable the band to collect royalties over a hydro dam or working out arrangements of Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [73]
employing local workers. Resolving of past land rights would help foster a self- sustaining and autonomous model in which the community (Pukatawagan) can be empowered to develop their own education system, among other ambitions.
6.13 Youth Distress Issues
The subtheme of lower mainstream educational attainment is followed by the issue of youth distress as a prominent concern voiced by those in the communities. The lack of direction as evidenced by people’s discussions of the gang violence and disrespectful attitudes at times shown toward their elders was clear in many of the conversations.
This subtheme of youth distress provided support for previous research that demonstrated the health and social disparities particularly prominent among youth stem from ruptured social and cultural systems and intergenerational trauma (Big-Canoe &
Richmond, 2014; Chandler & Lalonde, 2008, and Kirmayer, Gone & Moses, 2014;
Kirmayer, Brass & Tait 2000). Many people spoke directly of the rupture of the cultural systems and intergenerational trauma, for example a man in his forties stated on the lack of parenting skills for the many young parents is a result of the “whole residential school problem is with these kids…” Another woman in her forties spoke of her observation that people in the community, many of whom were brought up in the bush and had seemingly good cultural ties and values, were being “untaught” upon going to the community and being exposed to things like alcohol and putting that before their responsibilities, which likely directly affects the next generations.
The concept of environmental dispossession, suggested by other scholars, such as
Big-Canoe & Richmond (2014) can be utilized for explanatory purposes for understanding some of the youth distress issues brought up. Environmental dispossession Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [74]
is a term that refers to the “processes by which Indigenous people’s access to their traditional lands and resources are reduced or severed,” (Big-Canoe & Richmond, 2014, p. 127). There are direct, being the direct displacement of people from their land and the indirect being the result of “policies, regulations and developments whose intent is to sever Indigenous peoples’ links to their land and resources and the Indigenous
Knowledge it fosters,” (ibid). This includes such government policy as the Residential
School program which worked to forcibly remove Indigenous children from their families and communities and re-situate them in boarding schools for most of the year
(Report of the Royal Commission of Canada, 1996; Truth and Reconciliation
Commission of Canada, 2012). Tobias and Richmond (2014) note that both the direct and indirect forms of environment dispossession result in negative consequences for the culture and health of Indigenous Peoples as, “they commonly result in decreased capacity to access land, inability to practice culture, earlier mortality, and higher rates or morbidity,” (p. 27). A further important point is that while the dispossession may have happened in the past, such as through the displacement of people from their traditional territories to the small tract of land that is their present day reserves, it is “not confined to the historical narrative of Indigenous People’s health; but rather, they continue to shape health in modern context,” (ibid). This points to the ongoing dispossession effects that are perhaps not as obvious for many to see.
The study by Big-Canoe and Richmond (2014) states that “Elders in many First
Nations and Inuit communities claim that process of environmental dispossession are at the root of these problems… as opportunities for being out on the land are reduced, so too are opportunities for intergenerational knowledge transfer being diminished, for example Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [75]
from elders to youth,” (p.128). The reduction of knowledge transfer was evidenced in a few conversations. For example, as can be recalled in a the conversation with an elder and her family from Pukatawagan who is a foster parent, relaying her observation of some of the children she looks after, saying “they don’t even know how to fish” and would want to come home from camp right away if they go, which suggests that they haven’t been exposed to those type of activities, or were not lucky enough to have someone, such as an elder to teach them. Other conversations also corroborate the concept of environmental dispossession being the root of youth distress, such as the man in his forties who pointed out the generational effects of residential school on the next generations and them passing it onto the youth, many of which are becoming young parents with very little parenting skills.
The study by Big-Canoe and Richmond (2014), which drew from interviews with youth about their perceptions of their health and social relationships, found that a strong connection to the land was needed from their point of view for Indigenous knowledge transference and well-being, but that “land, in and of itself is not sufficient for the transmission of Indigenous Knowledge…rather, on drawing the links between community health and changing ways of life, [their] results demonstrate that strong social relationships at the community level are vital for making the opportunities possible for sharing, practicing and preserving Indigenous Knowledge,” (p. 133). The necessity of a strong social connection is corroborated by the current study as well as many people seem to have the opportunity to go out on the land, but what seemed to be lacking was the intergenerational sharing of knowledge. This is also corroborated by a study by
Kirmayer et al., (2002) of the Cree in James Bay who found that having strong relations Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [76]
with others and spending time in the bush was associated with less distress.
Furthermore, the examples that many people reported regarding the differences between how they were, even in the thirty and twenty year olds, compared to the youth and young adults suggest a rapid escalation of distress among youth and is worthy of further investigation. For example the grandmother who stated that “this generation say
‘I don’t have anything’… they are not sharing… we used to share, kill a moose [and share it], ‘speaks to the differences of values and perhaps influences that encompass the different generations. Kirmayer, Brass & Tait (2000) offer the analysis that “the very notion of poverty is a creation of the social order in which Aboriginal peoples are embedded, an order that has economically marginalized traditional subsistence activities while creat[ing] demand for new goods,” (p. 609). That same study noted as one of their significant finds was the “rapidity with which social and cultural changes that has occurred, introducing the forces of globalization to even the most remote communities,”
(p.613), further providing evidence of quick changes between the generations as well as within them in some northern communities.
The comments of the women who offered her perspective of cell-phones and
TV’s being the reason for youth attitudes may be seen as the encroachment of lifestyle influences in popular media, such as in the current popular trend of reality TV espousing a high-end lifestyle of a differing value system. The concept of ‘relative deprivation’ defined as the “conscious feeling of a negative discrepancy between legitimate expectations and present actualities,” (Schaefer & Haaland, 2006, p. 384), can be used for explanatory purposes for how people feel in this age of constant engagement in the online or TV world compared to current situation and opportunities available to them. Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [77]
The strong influences of celebrity culture for instance may be difficult to grapple with for those with a perhaps weakened cultural identity or family base.
The comments on suicide and mental health issues being a concern in
Pukatawagan resonate with recent findings regarding youth suicide in the community
(Welch, 2009), as well as the disheartening suicide statistics brought to light by the UN investigator who had visited the community a few years ago (Commisso, 2013). The concept of social suffering can be used to shed light on the relatively recent occurrences of youth mental distress that has been leading to suicide crisis in the community, as well as others around Canada. Defined as “the pain and marginalization of a group,”
(Cryzewski, 2011, p. 7), social suffering can enable a sense of normalcy, in which frequently occurring youth suicide, could become a cycle. As, DeGagné (2007) notes, communities can “become locked in destructive behaviors [of a certain] unspoken acceptance by the community that this state is somehow ‘normal’” (p. 52).
An influential study by Chandler & Lalonde (2008) provides strong evidence of the power of addressing past injustices at the community and structural level on youth distress. In their study of suicide rates of Indigenous communities in B.C. they found stark differences, from no suicide at all to those that were over 100 times the national average. They found evidence that those with more cultural continuity factors, mainly through greater autonomy of their community had less youth distress issues (Chandler &
Lalonde, 2008). These included such things as community control over their territories, education, health and police, suggesting the power of self-determination, the ability to genuinely participate in your own affairs and be prideful of your own cultural identity has on ones well-being. Studies such as these provide strong evidence that if Canada wants a Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [78]
brighter future for the next generation of Indigenous youth, then a greater resolve must be placed on facilitating Indigenous self-determination and reconciliation, rather than what is commonly done in instances of communities declaring states of emergency due to suicide crisis. The usual response is to provide extra short-term grief counselors and limited funding. For example, Cross Lake, a community of 8300 people in northern
Manitoba declared a state of emergency after six suicides in two weeks and 140 attempts in two weeks alone, asked for six mental-health workers and two professionals as well as extra medical staff (Puxley, 2016). This is necessary in the short-term, but unless a serious and practical approach of all angles of historical trauma, it is unlikely to address the root causes of distress in the long-term.
A relevant framework to understand mental health issues and suicide attempts that were voiced by people include one based on a social framework, rather than as an individualized psychological view common in Western science. For example, further evidence of the social and historical nature can be found in international data as we know that that there are higher suicide rates in many Indigenous communities around the world compared to non-Indigenous people (Elias, et al, 2012). Canada’s young adult
Indigenous population (15-24 years old), has a suicide rate five to six times higher than non-Indigenous Canadians of comparable ages and Indigenous youth are also more likely to contemplate suicide (Shulman & Tahirali 2016). Countries which have similar historical colonial situations that included the displacement of Indigenous People point to suicide rates as a social trend rather than as solely an individual issue. For example in
Brazil, which has similar situations with its Indigenous peoples including a history of land displacement; similar situations of residential schools run by religious Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [79]
denominations; and relocation of Indigenous people to reserves communities, has recently experienced youth suicide occurring in crisis numbers in Indigenous communities (Nolan, 2017). Australia’s Indigenous People are also similar to Canada’s in their legacy of colonialism which includes land displacement, forced residential schools, continued structural racism and isolated communities. They also show suicide rates in crisis numbers, with youth suicide having the disheartening distinction as being the worst in the world (Georgatos, 2013). The commonalities among other countries with similar colonizing histories and ongoing struggles, and their connection to suicide crisis, strongly suggests that there are deeply embedded negative social forces that stem from the unjust treatment of colonialism, which is ongoing and deeply rooted. For example, as
Wexler & Gone (2012) emphasize, “suicide in indigenous communities is frequently identified as the terminal outcome of historical oppression, current injustice, and ongoing social suffering,” (p.801). Historical trauma is a concept that has been brought forth for explanatory purposes regarding these ongoing historical effects. It has been defined as
“cultural stress and grief that is related to genocide and racism that have been generalized, internalized, and institutionalized… it is cumulative and unresolved,”
(Wexler & Gone, 2012, p.801). In fact, in a study by Walls, Hautala & Hurley, (2014), in which interviews with First Nations communities were undertaken to understand their perceptions of youth suicide, it was revealed that they didn’t perceive youth suicide crisis in their communities as “something inseparable from its structural and historical roots,”
(p.64). Understanding and addressing youth distress and suicide in this wider-reaching social frame will allow for a more culturally appropriate healing, one that takes into consideration the multi-faceted nature of the historical and ongoing circumstances as well Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [80]
as the particular region or community circumstances.
6.2 Governance & Development Issues
The next minor theme describing the broad issue of governance and development related concerns will be discussed in this section.
The situations in terms of local governance for the two communities seemed to be different, with Sherridon demonstrating the most conflict. This could be seen to a contextual or circumstantial occurrence pertaining to an uncharacteristic number of disagreements in local governance. On the other hand, it could be part of an ongoing problem as many people pointed out that haven’t seen it like this before. Many people spoke directly of what is needed: with phrases such as unity, equality, get rid of negativity, and ensure everyone can benefit in the local economy. This suggests a sense that the past or current policies have not been benefiting everyone and more people are speaking out about it.
The community of Sherridon could have a diminishing of what is called social capital (Putnam, 2000). Social capital refers to the value that is gained when there are strong social networks, these gains being trust, reciprocity, information and cooperation
(Putnam, 2000). Sherridon is in a different situation than Pukatawagan because of the diversity of people, such as those of a European background, Métis and Treaty. This diversity of backgrounds and perhaps accompanying values can lead to differing ideas, such as of how to disperse public moneys or what initiatives or ideas to support. For instance traditional Indigenous governance is more communal with the community sharing food and wealth, while the European and thus dominant Canadian tradition is more in line with a system espousing private property and individualism. These Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [81]
differences in values and backgrounds coupled with perhaps complex issues such as a sluggish local economy and stagnant population growth, may have led to lack of trust and/or disengagement leading to non-cooperating in local affairs.
The community members from Sherridon provided suggestions for addressing some of these challenges that their community faces. For example one women in her forties said that people should come together with their different ideas and “get together and plan and get some kind of structure going so they can build on that…” She further pointed out the structure that community elders used to do when issues used to arise in the past, get together as a group and discuss the issues, which also implies that an inclusive system, which utilizes the voices of the community, especially the elders, is what is needed. Another women said that the negativity that is going around needs to stop and that something as simple as putting up a new sign and fixing up a few things in the community could project pride and positivity.
In the terms of the issues more pointed at the federal government, it could be a result of what Turner, et al., (2008) calls ‘loss of the ability to move forward’, as part of their description of ‘Invisible Losses’, which they argue have resulted in a decline in the overall resilience of individuals and communities. For instance, as one man put it, “a lot of issues to deal with from the back…” referring to the how the system was set up for them and it is something they have to deal with as opposed to solely focusing on moving ahead. Turner et al. (2008) puts forth the quote as well from the perspective of an
Indigenous woman in her study:
So much of our [indigenous peoples’] time and energy is dedicated to resolving
these past injustices and concerns, for example, locating and repatriating stolen Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [82]
artifacts, changing policies that allow for the apprehension and removal of our
children from Aboriginal communities, resolution of the land claims questions; so
many of our energies are focused on trying to fix the injustices of the past that it is
hard to focus on moving forward and seizing opportunities that might otherwise be
available… (p. 5).
It is well known that structural upheavals that have been generated in the past continue to afflict the people. These structural influences in combination with solving land rights and other injustices understandably take many local government resources and make it difficult to focus on the current and future circumstances and prospects.
Many people spoke of positive comments and their suggestions for what needs to happen in terms of governance and development. For example two people spoke of the growing number of educated people arising out of Pukatawagan: “never before had we had as much.” While others point to the will to “be partners” with the federal government and be given the chance to work together on mutual development and progress.
Self-determination theory may be utilized as a potential source for understanding and warrant further investigation regarding development for these communities. As
Craven, et al. (2016) relays, in their work with Aboriginal Australians: “for Indigenous flourishing to occur, SDT [Self-determination theory] would argue that it would need to be through autonomous actions, a blossoming of values and ideas accepted by the
Indigenous participants and experienced as congruent with other internalized values,”
(p.8). Thus this theory works in line with the Indigenous Research Paradigm premise that a people’s values and worldviews must be paramount in any suggested pathway of development. SDT further posits that, “the extent that any behavior or goal is Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [83]
experienced as something imposed upon or externally controlled, the less likely it is to be internalized and sustained over time,” (ibid), further providing a foundation that development from within rather than outside will be truly beneficial over time.
6.3 Residential School Issues
The theme of residential school issues arose in many of the conversations. I found it interesting, though congruent with other stories of those who attending residential schools, that many did not know if their relatives attended, even the ones who directly raised them such as their grandparents. Often stating that they didn’t ask, which suggests there was a sense that it wasn’t or isn’t an issue or there is a sense of ‘normalcy’ still pertaining to the experience for many people. Others stated that their family members did not talk about that part of their life, suggesting evidence of the ‘conspiracy of silence’ that has been brought up in other studies of mass trauma (Elias, et al., 2012).
The issue of residential school was important for those that did speak up and felt they needed to relay their experiences speaks to the growing recognition of how much of an emotional, social and cultural impact it had and still has for generations of Indigenous
People in Canada. For example the public apology from the Harper administration and the Truth and Reconciliation Commission that recently concluded likely brought awareness and caught the attention of many people who perhaps might not otherwise have wanted to discuss their experiences, look into their family history, or make connections. The people who spoke of their experiences ranged in ages from their thirties to sixties and included those who attended, those who were raised by family members who attended residential schools, and those who knew of the experiences of other relations and others in their communities. Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [84]
The accounts that people shared, including the negative experiences and the behaviors they noticed in people who raised them that had attended residential school, is common with other accounts of survivors of residential school and their relations (Truth and Reconciliation Commission 2012).
This study provides evidence that there are people in these communities who have been affected by the legacy of residential school and are in need of healing. There is significant literature the speaks to the intergenerational effects of this period in our nation’s history and the need to include this understanding in any policy, programs, or community developments going forward (for example see Bombay, Matheson & Hymie,
2014; Ross, et al., 2015; Kirmayer, Gone & Moses, 2014; Day, et al., 2015; & Elias, et al., 2012). This study demonstrates accounts of those who experienced negative residential school experiences and who had been resilient, had kept their culture and traditions and found ways to thrive. For example the women in her fifties who provided an account of her grandparents enriching her with good values as a youth and that her stance of being “too stubborn” to let go of her Cree, speaks to her resiliency. Further areas for study could be a greater exploration of resilience practices with those in the community or cross-cultural project with practices from other Canadian or International community contexts.
6.4 Drugs and Alcohol Issues
Many of the conversational topics that arose included the concern over alcohol and drugs in the community, with drugs seeming to be less of an issue in Sherridon and more in Pukatawagan. There also seemed to be an issue with bootlegging as people spoke about there being an unspoken knowledge of the issue, but not much is done or can be Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [85]
done about it. A few of the respondents also told accounts of the violence that is associated with alcohol and drugs and that anger seems to come out. One woman spoke of her experience with drinking for 30 years and her observation of her friends who attended residential school who still drink. In other conversations people poke of their observations that often times residential school settlement money seemed to fuel the drinking, suggesting that underlying issues may not be dealt with.
There are numerous past studies that discuss the substance abuse in Indigenous
People and the connection with the legacy of colonialism including all forms of government policy that worked to stop all forms of Indigenous cultural, such as residential schools and the banning of traditional cultural activities (See for example Ross et al., 2015; DeGagné, 2007). This study provides evidence of underlying issues as shown by the conversations with the family who stated that drinking seems to fuel or let out anger, with one person saying that it was directed only toward their family members.
It was also revealed that treatment centers are available but that they don’t seem to help, further suggesting that focusing on alcoholism in and of itself can be short-sighted.
The pointed comments many made describing anger towards family members when under the influence further supports the legacy of intergenerational trauma associated with residential schools in other studies, (i.e. Kirmayer, Gone & Moses, 2000;
& Roy, et al., 2015).
A potential area to focus on for addressing alcohol or drug issues can be found in the utilizing of traditional healing at both the individual and community or collective level. A study by Kirmayer & Valaskakis (2007) for instance, provides evidence of the healing power of linguistic, communal and religious practices. Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [86]
6.5 Reviving and Re-learning Culture and Traditions
The theme of reviving and re-learning culture and traditions brought up in the conversations signified that this is an important aspect of life that many people are thinking a lot about.
A few people spoke of not being aware of their distinct cultural identity as youth, but finding out later in upon leaving their communities or through the mainstream education system. Others did not learn much about their culture at all because they attended residential school all throughout their adolescent school years and were made to feel that such acts as speaking Cree were not done anymore. This was evidenced by one woman who did not even realize that many of her community members spoke Cree upon first moving to Sherridon and the many elders who tended to only speak Cree with each- other.
It seemed that there was an array of people with differing degrees of cultural knowledge. For example, while all people spoke or at least understood Cree, a few did not know about traditional medicines while some were taught; some weren’t familiar with being at camp (or trapline) or participating in ceremonies, while others were; and a few people were versed in their local history while others weren’t taught. The fact that many are searching in their own ways to learn, whether by asking those with knowledge more about it, reading or getting involved in things such as ceremonies and community activities, suggests that there is a local as well as regional or international resurgence of awareness and pride of Indigenous culture and knowledge that many people are paying attention to. This is evidenced by the two conversation with the women, one in her thirties who stated that speaking Cree did not matter before “but it matters now”; and the Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [87]
women in her forties who said upon learning that she was an Indian as a child, was ashamed, but now is “proud to be an Indian.” These are strength aspects that many community members possess that could be looked at in the future to be built on for community development as there is ample research that suggests cultural continuity in all its forms, languages, governance, self-determination, and traditions make for the most successful communities and prosperous members (see for example Chandler & Lalonde,
2008; Report of the Royal Commission of Aboriginal Peoples, 1996).
6.6 Interrelatedness of Themes
While I arranged the findings from this study in separate themes for organization and analytical purposes, I believe it is necessary to point out the interconnectedness and interrelatedness of the themes. Data analysis revealed important elements of the community and individual issues related to residential schools, drugs and alcohol, the distress observed on the youth, the lack of apparent cultural responsiveness or engagement with the youth, the governance and development issues, and the theme of cultural revival and relearning can all be largely attributed to the legacy of colonialism and the accompanying, ongoing structural and social impediments therein. For instance the example of the woman who stated that she couldn’t forget her residential school trauma and she drank for thirty years connects the two issues of alcoholism and residential school trauma. The issues of youth distress voiced, including gangs, young parents with inadequate skills, mental health issues and loss of cultural identity also is connected to the legacy of residential schools. People spoke of the ‘nightmare’ conditions, and the lack of traditional teachings realized later in life, which produces ongoing effects; this has been corroborated in other studies under the term Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [88]
‘intergenerational trauma’ (Roy, et al., 2015). The theme of cultural revival also is connected to residential schools, as effects of cultural loss due to the forced assimilation policy have contributed to eroding people’s cultural identity, and thus created the need for revival and re-learning.
The similarities of the interrelatedness of themes to the literature on these issues, such as those addressing intergenerational trauma and cultural responsiveness in both education and healing, provide opportunities to find many ‘best practices’ or areas of strengths using other similar community studies as an example (for example, see
Chandler & Lalonde, 2004; and Craven et al., 2016).
6.7 Community Strengths - Youth Cultural Continuation
The fact that many people spoke about the youth in positive terms mainly in terms of their cultural and traditional knowledge speaks to the potential that these communities have. A greater exploration of best practices and family resilience may be beneficial for future research in order to both emulate within the community and offer guidance for those in other communities. These findings also provide a differing account to the many disheartening statistics that arise concerning Indigenous youth, even out of this study, thus providing accounts and perspectives of those youth that are finding ways to thrive, though in perhaps differing ways than the mainstream well-being studies measure.
6.8 Community Strengths – Perspective of Life and Community
It was clear from the conversations that most of the people I spoke with would not move away based on a variety of reasons mainly pertaining to their family relations, the beauty of the area, their love of nature and the particular kind of freedom that is only obvious to those living there. This aspect of the findings allows for an alternative Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [89]
perspective that, at times, seems to focus on ‘doom and gloom’, especially if one considers the common statistics cited in academic research and mainstream media which emphasize joblessness, poverty and crowding in housing. These findings allow for a different narrative, one that is based on what other values people care about in these communities, such as the preservation of peace and natural beauty and a way of life that has been deemed to be obsolete by those on the outside for some time now. How something is framed can do wonders for people’s thoughts and subsequent actions. By framing nature as something that provides freedom and peace, rather than a resource solely for development will ultimately result in different courses of action toward it.
6.9 Focusing on Strengths
While the challenging issues that people voiced understandably must come to light as a way for greater understanding and a source of real ‘voice’ to connect those on the outside with the lived realities of the people in these communities, the positive side must also be focused on. The positive things that people revealed in their conversations with me as well as the positive things I observed, allows for me to share and contribute to a differing narrative of Indigenous Peoples, as well as provides a strength foundation to build on. As Craven, et al., (2016) notes in their study with Indigenous People of
Australia, focusing on deficits solely may have many adverse effects, especially for youth in the future. For example they note in Australia, sometimes teachers play on the stereotypes and expect lower achievement of Indigenous students, such that they can be
“self-perpetuating, where preconscious patterns of assumption and thinking facilitate ‘out of awareness’ searching for evidence to reinforce them,” (p. 2), as well as allowing the deficit narrative to be dominant in the public domain. Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [90]
Considering the strengths that youth and community members, in their cultural knowledge, bring to education or to political sphere might be more beneficial to them rather than focusing on the negatives. That is why bringing to light the wealth of Cree language and cultural ability of many of the youth, as well as all ages, in both communities is beneficial both for common knowledge for all and as a foundation at a local level for educational and cultural continuity programming.
7. Summary, Conclusion and Recommendations
Indigenous Peoples issues have long been viewed from the lens of the dominant or
Western framework. The many statistics, studies and Western analysis and concepts of well-being have produced a narrative that is rife with difficulties, such as focusing on the indicators like job numbers or particular educational paths will equal progress and ultimately happiness for Indigenous Peoples. The common narrative has also presented
Indigenous Peoples as a homogenous group and disregarded the rich cultural variation and differing socio-historical circumstances such as land negotiations and traditional cultural retainment. It is increasingly becoming known that focusing on a narrow domain or ‘symptom’ precludes seeing the larger picture. Past focus and understandings based on a Western framework of researching, reasoning and interpreting has also contributed to misinformation and misunderstanding of Indigenous issues. The aim of this project was to address these issues.
I have used my relations as well as utilized an Indigenous Research Paradigm in this exploratory study with the aim of gaining a richer understanding of the issues that matter to the people in Sherridon and Pukatawagan. This study revealed a number of important themes, many of which could provide a basis for areas to explore in future Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [91]
research. The strengths of people’s life in the community, especially the cultural continuity of the next generation, and community life that was described with such words as family, peaceful, freedom and beauty, would be worthy of further study. Areas for improvement included the dominant themes of concern for youth, and development and governance issues, followed by the minor themes of issues with drugs and alcohol, residential school issues, and revival and re-learning of culture and traditions.
Recognition of these themes, revealed by direct quotations, can be useful for members of the community, such as the respective town and band councils in planning to guide the focus of programs, initiatives or policy. It will also hopefully be beneficial in educational contexts for both the general public and academia. The themes that were uncovered were largely congruent with issues that other Indigenous communities deal with, and thus cross-community research sharing could also be beneficial.
The Indigenous Research Paradigm and the Conversational method provided a beneficial framework for which to conduct this exploration. The Conversational method not only allowed for a reciprocal and relational give and take of sharing of information, insights and stories, but it allowed relationships to build for possible future projects, as well as creating lifelong connections. The IRP principles of accountability, and reciprocity with the communities, respect, relationship-building and reflexivity allowed for a project that created a space for ethically-based research, which has been done with an intention to be meaningful for the people and their communities.
There is evidence in this study that community and individual healing is needed and there are numerous ongoing historical, structural and social impediments to local well- being to address, such as the legacy of cultural loss due to direct government policy of Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [92]
residential schools and the ongoing political and structural struggles related to land rights.
Numerous studies, (e.g., Godforth, 2007; Kirmayer, Brass & Tait, 2000; Roy,
Noormohamed, Henderson & Thurston, 2015; Wesley–Esquimaux & Smolewski, 2004), point to the positive healing benefits of traditional Indigenous healing approaches such as sweat lodges and Sun dance ceremony and spirituality for the lives of many directly and indirectly affected by residential schooling and deliberate government policies of assimilation. Other studies also point to evidence of traditional healing for those with alcohol and drug challenges (e.g. Chandler & Lalonde, 2004; Hanson & Hampton, 2000;
Kirmayer, Brass & Tait, 2000).
In the Western context, well-being indicators commonly incorporate such things as job statistics and/or household income and analyses may propose policy directions that contribute to people leaving the community to work and get a ‘Western’ education.
However the trade-off to leave the bush life environment and family connections to obtain work or education in distant urban areas warrants careful consideration. For example in a study with Aboriginal people in Australia on subjective measures of well- being it was found that those living in remote areas compared to non-remote areas appeared to have a higher level of emotional well-being, with likely reasons being related to language retention and greater likelihood of engaging in cultural activities (Biddle,
2014). The conclusion was drawn that policies aiming to promote a greater socioeconomic status by encouraging Indigenous Australians to move to the city for example, may be counterproductive if the goal is emotional well-being (Biddle, 2014).
Governments have limited resources and thus studies such as these that work directly with people on their subjective feelings rather than relying on assumptions based on a Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [93]
particular value system are needed to gain insight into best practices for communities.
Given the historical connection Aboriginal people have with the land (Berkes,
2012), and the ongoing resurgence of cultural revitalization amongst Aboriginal peoples of Canada, which were both revealed in this study, it is essential to connect the people to cultural empowerment initiatives. This is an area that would be beneficial to examine through further research including collaborative exchange with other communities to share best practices.
The concept of Environmental Repossession which is described by Big-Canoe and
Richmond (2014) as “social, cultural and political process by which Indigenous peoples and communities are reclaiming their traditional lands and ways of life… [which is a] concept [that] is rooted centrally in the idea that Indigenous peoples’ health, way of living, and Indigenous knowledge systems are dependent on access to their traditional land and territories,” (p. 133), can be a productive way of framing the direction that must occur for many of the people in these communities under study.
Lastly, looking at the findings of this study from a broader viewpoint that incorporates the interrelatedness of the themes points both towards a damaging legacy based on historical and structural effects of colonialism, as well as the resilience embodied by cultural continuation. It is clear that many of the issues are based not on what lies ahead such as what one man pointed, but are struggles that continue to be dealt with “from the back”.
What is needed is a rounded approach that both addresses these underlying issues through understanding the bigger picture, along with working to build on the strengths expressed in this study and corroborated in numerous others, rather than focusing on the Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [94]
symptoms of social dysfunction. I end with a quote from one of the women in the communities which expresses the potential of both communities: “I feel like there’s a lot of good that can be done in each of these communities and there’s a lot of good people that still have the values…”
7.1 Note on Challenges
One of the biggest challenges in this project was thinking how to present the study in an academic way while remaining true to my goal to benefit those I worked with through my research. I was acutely aware, being a Master’s student in a Western University that I was under the obligation to present my findings in a scholarly manner, but on the other hand, there was the persistent need to be accountable and meaningful to those of the communities that I spoke with, as well as carry the message and multi-faceted understanding to the general population, as part of my goal to provide an alternative narrative and educate on the issues. Through the way I completed this final version, I choose to try to do both. While using academic language and concepts in order to present in the academic world in order so that my findings would be recognized as valid by the academy, and to ensure that my project got ‘out there’, I also choose to present the majority of the ‘findings’ in direct quotations so as to keep the integrity of people’s voices, consistent with my goals and my Indigenous research paradigm. I further accepted a ‘scholarly’ format as I knew that I would be able to make an alternative, more personable presentation style of the study findings to deliver in-person to those of the communities.
7.2 Future Steps
The next step in this research is to create a summary document for community use, Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [95]
and to bring that back to the communities for review and discussion. The qualitative findings and literature review will hopefully be of interest to the respective community council and band members as they look at possible programs options or insight into community perspectives.
I have developed relationships with a number of people in both communities and if there is an opportunity in future years, I will focus on expanding on the current study’s themes.
7.3 Limitations of the Study
This study had some limitations. First the selections of the communities are based directly on my relationship to them, as are many of the participants in the conversations.
Thus while emotional subjectivity is key to Indigenous Research Methodology, it may be that at times, my personal bias influenced the data collection method. This could be in such ways as choosing one participant over another thereby skewing the types of responses received based on peoples particular backgrounds; what I choose to pay attention to in the conversations based on what I deemed important or of interest to me and thus influence the direction by asking questions or further elaborations; and what I choose to bring up in my personal introduction may have steered the conversation in a particular way.
Second the particular contextual circumstances may have influenced the topics discussed, for example both communities were gearing up for an election, Sherridon with the community council and mayor elections and Pukatawagan with the election of Chief and council both in the next month. It may also be the particular season, for instance fall was starting and the kids were out of school for the whole summer so their presence Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [96]
during the day may be on a lot of parents and community members’ minds.
Thirdly, the particular number of people I engaged in conversation with for the purpose of research in Sherridon was mainly a result of my past relationships, thus accounted for the larger number relative to the town’s population. Whereas in
Pukatawagan, I was dependent on my friend’s relationships for most of the people I met.
My friend, (and at times, co-researcher) accompanied me to the community and we had a shorter time scale (five days). She introduced me to her relations, with the end result being I spoke with a smaller number of community members there relative to the community population.
Lastly, the findings are exploratory and not meant to be representative or generalizable to the entire community populations of Sherridon and Pukatawagan, nor
Indigenous People in Canada in general. My results are suggestive and indicative, but more research should be undertaken to substantiate and expand on the findings of this study.
Indigenous Voices for Well-being in Northern Manitoba: An Exploratory Study [97]
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