CANADIANCCPA CENTRE FOR POLICY ALTERNATIVES MANITOBA

Displacement, Housing and Homelessness in Northern Manitoba Communities By C. Lee Anne Deegan and Marleny M. Bonnycastle

SEPTEMBER 2020 Displacement, Housing and Homelessness in About the Authors Northern Manitoba Communities C. Lee Anne Deegan, MSW RSW currently lives in isbn 978-1-77125-510-3 Thompson and is an instructor in the University of Manitoba Northern Social Work Program. Lee Anne SEPTEMBER 2020 is active in the community of Thompson and sits on several committees and boards. Current projects include northern housing and homelessness. This report is available free of charge from the CCPA website at www.policyalternatives.ca. Printed Marleny M. Bonnycastle is an Associate Professor at copies may be ordered through the Manitoba Office the University of Manitoba, Faculty of Social Work for a $10 fee. in Winnipeg and worked during five years at the Northern Social Work Program. During that time, Marleny developed relationships with northern com- Help us continue to offer our publications free online. munities that contributed to the development of her We make most of our publications available free research. Recent projects include: Northern Housing, on our website. Making a donation or taking out a Youth homelessness, domestic violence and housing membership will help us continue to provide people and homelessness in Thompson. with access to our ideas and research free of charge. You can make a donation or become a supporter Research Team on-line at www.policyalternatives.ca. Or you can C. Lee Anne Deegan, MSW, RSW, contact the Manitoba office at 204-927-3200 for UM, Northern Social Work Program more information. Suggested donation for this publication: $10 or what you can afford. Marleny M. Bonnycastle, M.A, Ph.D., UM, Faculty of Social Work Hendrick Warnar-Brown, M.A, Ph.D. stud, UCN, Faculty of Arts, Sciences, & Business

Unit 301-583 Ellice Ave., Winnipeg, MB R3B 1Z7 tel 204-927-3200 email [email protected] Acknowledgements Much appreciation goes to Edna Moodie, Verna We acknowledge this project took place on the Crowley, Dalton McKay, Karen Tait, Molly Menow, traditional lands of the Nisichawayasihk Cree the research assistants for this project for their Nation, and that is now the homeland for many First support and dedication. Nations, Métis and Inuit people. We are grateful for Special acknowledgement is also extended to the opportunity to do this work on these lands. Hendrick Warnar-Brown for his tireless efforts Lee Anne Deegan and Marley Bonnycastle want facilitating relationships with key members of to acknowledge and share our gratitude with the Nisichawayasihk Cree Nation. Hendrick worked in participants, research assistants and community NCN for many years as an educator and maintains stakeholders who have contributed to the project strong relations with Atoskiwin Training and who participated in the interviews, focus groups Employment Centre (ATEC) in NCN and partnered and community cafés and generously provided with us on this project. their stories, time and ideas. Without their willing- We appreciate the contributions of Robert Chase ness to share their experiences, knowledge and and his Vidaview Life Story Board (LSB) approach time the study could not have been completed. which prompted us to develop the research methods Particular thanks are extended to Chief and Council we used in this project. Nisichawayasihk Cree Nation, Atoskiwin Education Finally, we want to acknowledge the support of our Centre Executive Director Jim Moore, Lou Moodie, two universities when conducting this collaborative Chairman for Nisichawayasihk Housing Authority, research: The University of Manitoba Northern NCN Medicine Lodge counsellor Curtis V. McDonald, Social Work Program and the University College of NCN Wellness Centre Executive Director Felix the North, Faculty of Arts, Business and Science. Walker and, NCN Child and Family Services in We also thank the Research Ethics Boards (REBs) Thompson manager Harmony Dumas, May Mossip, from both universities for reviewing and approving NCN Family Community Wellness, Mabel Cook, the ethics applications in a timely manner, which Manitoba Keewatinowi Okimakanak Inc. and Ann allowed us to undertake different research activities Bee, community member for their consideration of of this project. Much gratitude goes to our friend, and support for the project. Professor Colin Bonnycastle for taking the time for A special acknowledgement goes to Elders for the editing an earlier version of this report. project who provided guidance and shared your We are pleased to acknowledge the generous wisdom to develop this project, you always were a financial support of the Social Sciences and valuable part of the research team. We appreciate Humanities Research Council of Canada through the the dedicated support of Elder Agnes Spence, Manitoba Research Alliance grant: Partnering for NCN Medicine Lodge and Elder Jack Robinson, Change – Community-based solutions for Aboriginal MaMowWeTak Friendship Centre. and inner-city poverty.

DISPLACEMENT, HOUSING AND HOMELESSNESS IN NORTHERN MANITOBA COMMUNITIES iii iv CCPA Manitoba and MNPHA Table of Contents 1 Abstract 2 Introduction 4 History of Housing in Nisichawayasihk Cree Nation and Thompson, Manitoba Housing in Nisichawayasihk Cree Nation Housing in Thompson 9 Literature Review 11 Methodology Participants Elders and Indigenous Protocols Food Ethics Research Process Data Generation and Analysis Data Analysis Knowledge Sharing Limitations 17 Findings Homeless Lived Experience Relationships Housing Impact of Colonialism and Racism at Different Levels Domestic Violence and Abuse Services, Programs and Supports Focus Groups Voices of Those with Lived Experience Relationships Housing Impact of Colonialism Services, Programs and Supports Focus Groups with Service Providers Relationships Housing Impact of Colonialism Services, Programs and Supports Community Cafés in Thompson and Nisichawayasihk Cree Nation Summary of Findings 43 Analysis, Interpretation of Findings & Discussion 46 Conclusions and Recommendations 48 References 54 Appendix A: The 12 Dimensions of Indigenous Homelessness in Canada

DISPLACEMENT, HOUSING AND HOMELESSNESS IN NORTHERN MANITOBA COMMUNITIES v Figures 13 Figure 1 – Research Process 14 Figure 2 – Visual Symbols used for Interviews 15 Figure 3 – Categories and Themes 16 Figure 4 – Community Café 18 Figure 5 – Findings 36 Figure 6 – Challenges: NCN Focus Groups & Community Café 37 Figure 7 – Future Directions: NCN Focus Groups and Community Café 38 Figure 8 – Important Programs and Services in NCN and Thompson 40 Figure 9 – Challenges: Thompson Focus Groups and Community Café 41 Figure 10 – Future Directions: Thompson Focus Groups and Community Café 44 Figure 11 – Interlocking of Findings Thompsons & NCN

vi CCPA Manitoba and MNPHA Abstract

Indigenous people1 are overrepresented among region to housing issues, limitations of services, the homeless population in the northern region racism, impacts of colonization and domestic of Manitoba and the factors that are contribut- violence. The study shows several gaps identi- ing to their homelessness and restraining their fied by participants that included limited hous- movement out of homelessness in urban and re- ing options, inadequate housing conditions, lack mote communities in the north are not well un- of supports, services and resources for children, derstood. The main focus of the research was to youth, women and families, long waiting lists for explore the understanding of people with lived affordable housing, and lack of coordination of experience of housing instability and homeless- services. Our main recommendation is to cre- ness in order to deepen awareness and improve ate mechanisms to promote more collaborative conditions for people in the region. work for programs and services and housing This research was developed in Nisichawayasi- along with a regional plan for housing. In addi- hk Cree Nation and Thompson, Manitoba from tion, it would be helpful to develop a database of 2018–2020. Using Community Based Participa- organizations, services, programs and resources tory Research as our foundation we used par- that is accessible to the public. Participants also ticipatory methods including interviews, focus recognized the need for a broader conversation groups and community cafés. in the region about housing and the importance Participants attributed people’s mobility from of providing services that respond to the genu- their communities and into homelessness in the ine needs of Indigenous people.

1 The terms Indigenous will be used throughout this paper. Indigenous is a broad term denoting people have a history and connection to lands and who have been impacted by displacement. See https://indigenousfoundations.arts.ubc.ca/

DISPLACEMENT, HOUSING AND HOMELESSNESS IN NORTHERN MANITOBA COMMUNITIES 1 Introduction

Many indigenous peoples are subjected needs in order to deepen awareness and improve to homelessness and its life-threatening conditions for people in the region. conditions, to grossly inadequate housing The study was conducted from July 2018 that lacks even the most basic services, such through February 2020. The design of this re- as potable water and toilets, and to forced search attempted to identify aspects of people’s evictions and involuntary displacement — all experiences navigating housing, homelessness, egregious violations of the right to housing and services in Thompson and in their com- (United Nations, 2019) munities. We also wanted to hear participants’ ideas about how communities can respond more Research on homelessness in Thompson and effectively to housing instability and homeless- northern Manitoba communities is still rela- ness. The main objectives of this project were to: tively new. However, since 2015 the University of Manitoba, Northern Social Work Program and 1. Document the reasons the people the University College of the North, Faculty of experiencing homelessness give for Arts, Science and Business have led several stud- leaving their communities to move to ies that have contributed to increasing awareness urban centres. about homelessness there. The idea for this pro- 2. Explore the factors that are facilitating ject emerged from a wish to shift the narrative homelessness and restraining the about people who are homeless in Thompson and movement out of homelessness in urban in the surrounding communities from focusing communities in the north. on individual factors to recognition of the struc- 3. Explore participants’ ideas on how to tural issues that are widely acknowledged as the prevent and reduce homelessness of root causes for homelessness among Indigenous northern Manitoba. peoples. A primary goal of the research was to We used Community Based Participatory Re- explore the experiences of people with lived ex- search (CBPR) methods (Israel et al., 2008). Data perience of housing instability and homelessness was generated through interviews using visual and their understanding of their situations and methods, focus groups and community cafés.

2 CCPA Manitoba and MNPHA Twenty-two participants with experience of shared in The Definition of Indigenous Home- homelessness were recruited and interviewed lessness in Canada (Thistle, 2017) and inform our from July 2018 through to March 2019. We used understandings and use of the terms ‘lived expe- visual methods along with audio recording in rience’ and/or lived experience of homelessness. the interviews, primarily with those with lived We are not just referring to people who are cur- experience of homelessness. Engagement with rently visibly homeless; we are describing those Indigenous people and services providers was who have experienced one or more of the 12 di- sought in both communities. Focus groups were mensions identified in Thistle’sDefinition of Indig- held with 28 people and included both those with enous Homelessness in Canada (see Appendix B). lived experience and service providers. The com- The causes of Indigenous housing and home- munity cafés were held with 25 people, including lessness issues are embedded in historical and service providers and those with lived experience ongoing processes of colonization. We begin by All but one of the participants in the inter- including sections on what is known about hous- views were originally from one of eleven com- ing displacement and homelessness in northern munities in the northern region. We used the- and rural communities, focusing on the experi- matic analysis and NVivo 12 to analyze data. Six ence of Indigenous people in Thompson andNCN . main themes emerged from the interviews and We then share the methodology for the project. focus groups: Housing, impact of colonization In the discussion of the findings we will share and racism at different levels, domestic violence principal categories and themes that emerged in and abuse, issues about services, programs and the interviews, focus groups and cafés that point supports, and relationships. Focus groups and to the precipitating factors and causes of housing community cafés were then used to validate the instability and homelessness, along with the ob- preliminary analysis of data. stacles in the way of movement into housing in Participants were volunteers who declared these communities and changes that are needed themselves as individuals with homelessness ex- to prevent and end homelessness in the region. perience. Although the purpose of this research This research study demonstrates the need to was not to seek people’s definitions of home and listen to the voice of people with lived experience homelessness, it is important to acknowledge and to work collaboratively among governments, several participants expressed their concerns agencies, and communities across the northern about the ‘homeless’ term and shared the view region. We recommend the creation of mecha- that they themselves or their community mem- nisms to promote more collaborative work for bers were not homeless, even that the shelter programs and services and the development of in Thompson should not be labelled homeless. housing along with a regional plan for improv- Their sense of home appeared to be located in ing housing conditions for Indigenous people in their relationships and connections to the land the region. In addition, a database of organiza- versus having a structure to live in. tions, services, programs and resources that is There have been similar findings in research accessible to the public would be helpful. Finally, projects in Canada and Australia where household there is a need for a broader conversation in the composition, kinship obligations and mobility region about housing and the importance of pro- have been discussed as cultural relational patterns viding services and housing that are the result of (Christensen, 2013; Memmott, Long, Chambers, genuine reciprocal relations and responds to the & Spring, 2003). These understandings are also genuine needs of Indigenous people.

DISPLACEMENT, HOUSING AND HOMELESSNESS IN NORTHERN MANITOBA COMMUNITIES 3 History of Housing in Nisichawayasihk Cree Nation and Thompson, Manitoba

Housing in Nisichawayasihk Cree Nation in the early 1900s in NCN (Nisichawayasihk Cree Nisichawayasihk Cree Nation (NCN) community Nation, 2016). Declining ability to sustain them- is located about 800 kilometers north of Win- selves and increasing government interference nipeg. This area of northern Manitoba has been in community life and governance made it dif- home to the people of Nisichawayasihk Cree Na- ficult for people to continue to build traditional tion (NCN) for thousands of years (Hultin, 2005; homes. This compelled them to accept European Nisichawayasihk Cree Nation, 2016). Pre-coloni- designed houses that were ill fitted for their do- ally the people were nomadic and occupied sev- mestic needs and were poorly equipped for the eral sites in the region associated with activities local environment (Belanger, 2016). for gathering, fishing/hunting and ceremonies Starting in the 1950s, mining and flooding in (Nisichawayasihk Cree Nation, 2016). There is NCN and surrounding territories had devastating limited evidence of interactions between Nisi- impacts on traditional lands. According to NCN, chawayasihk Cree people and early settlers, but early hydro developments occurred without any by the 1900s the Cree people faced an onslaught consultation or compensation. The community of infringements from these colonizing forces. did not obtain road access or hydroelectric power Interference in their way of life began with the until the 1970s (Nisichawayasihk Cree Nation, implementation of the Indian Act (1876), followed 2016). The arrival of the road is linked to signif- by their signing on to Treaty 5 in the early 1900s icant changes in the life of people in the com- and the Natural Resources Transfer Agreement munity. Further, the community did not obtain (NRTA) in 1930 (Kulchyski, 2004). running water/sewer infrastructure until 1988. Colonialists displaced Indigenous people onto There has been some progress such as in 1996 enforced settlements, imposed new governance when the federal government and Manitoba Hy- structures on their communities, subjected in- dro signed the Northern Flood Implementation dividuals to criteria for their legal identity (sta- Agreement which requires consultation and com- tus), and imperiled families through the forced pensation for any new development (Sajid, 2016). removal of their children (Indigenous Founda- The housing that was imposed on NCN oc- tions, 2009). As noted earlier, this process started curred in the context of federal/provincial pol-

4 CCPA Manitoba and MNPHA icies. For most of the twentieth century Indig- Federal and provincial governments were and enous people “…were ineligible for mainstream continue to be well aware of the ongoing hous- programs — including the National Housing Act ing crisis on reserves (Belanger, 2016; Harvey, of 1938” (Belanger, 2016, p. 443). An additional 2016). There were some positive efforts in the barrier has been the interpretation of the British 1960s and into the 1970s to ameliorate condi- North America Act (BNA) where provinces are tions, but again, there was no consideration of exempted from responding to Indigenous needs the people’s needs and planning for population and concerns. Jurisdictional debates between growth and maintenance or repair, so another the federal and provincial governments often “… crisis arose again by the 1980s (Belanger, 2016). leads to Aboriginal people being trapped in a ju- These conditions have resulted in unreasonably risdictional void and unable to access analogous high rates of overcrowding which has provoked non-Aboriginal housing programs or homeless homelessness in these communities and is forc- relief” (Belanger, 2016, p. 443). Belanger adds, ing migration to urban centres (Belanger, 2016; Loppie Reading & Wien, 2009). In sum, responses The problem in part lay with the Indian Act to the housing needs for those living on-reserve system that crafts Aboriginal separateness — a have mainly been ad-hoc and demand has con- government edifice, it must be noted — and its stantly exceeded supply. murky character that relies on keeping Indian NCN has taken several steps recently to ad- issues housed with a proven to be-inept federal dress housing issues in the community includ- ministry. It encourages provincial and territorial ing a 2015 survey on housing, completed by 408 officials to abandon responsibility for Indian households in the community, shows that over issues based on Constitutional paramountcy, 40% of the homes are overcrowded and 58.1% which has proven injurious to any and all have mold problems (Nisichawayasihk Housing attempts made to improve reserve and off- Authority, 2015). At the time of this research pro- reserve housing (2016, p. 447). ject (2020) NCN was working on a new strategic As discussed above, the federal government plan for housing in the community. imposed European architecture on Indigenous communities, with little consideration for the people’s needs, wishes or the demands of the Housing in Thompson environment where it was being assembled (Be- As yet there is limited information about the langer, 2016). There was also no planning for development of housing in Thompson and its community growth or for responses to deterio- impacts on Indigenous people, however, various ration of the existing housing stock. In a recent research projects have touched on housing issues evaluation, substandard housing (not enough in the community and in the region. In the ex- rooms or mold) was high on the list of housing pansion of resource extraction in the Northern gaps (Nisichawayasihk Cree Nation, 2017). The region of Manitoba colonial forces operated to report states the condition of many houses in the not only constrain the movement and ability of community do not meet standards for foster care the Indigenous people to operate according to licensing or reuniting families whose children their traditional way of life, but also to participate are under the care of child protection. In order fully in the new economy (Chartrand & Bignell, to increase the availability of foster care and en- 2017; Stott, 2017). In the 1950s nickel was discov- sure families can return home the organization ered in the region and Thompson, Manitoba was has had to use its own capital dollars to renovate built soon after (FemNorthNet Thompson Com- some homes to meet standards. munity Group, 2012). The city is located about

DISPLACEMENT, HOUSING AND HOMELESSNESS IN NORTHERN MANITOBA COMMUNITIES 5 80 kilometers east of the Nisichawayasihk Cree imagery and wording were marketed by some Nation community and is located on their tradi- businesses (Chartrand & Bignell, 2017). tional lands. The early founders of the mine and The people endured and in the ensuing years the town, like in so many other communities in Nisichawayasihk Cree Nation has made sever- Canada, gave no consideration for the impacts al efforts to increase participation in the com- of development on the local people. munity and has made several investments in Indigenous people’s contributions to the Thompson. It first purchased the Mystery Lake building of the community were met with disre- Hotel in Thompson in 1998 and later purchased gard, as evidenced in early policy at the mine and a grocery store. In May 2016, seven years after in the community (Chartrand & Bignell, 2017; signing the Aboriginal Accord with the City of Schulz & FemNorthNet Thompson Community Thompson (City of Thompson, 2013),NCN has Group, 2015; Stott, 2017). Stott (2017) described acquired reserve lands in Thompson, which in- some of this history from an interview with an cludes the hotel, and where it has since built Elder in Thompson, the NCN gas bar (Nisichawayasihk Cree Nation, n.d.). NCN, along with several other Indigenous A large number of these men established a organizations, also provides child and family tent city in the bush beyond the town’s train services and has several resources for its chil- station, which had no official standing within dren and families in the community. Thus far, the Thompson scheme. Several of the men Nisichawayasihk has not developed housing in were joined by their families. While some of Thompson, but there are plans to build a new these men found work in the initial building, office complex on the urban reserve (Nisicha- the continued housing shortages and official wayasihk Cree Nation, n.d.). discrimination meant that there was no room The Thompson Economic Diversification for them in the town itself, with the result that Working Group (TEDWG) created the city’s first most First Nations people were essentially housing action plan in 2012. This TEDWG report homeless. While jobs were sometimes available, discussed housing conditions in Thompson, in- many faced overt discrimination or racism cluding high costs, overcrowding in rental units that either barred them from taking up these and low vacancy rates. At that time the vacancy positions or made them untenable (p. 31). rate in Thompson was less than 1% and it was ac- By the late 1960s increased awareness of the cir- knowledged there were significantly high rates of cumstances of Indigenous people in the commu- overcrowding and a shortfall in quality housing nities surrounding Thompson led to employment in Thompson TEDWG( , 2012). The report stated policy changes. Still, there remained opposition that 90% of the dwelling units in Thompson were to providing housing for Indigenous people in more than twenty years old. It recognized the the Thompson community. For example, a Lib- need for culturally appropriate affordable units eral MP argued housing was not a concern for for large families. The report also recognized that Indigenous people living there in tents, as they housing conditions in surrounding communi- were suitably accommodated in these encamp- ties were significantly worse than in Thompson ments on the edge of the town (Chartrand & Big- with regard to higher rates of overcrowding and nell, 2017). Ongoing opposition to the inclusion core housing need in conjunction with very few of Indigenous people in the community was also options available for youth and young families demonstrated in a 1979 Human Rights complaint (TEDWG, 2012). against several businesses in the town. The suit The TEDWG report identified something of was provoked after t-shirts with discriminatory a continuum of needs in Thompson, from em-

6 CCPA Manitoba and MNPHA ployee housing to transitional housing. Howev- to approach visible homelessness in Thompson’s er, much of the emphasis in the strategy was on downtown where non-Indigenous participants market driven solutions (Schulz & FemNorthNet prioritized crime prevention to manage “nega- Thompson Community Group, 2015). The report tive stereotypes” and Indigenous participants led to the formation of the Thompson Housing rated housing as the number one weakest char- Agency (THA) and brought together key stake- acteristic in Thompson (Schulz & FemNorthNet holders including the municipality, the Thomp- Thompson Community Group, 2015). son Neighborhood Renewal Corporation, and According to the 2016 census, the current several Indigenous and community service or- population in Thompson is 12,878 and about ganizations to steer the organization. The mission 43% of the population is Indigenous (Statistics of the THA was “…to promote a healthy housing Canada, 2017). People from the outlying com- environment in the City of Thompson through munities utilize financial services and do most research, advocacy, capacity building, coordi- of their shopping in Thompson. Although there nation of services, housing policy development are not enough services, there are several Indig- and property development initiatives” (TEDWG, enous organizations and programs in Thomp- 2012). THA, along with Manitoba Housing and son, including the MaMowWeTak Friendship Keewatin Housing Authority, was also given a Centre, MKO, Keewatin Tribal Council and the mandate for developing and managing modest Manitoba Metis Federation (MMF). People also market rental units. The organization was meant come to Thompson to meet health needs in ser- to have one full-time staff to coordinate the work, vices there that are not available in the outlying which was a big task for one person, as it includ- communities. ed acting as not only as an information centre In recent years, Thompson has been willing where a housing profile/baseline for the region to work across jurisdictions in building relations was to be developed and maintained, but also a with Indigenous peoples in the development of hub for information about grants and financing the TEDWG report, and has been a willing par- programs aimed at landlords and owners in the ticipant in Indigenous policy affairs evidenced in city (TEDWG, 2012). There were several critical the development of the Aboriginal Accord and oversights in the TEDWG process including lack urban reserve (M. M. Bonnycastle, Simkins, & of consultation with those accessing Thompson Siddle, 2016; Walker, Moore, & Linklater, 2012). from outlying communities, consideration for The City has also shown generosity through pro- the structural barriers created by discrimination viding an in-kind transfer of land to Keewatin and the service needs of those transitioning to Housing Authority for the development of hous- live in the community (Schulz & FemNorthNet ing projects in the city (Government of Manitoba, Thompson Community Group, 2015). 2017; Thompson, 2010). That said, efforts to op- TheTEDWG action plan process included an pose such housing projects seem to suggest strong online survey where residents were asked their disapproval from some sectors in Thompson, for views on Thompson’s regional identity. Key find- example, in a 2013 letter to the City of Thomp- ings were validated in focus groups with some son the then president of Thompson Unlimited participants noticing that Thompson is fragment- called for removal of the visibly homeless from ed economically and racially — “…with little in- the downtown of Thompson (Thompson Citi- teraction between white, non-white immigrant zen, 2010, Barker, 2013). Chartrand and Bignell groups, and Aboriginal and Métis peoples (Schulz (2017) contend examples like these, along with the & FemNorthNet Thompson Community Group, prior exclusion of Indigenous people, opposition 2015). The report showed clear divisions on how to culturally appropriate housing development

DISPLACEMENT, HOUSING AND HOMELESSNESS IN NORTHERN MANITOBA COMMUNITIES 7 and persistent visible disparities experienced by TheHPS was focused on two priority popula- Indigenous people, suggest the community has tions, the chronically homeless and episodically developed “…in a way that would sustain gen- homeless. A center-piece of this plan was main- erational poverty for Indigenous residents of the taining the homeless shelter, the development region to today” (p. 4). of a Cold Weather Policy, and giving priority to As with almost all urban communities in Housing First (TEDWG, 2013). An emergency shel- Canada, people who have been displaced from ter (24 beds) and transitional housing complex housing are highly visible in the City of Thomp- had already been established in the community son (Kading & Walmsley, 2018). Small cities like and the HPS funding helped to maintain these Thompson, due largely to having “limited capaci- programs. A recent community consultation on ties and resources” for social planning and engag- needs for addressing homelessness in the com- ing in health policy, find it extremely difficult to munity was also funded by the Homeless Part- execute effective responses to housing and home- nering Strategy (MNP, 2018). In addition, several lessness issues in their communities necessitating recent research projects have focused on hous- dependence on the provincial and federal govern- ing and homelessness in the city (C. Bonnycastle, ments for setting policy and providing homeless- Hughes, Bonnycastle, Nixon, & Groening, 2019; ness assistance (Kading & Walmsley, 2018, p. 25). M. M. Bonnycastle & Simpkins, 2020). It is also The Thompson Urban Aboriginal Strategy notable that the development strategy group Look (TUAS) group has been a key influencer through North (2017) plans to create a Housing Network their collaborative work in the City. It has been of community based housing stakeholders in the critical to the development of housing policy in region (Canadian Housing Renewal Association, Thompson (Walker et al., 2012). The TUAS hosted 2018; Look North, 2017). a multi-sectoral consultation in 2014, bringing In recent years the City, with funding from the twenty-four organizations together to support a HPS, has produced three homeless counts. Con- plan for homelessness. TheTUAS consultation sistently, the three Point in Time (PiT) Counts formed the basis for setting priorities for the mu- (2015, 2016 & 2018) have recognized Indigenous nicipality’s 2014–2019 Thompson Community adults as the highest number of people living Advisory Board community plan. The comple- without home (C. Bonnycastle & Deegan, 2018; tion of the plan helped the City of Thompson to M. M. Bonnycastle, Simkins, & Bonnycastle, achieve designated community status under the 2016; M. M. Bonnycastle, Simpkins, Bonnycas- Homeless Partnering Strategy (HPS). Receiving tle, & Matiasek, 2015). The most recent count in HPS community designation was an important 2018 showed that 94.5% of adults experiencing step to increase capacity to develop a local sys- homelessness were Indigenous (C. Bonnycastle tem to serve the homeless. & Deegan, 2018).

8 CCPA Manitoba and MNPHA Literature Review

It is broadly understood that government fund- and ongoing settler colonization and racism that ing changes since the 1980s have coincided with have displaced and dispossessed First Nations, increasing visibility of homelessness in northern Métis and Inuit Peoples from their traditional and rural urban settings (M. M. Bonnycastle, governance systems and laws, territories, histo- Simpkins, & Siddle, 2016; Kading & Walmsley, ries, worldviews, ancestors and stories” (Thistle, 2018; Piat et al., 2014). Indigenous people are con- 2017, p. 6). (See also Appendix B) sistently overrepresented in documented home- A significant cause of the rates of Indigenous less populations in Canada (Bingham et al., 2019; homelessness has been linked to housing exclu- Durbin, 2009; Kauppi, O’Grady, Schiff, Martin, sion resulting from federal housing policies. Fed- & Ontario Municipal Social, 2017; Leach, 2010). eral policies for housing affecting Indigenous Homelessness among Indigenous people has people have mainly been poorly planned and been linked to crisis levels of poverty, inadequate executed, inadequately resourced, and advanced housing and economic disadvantage connected with little consultation or understanding of the to broader deficiencies in government policies cultural needs of Indigenous people (Belanger, (Christensen, 2017; Leach, 2010; Thistle, 2017). 2016; Senate Canada, 2017). According to a re- According to Thistle (2017), Indigenous home- cent Canadian Housing and Renewal Association lessness is distinct from other commonly held (CHRA) survey, 20% of Indigenous people outside definitions because it is fundamentally connected reserves experience housing need versus 12.4% with Indigenous worldviews and conditions that of non-Indigenous people; in urban centers, 1 in have been and continue to be shaped by coloni- 15 Indigenous people will experience homeless- al processes. While Indigenous people’s experi- ness (8 times more likely than non-Indigenous) ences are linked to developments that have been compared to 1 in 128 for the general population used to inform general definitions of homeless- (2017). The scarcity of good quality housing has ness, Indigenous experiences cannot simply be created a crisis in many Indigenous communi- defined as the absence of having a structure to ties resulting in excessively high rates of over- live in (Thistle, 2017). Rather, it is “…best under- crowding. This has provoked homelessness and stood as the outcome of historically constructed forced migration to urban centers (Belanger,

DISPLACEMENT, HOUSING AND HOMELESSNESS IN NORTHERN MANITOBA COMMUNITIES 9 2016; M. M. Bonnycastle, Simpkins, et al., 2016). ronment, having access to rights, freedoms and In the 2016 First Nations Health Survey, hous- resources and being able to develop and connect ing was listed in the top five reasons for people with all beings (INAC, 2017; Hulchanski, Camp- to move away from community (First Nations sie, Chau, Hwang, & Paradis, 2009). Being home- Information Governance Centre, 2018). Gray, less further disrupts these connections, and it is Chau, Huerta, and Frankish (2011) also found also a full-time occupation — seeking out and ob- housing in the top five reasons for Indigenous taining food, self-care needs, shelter and servic- people’s movement to cities. According to Sta- ing addictions (Klop, Evenblij, Gootjes, de Veer tistics Canada, based on information from the & Onwuteaka-Philipsen, 2018). People who live 2011 National Household Survey (NHS) and the in shelters and/or are unstably housed are sub- 2012 Aboriginal Peoples survey (APS), over 40% jected to systems that have not been designed to of First Nations living on reserve in Manitoba respond to their particular needs. For example, were living in overcrowded housing and over such systems often have complex requirements 50% were living in homes that need major re- for access, are scattered and have limited hours pairs (Chernikova, 2016). of operation (Klop et al., 2018). Housing policy and response to the housing Accessing and keeping good housing is diffi- crisis for First Nations households, whether on cult for Indigenous people in urban settings. The or off reserve, have been inadequate (Belanger, availability of culturally appropriate housing is 2016). Researchers have found current funding extremely limited in Canada, as well as home for housing on reserve will not meet the demand ownership rates are lower for Indigenous people in Indigenous communities (Deane & Szabo, (Canadian Housing Renewal Association, 2017). 2020). Research has shown housing scarcity and In addition, Indigenous people are more likely displacement from housing increases risk of be- to be subjected to housing discrimination. For coming homeless for those who are already facing example, being denied or offered substandard inequalities and discrimination. Inadequate and options (M. M. Bonnycastle, Simpkins, et al., poor housing conditions have serious impacts on 2016; Corrado & Evaluation Associates, 2003). social and health outcomes creating social and In research on housing discrimination in Win- economic exclusion (Indigenous and Northern nipeg and Thompson, over 40% of participants Affairs Canada INAC( ), 2017; Loppie Reading in Thompson reported they had been directed & Wien, 2009). Poor housing conditions also to rent in a specific neighborhood/area (41.4%) place households at higher risk of experiencing in the city and given a restricted list of poorer house fires, “It has been well-documented that quality units when they went to view rentals current conditions in many First Nation com- (Corrado & Evaluation Associates, 2003). Dis- munities have led to unsafe living conditions crimination cited by participants in Thompson where housing is prone to fire, disproportion- included being denied housing because they had ate to non-Indigenous communities” (House of a lower income (20%) and their housing options Commons Canada, 2018, p. 1). being restricted due to their skin color (43%). Having a house is not necessarily the same as Nearly half believed discrimination resulted in having a home. For Indigenous people, it is beyond experiencing lower quality assistance in hous- a physical structure and income security (Thistle, ing matters generally; and over a third thought 2017), it is about having control over one’s envi- they were forced to pay higher rent.

10 CCPA Manitoba and MNPHA Methodology

We use community-based participatory research as female, one as two-spirited and 12 as male. (CBPR) to include the voices of people with lived Twenty-one two of the participants had lived experience to identify the causes of, and to ex- experience of homelessness and/or overcrowded plore possibilities to prevent and reduce, home- housing at some point in their lives. All but one lessness in northern Manitoba communities participant self-identified as Indigenous, and this (M. M. Bonnycastle, Simpkins, et al., 2016). The participant was a service provider and had never research also involved key informants in Indig- directly experienced homelessness. Indigenous enous organizations and groups in Thompson participants were Cree, Métis and Sayisi Dene. and in Nisichawayasihk Cree Nation. CBPR has All the participants spoke English fluently and a been used frequently in social work and other few participants were bilingual and understood health disciplines when researchers are seeking or were fluent in Cree. This research took place collaborative methods to work with community in Nisichawayasihk Cree Nation and Thompson (Minkler & Wallerstein, 2008). CBPR research- and most of the participants from Thompson ers work collaboratively, become well-acquainted were from many of the outlying2 communities with the everyday concerns of people and work in the Northern region of Manitoba. Participants toward producing practical knowledge that will identified 12 different communities as their place improve conditions for individuals and commu- of origin: Cross Lake) (2) , God’s Lake Narrows nities (Reason, 2008). (1), Lac Brochet (2), Nisichawayasihk Cree Na- tion (Nelson House (7), Bunibonibee Cree Nation (Oxford House) (1) , Pukatawagan (1) Thompson Participants (2), Shamattawa First Nation (1), South Indian This project included 22 participants whose age Lake First Nation (2) , Tataskweyak Cree Nation ranged between 24 to 62 years with an average (Split Lake) (1), Sayisi Dene First Nation (Tadouli) age of 41 years. Nine participants self-identified (1), and Winnipeg (1).

2 Outlying communities refers in this report to towns, reserves surrounding or remote to Thompson that access services in the City.

DISPLACEMENT, HOUSING AND HOMELESSNESS IN NORTHERN MANITOBA COMMUNITIES 11 Two participants were living on the street the project. The Elders were involved in all the when they were interviewed. Five participants focus groups and community cafés. were living at the shelter. Seven were experienc- ing hidden homelessness meaning they were liv- ing in overcrowded housing, inadequate housing, Food or couch surfing. The remainder were transi- We shared food with participants of each focus tional housing (YWCA, CMHA and 95 Cree Rd) group and community cafés. It is an important and two had their own housing at the time of ingredient in participatory action research, as it the interview. contributes to strengthening relationship build- ing. It is also consistent with traditions and the culture of northern communities, particularly Elders and Indigenous Protocols with Indigenous peoples. We got approval from the Nisichawayasihk Cree Nation Chief and Council to develop the research (see appendix A). The researchers are Ethics non-Indigenous and sought the collaborative in- Ethics approval was obtained from the University volvement of community members and partici- of Manitoba and UCN Research Ethics Boards. pants in the research process in order to respect Participants for interviews and focus groups were traditional protocols, which is consistent with recruited through posters and local services and Indigenous methodologies (Kovach, 2009). This agencies. To be eligible for inclusion participants was approached in several ways. For example, needed to have lived experience of homelessness, we hired and worked with several community or be a family member or be a key informant who members in NCN and students from the north- worked with people who are homeless. Partici- ern social work program and community mem- pants’ consent was obtained, and this included bers in Nisichawayasihk Cree Nation. Research consent to audio record interviews and focus participants were involved in several activities groups and to share data. Following the First including training, interviews, data collection, Nations principles of OCAP (FNIGC), we submit- transcriptions, translations and design of the ted a copy of the proposal and got the approval aspects of the research. All student and com- from the Chief of Nisichawayasihk Cree Nation. munity research assistants involved directly We followed the OCAP processes established by with the participants were Indigenous. Prefer- NCN leadership, including seeking consent from ence was given to students who had some un- the Chief and council, engaging with key advi- derstanding of the local language and culture. sors in the community and collaborating with Several research assistants understood and/or several leaders and an elder in the community. spoke Cree. In addition, at the onset of the project, the researchers met with two Elders, one from NCN Research Process and the other from Thompson, to discuss the Data Generation and Analysis project and their level of involvement. Each el- The process (see Figure 1) and write up of the der was offered tobacco at the first meeting and research required us to be active in building received $100 honorarium. Throughout the pro- relationships and trust with participants and ject, the researchers continued to meet with the community members in order to increase our Elders in person and via telephone to consult, understanding of the community by the research- share information and update on the progress of ers to ensure a better-quality understanding of

12 CCPA Manitoba and MNPHA Figure 1 Research Process

Data Analysis

• Interviews: LSB • Thematic • Community • Focus Groups Analysis Cafés • Nvivo

Data Knowledge Generation Sharing

the answers to our questions. Throughout this in the interviews (Berends, 2011; Bagnoli, 2009; project there were several meetings with service Keats, 2009). The use of both narrative and visual providers and key stakeholders in both commu- methods in the interviews was also chosen be- nities, NCN and Thompson, in order to contrib- cause this has been shown to be a good method ute to the development of relationships and trust for building rapport and collecting difficult life and to recruit participants. Multiple forms of experiences in interviews (Bradbury, 2017). This data collection were sought, including individ- approach aids participants to externalize their ual interviews and focus groups. Participants in experience, thus promoting cognitive distance interviews and focus groups received $25. Lived (Chongo et al., 2018). Bradbury (2017) asserts, experience participants in cafés received $10 in “Visual data collection methods involve partic- appreciation of their participation. ipants in documenting and reflecting on their worlds, enabling them to narrate lives that may Interviews be difficult to both tell and hear” (p. 33). A visual The data collection occurred in phases starting method creates a focal point where interview- with the interviews, which averaged 50 minutes. er and participant are engaged in collaboration In depth semi-structured interviews were held and exploration. There is flexibility in how the using visual methods. We developed an interview visual method is utilized and how much control approach using different symbols for participants is given to the researcher and/or the participant. mapping their stories and experiences. Visual This creates more potential for the development methods have been used in different ways, for of shared understanding versus a face to face in- example, the Vidaview Life Story Board (Chon- terview (Mignone et al., 2019). go, Chase, Lavoie, Harder, & Mignone, 2018; Mi- Symbols (figure 2) were developed for use with gnone, Chase, & Roger, 2019). The use of multi- a Bristol boards to generate a dialogue between ple methods when seeking participant’s stories the participant and the interviewer. At the start about their life experiences allows for more cre- of each interview participants received a brief ativity and for more perspectives to materialize orientation to the use of the Bristol board, types

DISPLACEMENT, HOUSING AND HOMELESSNESS IN NORTHERN MANITOBA COMMUNITIES 13 Figure 2 Visual Symbols used for Interviews Clouds are representative of participants future dreams for themselves, community, family.

These explosion-like symbols represent troubles, hurts, and/or difficult transitions for the person/family or community.

These dialogue symbols represent client’s ideas about what we can do to help/prevent homelessness.

Hearts generally denote caring relationships — such as with children.

Bodies small and large denote people, either the participant or their loved ones. Markings on the bodies indicate injuries/illness/trauma

Stars represent achievements/skills/abilities.

Some boards have the river symbol which represents periods of transition/homelessness (this later became the backpack)

Backpacks represent periods of transitions and/or homelessness when the client did not have a house to live in.

Houses are literally housing they lived in — markings indicate how many people lived there and when they occupied this house.

Other Drawings are related to parts of the interview. Say a person is talking about when they were a guide or Markings had access to the land, they may draw a moose/deer etc…

of symbols and their meaning. We also showed third of the board the participants often placed examples of symbols that could be applied to information about themselves (demographics, the Bristol board to represent their experiences. education, children and achievements). The instructions for the interview and symbols After an orientation to the board, partici- were intentionally broad to encourage partici- pants were asked basic demographic questions pants to take control of their story. Participants about their age, gender and community. Prompts were not restricted in their use of the symbols were given to choose from the selection of sym- and were encouraged to use pens and materials bols and to make notations on symbols and/or freely to depict aspects of their experience. Most on the board itself. The interviews did not follow participants used the top of the Bristol board to a sequential pattern; many participants moved depict a timeline of experiences of housing and back and forth between different aspects of their homelessness (early life). The middle of the board lives/experiences and this sometimes resulted in was often used to depict community and fam- changes to the placement of symbols/notations. ily aspects of their experience, along with their The configuration of the story boards and place- ideas and dreams. Lengthways along the bottom ment of the symbols took similar shape across the

14 CCPA Manitoba and MNPHA Bristol boards. There were very few story boards The codes and categories were constantly com- where participants drew free hand, most chose pared and developed through a fluid and circu- from the symbols to represent their experiences. lar process whereby incidents were compared to each category and previous incidents (Creswell & Focus Groups Poth, 2017; Miles, Huberman, & Saldaña, 2014), We facilitated three focus groups. The first fo- thus further developing relationships and themes cus group was held in NCN with 11 participants in the data. Finally, the researchers reviewed the including homeless life experience participants coding to identify additional important codes, and service providers. Subsequent focus groups themes, and relationships, and this analysis were held in Thompson, one with homeless lived is presented here according to the six themes: experience people with 7 participants and the sec- housing, impact of colonialism, racism, domes- ond one with service providers and other com- tic violence and sexual abuse, issues about ser- munity members with 10 participants. vices, programs and supports, and relationships. To ensure participant anonymity, participants’ Data Analysis names are replaced with a number. Interviews were digitally recorded, transcribed As a part of the data analysis, stories were verbatim, and entered into a qualitative com- summarized into short vignettes and tables. puter analysis program (NVivo 12) by a research As discussed above, preliminary data/themes assistant. The interviews were then examined were explored in focus groups and cafés. The using thematic analysis (Braun & Clarke, 2006; initial conceptual categories that developed in- Padgett, 2017). The interview questions guided cluded: causes of homelessness, housing condi- the initial coding of the interview content. Ad- tions, homeless conditions, services and sup- ditional preliminary codes and categories were ports, health concerns, services and supports identified by reading each of the transcriptions and connections to people, community and the (i.e., first level of coding). Data placed into each land/culture. For homeless conditions the ini- of these broad codes were then reviewed to iden- tial categories were early life (childhood home- tify themes within the large coding categories. lessness) experiences; skills of helpers; access-

Figure 3 Categories and Themes Conceptual Categories Themes Housing • The housing situation • We have too many people living under one roof • I was never really in one place — housing instability • The house burned down Impact of Colonialism & • I don’t know if you heard anything about the sixties scoop? Racism at Different Levels • A lot of racism is still alive Domestic Violence and Abuse • I… I was stuck with him, like I wasn’t able to leave. Lack of Services, Programs • I wasn’t okay and Supports • I’ve been asking for help for so many years • You can’t get no rest • I don’t like alcohol Relationships • We help each other out • A good life • People are happiest on the land • We need to educate community

DISPLACEMENT, HOUSING AND HOMELESSNESS IN NORTHERN MANITOBA COMMUNITIES 15 ing housing; transitions from institutions (child facilitated, one in NCN with 10 participants in- welfare, mental health); domestic violence; and, cluding service providers and those with lived criminal justice involvement. The final layer of experience. The second one was in Thompson, coding occurred after the conclusion of two ca- with 15 service providers. fés held in NCN and Thompson. Subsequent conceptual categories, in the fi- nal layer of coding, that emerged were: housing, Limitations impact of colonialism, racism at different levels, The main limitation was the scope of the research, domestic violence and abuse, lack of services, pro- which didn’t allow for broader representation of grams and supports, and relationships. Within communities in the region. This research only each category themes were identified from within represents the experiences of interview partici- interview and focus group transcripts and cho- pants in Thompson and some surrounding com- sen based on their relevance for grouping expe- munities. Therefore, the findings embody the riences of multiple participants (Figure 3). experiences of a limited number of participants (1 or 2 adults) from each of the eleven communi- Knowledge Sharing ties, except Nisichawayasihk Cree Nation (Nel- Community Cafés son House) that included 7 participants. Credibility of the findings and the interpretation Additionally, the project was small-scale and were assured through prolonged engagement had limited resources to engage with commu- with the data, the occurrence of the essential nity advisors (housing, health and substance structure in all narratives, use of participants’ use treatment) in Nisichawayasihk Cree Nation. own words to name and illustrate themes and With additional funding we would have been the development of community cafés to validate able to bring advisors together in the region for the findings, interpretation of data and deep- co-learning and capacity building. ened the themes. Two community cafes were Some interview participants were experienc- ing chronic mental health and substance use problems which may have impaired their rec- Figure 4 Community Café ollection of events and experiences. The story- board interviews with participants could have benefited from breaking the interview up into smaller parts over two or three meetings. Hav- ing separate meetings would have allowed time for further reflection and explanation of the in- dividual’s experiences. Because in the first focus group there was a mix of participants with different levels of power, service providers and lived experience, we identi- fied different levels of participation. As a conse- quence, we remediated these issues by creating two focus groups, one for primarily participants with lived experience and one for service providers.

16 CCPA Manitoba and MNPHA Findings

The overall purpose of this project was to identify Homeless Lived Experience people’s experiences navigating housing, home- Even people in my community are not homeless, lessness, and services. The participants in this I don’t consider them because they have family research project were people with lived experi- members or friends, or family from, generations ence of housing instability and homelessness and before, they’ve known each other, you know service providers. Importantly, service providers they lived each other, right? But what I consider may also have had lived experience. When we use homelessness is, like say people in Thompson the term ‘lived experience’ and/or lived experi- or in the cities, but I’ll say Thompson cause I ence of homelessness we are not just referring know Thompson, and I know people that live to people who are currently visibly homeless; in garbage cans or... They just go to the bush we are describing those who have experienced and sleep in the bush... Well, not only NCN one or more of the 12 dimensions identified in members, but even oh, people that, ah..., from Thistle’s Definition of Indigenous Homelessness other communities... (interview 18). in Canada (2017). Thistle’s consultations with First Nations, Métis and Inuit were extensive As it is represented in the diagram below (figure including over 50 participants from across Can- 5), housing is the prominent theme that emerged ada finding “…each person and community had from the interviews with homeless lived expe- experienced degrees of homelessness, and that rience participants. Housing is interconnected each had endured them in different ways”. The with other five themes. Though housing need is following data includes the thematic organization the most important theme that came out of the of the findings from the audio transcriptions of interviews — we begin with the strengths in the the interview with the visual stories and audio culture and in the people, as is plainly shown in transcriptions and notes from focus groups, and the narratives about relationships between peo- finally notes from community cafés. ple, community, land and culture.

DISPLACEMENT, HOUSING AND HOMELESSNESS IN NORTHERN MANITOBA COMMUNITIES 17 Figure 5 Findings

Impact of Colonization

Services Racism Programs & Different Supports Levels Housing

Domestic Violence & Relationships Abuse

Relationships Because in my day when I was growing up there Good Life was only me and my grandpa. Somebody gets The sense of community and connection with the to the age, even 14, or 15, as soon as they can land had profound meaning in participants’ stories. take care of themselves. They build them a new Being in housing in a community meant there was house. Like a cabin, like a log cabin where... a place to connect with traditional ways and the It was home, their own space to get help, get land. Participants talked reflectively about times started, you know. As soon as families got before housing was constructed for them by the married … they build them a house, the whole federal government, when they contended people community would build them a house… Ok, were able to respond quickly to housing needs with that’s what I mean about government policy. the resources they had on hand. For one participant You can’t just live in a log cabin, you have to “…it was a good life”, (Interview 17) when people have electricity, the floor, cause I know when I worked together and homes were constructed from was growing up, I saw some houses that didn’t the resources at hand on the land. If the floor got have a floor, they were just bare, but... But dirty or the housing deteriorated it was burned, like, without a floor, just moss, or... Just tree and a new floor was laid down or a new home was branches... For the floor, and when you need to constructed. If a young couple wanted to start a clean up you just... Take everything out, burn it, family, a house was built for them, and put it here, use... It’s not like we don’t have

18 CCPA Manitoba and MNPHA all these trees, we could build houses for people and a stove and a table.” (Interview 17); “They lived (Interview 17). off the land, they lived the traditional way.”(In - terview 22); “Yeah, ‘cause I was taught by — from People are Happiest on the Land my grandparents.” (Interview 20). Participants in interviews talked of the impor- For another participant who had been chroni- tance of connection to culture and the land. Sev- cally homeless since his adolescence his dream eral men who were chronically homeless at the was to have a place in his community to “fish” time of their interview had been hunters, trap- and “carve”. “Yeah, I’m an artist” (Interview 13). pers, fishermen and guides. They spoke about Though housing was foremost in the dis- their skills in building houses and surviving on cussion of ideas and dreams shared by partici- the land. Some had chronic alcohol problems pants most involved connection to their family and had experienced injuries that got in the way and other loved ones. People’s dreams and ideas of using those skills. Several interview partici- about housing were often interwoven with hopes pants, spoke about the disconnection from the of connecting/reconnecting with relationships, land and culture since leaving the community community, the land and culture. For this par- to come to Thompson. A participant in mental ticipant his loss of connection to his people has health transitional housing spoke about missing also meant he is disconnected from the land community land-based activities, “Yeah, like, and community. uh, like in Tadoule, they do a community hunt There used to be people — my uncle, like, my every fall, in Tadoule. You go up North and get cousins, all those, they used to take me fishing, caribou, bring back for the people.” (Interview 9). hunting, and… visit… or… help me get wood… When asked if he had been able to participate tt, dad used to help me that time. Used to… since moving to Thompson,“Aw, not since I got he used to talk to me about the way I was, my here [Thompson], yeah. Aw, well… like hunting… schizophrenia. ‘Cause I, I used to say a lot of I like going out and… camping, fishing… and… crazy things back then. I, I can’t remember most Yeah. Going for wood.” (Interview 9). of it but, uh… they would talk to me, like…they For another participant, who was waiting in were trying to help me, yeah (interview 9)? the crisis centre for housing in her community, housing was a foundation to connect her chil- One participant’s involvement with child wel- dren to the land and traditions, fare and criminal justice displaced her from housing for thirty years. She lost her son at the Yeah. Oh, and I get, uh, I wanna be… connected time of becoming homeless. Her number one to, uh, my traditional — our traditional ways… dream was to reconnect with her son who was My dreams is to get a campsite for me and my now living in another province. She had found family. Uh, ‘cause I want them, I want to teach him on social media and was going “[t]hrough them about the, uh, about the outdoors, and… Facebook once in a while.” “To …see what he’s about our tradition (Interview 10). up to” (Interview 11). Some participants shared positive memories of living in close quarters with family, particularly We Help Each Other Out when it involved living with grandparents. For Many participants stated they were not home- these participants this was a time when they con- less or their people were not homeless because nected with the culture and land while learning they could always go home to family. As shown important skills, “Yeah, like it was a big cabin, in the quote at the start of this section, one par- there was a bed there, bed there, and a bed there ticipant asserted there was no homelessness in

DISPLACEMENT, HOUSING AND HOMELESSNESS IN NORTHERN MANITOBA COMMUNITIES 19 community, because people help each other out. and then they pay me back. And that’s how we Housing was also connected to helping others look after each other on the streets (Interview 5). and this included leaving housing to make room for family, being in housing was also a founda- Housing tion to give back to community. The Housing Situation A male participant thought being in perma- The main reasons most participants gave for their nent housing would permit him to “[c]ontribute move out of their community, or for not to being more to the community… Uh… I like to help peo- able to move back, were dissatisfaction with housing ple; I like to help people. Homeless people and… and lack of housing or shelter in their community, People with families always need help. Uh, espe- The only reason — yeah, the only reason we cially single parents. I also like helping my Elders” moved to Thompson, cause that’s where we (Interview 18). could find a place, ‘cause in Cross(we), pretty A participant in transitional housing in much just couldn’t get a house — well, you’re Thompson stated that if they had the resourc- living with your parents. (Interview 12) es, they would not only house themselves, but they would help the homeless, “Well, If I became Participants painted a picture of housing where rich, I would help the homeless people. Like what there is no range of choices for people with differ- they need to go in the shower with. Something to ing needs and/or at different stages in their lives, read. Articles. Newspaper. Articles. I wish we had Yeah, like we need more, we need more homes the internet (Interview 5). This same participant for our community. Like, even if it, uh, was a spoke to grief about friends, who had died while combined home, like, like, those six-plex — Or on the street in Thompson, a townhouse, like a teacherage — we would I have lost some friends who stayed at the need more of those for our single parents homeless shelter…One of them had a double (Interview 20). heart attack. One froze to death, one died from liver failure. They were homeless. They used to We Have Too Many People Living Under One Roof offer me a drink, they used to feed me. Offer me Nearly 50% of interview participants had expe- cigarettes (Interview 5). rienced living in overcrowded housing at some point in their lives. Several participants recalled Participants also spoke to feeling accepted and overcrowded living conditions when they were safe within the homeless community in Thomp- children. Three participants were currently liv- son, “They help each other out, they tell you “okay, ing in overcrowded conditions. Several stated you don’t have a place, check this place out, this they had moved from their community as a re- part of town”. Yes, it’s, um, they’re very caring.” sult of these conditions, (Interview 12). “It’s about trust, and family and closure (Yah, the community) Yah. Cause we’re — (In) our community we have too many people all on the same boat, hey” (Interview 22). living under one roof (Interview 20). A participant who appeared strongly con- there’s what 12, 15, 18 people staying in a house, nected with the homeless community in Thomp- that’s why I moved (Interview 21). son stated, The challenges described for living in these con- I help the homeless out there. I give them food, ditions included experiencing ‘feeling homeless’, change and that. Or a drink for a hangover fix or limited or no privacy, interrupted routines (sleep, whatever. I just give it to them a bottle for the fix, hygiene, nutrition), having no place to secure

20 CCPA Manitoba and MNPHA their belongings, supporting others financially, Several participants in interviews described poor and struggling to go to work/school, living conditions in their experiences of housing on reserves including mold, lack of insulation, I felt like I was homeless., And even if I did and improper venting. Some participants talked stay with relatives and stuff, it wasn’t your own about living in housing without plumbing. Par- space…And your own privacy. And that takes a ticipants also identified lack of maintenance of lot out of you. Especially if you’re working, and houses and the fact these houses were not built you get discouraged a lot (Interview 15). properly for the conditions in the north, “I have A participant, who had been living in over- seen these houses we have now are not up to code crowded conditions for several years, wished for… for the winter here, North… There’s a lot of for housing for elders who weren’t ready for the boarded up houses, lots of vacant houses here.” senior’s facility in the community, “tiny houses, (Interview 18). I’m tempted to make my husband build me just a one room house, where we could live in peace” I was Never Really in One Place (Housing (Interview 17). Instability) Two participants were commuting between Fifteen participants had experienced housing NCN and Thompson due to the lack of housing in instability and homelessness in their early lives the community. Participants stated they had lost (before age twenty). Seven participants (nearly their housing when they left the community to 30%) first experienced homelessness in their ear- seek opportunities and education. One of these ly childhood (0–9 years). Homelessness during participants thought people might be choos- youth was also discussed in several interviews. ing not to pursue opportunities outside of the In one example an interview participant, who community for fear of losing their housing. He had been moving between her grandfather and had lost his housing after it burned down when mother from her earliest years, became homeless he was away from the community working. The after her grandfather passed. After his death, she house wasn’t replaced because he was deemed moved back and forth between Winnipeg and to have abandoned it. He had been couch-surf- Thompson and wanted her own housing, but it ing for nine years at the time of the interview. didn’t happen,

And, uh, they said I abandoned the house Yeah, as the years went by from 2011, I was back too…, which I didn’t. I was out of the — reserve and forth to my mom’s place and Winnipeg. working. Uh, my brother-in-law was staying in Things never worked out. I tried to find a place that house (Interview 19). to stay. I had workers try to help me out to help find a place, but nothing ever worked out Several interview participants expressed will- (Interview 5). ingness to occupy rundown homes, garages or to build log homes in the bush in order to be able One participant stated, “I never really was in one to live in community, place…” (Interview 1) speaking to the fact that he had been removed into foster care from his If I had a — my own home, even if it was family/community at three years of age. He nev- rundown, oh my gosh, I would work so hard to er saw his parents again and was not reunited make it my own and make it nice (Interview 14). with family until he was fourteen when he was Uh… recommend the guys to get together and discharged from CFS care. help one another, maybe cut logs around the Another participant worried about her grand- bush, make their own log homes (Interview 5). daughter who lived with her and several other

DISPLACEMENT, HOUSING AND HOMELESSNESS IN NORTHERN MANITOBA COMMUNITIES 21 family members in NCN and in Thompson during And there was no room at my grandmother’s her childhood and adolescence. “…I think that’s place or anybody else’s place. And my ex-partner why she’s so transient, like she can’t really hold didn’t want me to live with him. I started a job”. She also acknowledged, though, that her packing up and I came here to Thompson. I daughter is very adaptable and resilient wher- went to my auntie’s place at her apartment, but ever she goes. “I mean..., she’d be at my house, she kicked me out. And after that she dropped she’d fit right there. She readapts... like over here, me off at the homeless shelter. And I started be here for a few days”. She noted, however, that staying there and yeah it was hard. (Interview 5). the granddaughter hasn’t been able to finish A participant reflected on his experience moving high school. “So, she doesn’t have an education” between sets of grandparents and his parents, (Interview 17). because his mother didn’t qualify for housing A participant in NCN, who had been couch in the community (pre-Bill C -31). When he was surfing since their late adolescence, was moving in his mid-adolescence, his mother was finally between six different households at the time he qualified to be a member of the Band and eligi- was interviewed. He described longing for his ble to be housed in the community, but he still own place. “Yeah, ‘cause I want my own space. didn’t gain a secure place to call home, I want to be able to do my own laundry and … take a shower any time I want” and “cook for my- Since growing up, (I)never had roots where self…instead of the whole tribe” (Interview 18). you know, this is our house, this is our place, This participant discussed catching sleep where sense of ownership for anything until (I was) they could and coming in late for work because 15, I never had a room at my mum’s place, cause they hadn’t been able to sleep the night before where I slept all the time when I went was the due to their unstable circumstances. “…I don’t couch. (Interview 12) like, uh, people coming in and out, knocking all Another participant spoke about the sense of night” (interview 18). hopelessness that can result when a person does A participant in Thompson described the not have their own place to stay, and how this can challenges and managing displacement from diminish motivation, “Yeah. And you’re like, oh housing in Thompson while they worked for why should I work? I have nowhere to go; I have Manitoba Hydro, no place to stay.” (Interview 15). Uh, I was living with my buddy, oh, we used to work for Hydro, we got — coming from Gillam, The house burned down used to stay with him, I think two weeks or Nearly a third (7) of those interviewed discussed three weeks, I moved around and left. Stayed house fires as a cause of homelessness or living in with a friend in McCreedy, in the camp. Still overcrowded housing. Three of these participants went to work, and stayed with my buddy in experienced this when they were young children that hotel room for a while. And weekends he (0–9 years). It took four years or more to replace went back, so I’d just find a new place to stay. some of these houses, while others didn’t appear Anywhere I could find. I sometimes slept in the to have been rebuilt. For some participants, this bush. (Interview 12). was the beginning of prolonged displacement from family and community or the entering For another participant couch surfing between into overcrowded living conditions with family. family members was a prolonged ordeal culmi- One participant moved in with their grandpar- nating in living at the shelter before moving to ents, making it sixteen people in the home. They 95 Cree Rd (a housing first program),

22 CCPA Manitoba and MNPHA shared a room with their parents and siblings for directly related to housing (availability and ac- four years, until their home was rebuilt. For an- cess) and two were related to accessing services other interview participant, a house fire result- and supports in Thompson, ed in loss of connection with his entire family Like, say if we were to go out of the for over ten years. For three other participants, community — A lot of racism is still alive… It a house fire was a direct cause of their current means… I feel like, we’re all judged in one, like, homelessness, either for themselves (2) or for a we’re all judged in the same bunch (Interview 14). close relative (1). Uh… well, I tried to get housing, but it was hard. Impact of Colonialism and Racism at I still have a hard time getting housing. I don’t Different Levels know … they used to say it was not available. I don’t know if you heard anything about the (sighs), yeah, it’s, uh, there’s none available, like sixties scoop? you know, they’re all rented out (Interview 9). Child welfare was implicated as a cause of home- Two interview participants discussed experiences lessness by several participants who had been accessing services in Thompson where they and taken into care and later discharged or aged- others were confronted with racism, out. One participant was removed when he was three years of age and was later sent back to his …walked in, “no, you can’t shop here, you gotta community of origin to overcrowded housing go.” Like holy smokes! (Interview 7). when he was 14 years old, “I don’t know if you Like people would automatically stigmatize her know anything about the sixties scoop… the whole as a drunk, you can’t even go to a washroom in family was taken away actually. My whole fam- Thompson (Interview 17). ily.” (Interview 1). Another participant was tak- en into care at five years of age and after several Another participant discussed the impact of his years of mistreatment ran away. She was placed father’s internalized racism, in group homes and then let go to move between My dad was very demeaning towards our family members, Indian culture…He felt very ashamed of it… the And then the reason why I left was because I colonization through the residential school and wasn’t being treated properly and I could tell the everything, it’s just the way they were looked difference between how my foster mum would at, as dirty….But they were Métis my great treat her kids, like her biological children… grandfather was from Scotland (Interview 12). (Interview 14). We Need to Educate Community One participant spoke to the intergenerational Participants in interviews saw the need for a wid- effects of residential schools, er conversation and education about the history There’s no family structure, the people that of colonization and its’ consequences on Indig- went to residential school, they don’t know how enous population and therefore a critical cause to take care of themselves and their children of homelessness. (Interview 17). I think we should educate them and the public, in general….Well they need to educate the A lot of racism is still alive community. Cause there’s no money, like I’m Some participants shared their experiences with saying back in uh before the colonization there’s discrimination. Several of their experiences were no record of abuse, no records of runaways, no

DISPLACEMENT, HOUSING AND HOMELESSNESS IN NORTHERN MANITOBA COMMUNITIES 23 records of suicide, and the Indian culture. So, I’d sleep on my friend’s floor sometimes…… On everything was brought in with colonization. the living room floor” (Interview 11). This par- So, and there’s the uh, there was somebody out ticipant discussed experiencing sexual assault there that could explain and actually take apart and always feeling at risk “…lots of times, yeah. colonization bit by bit, this is the reason why When I was homeless” you are this way. Because all this happened, so Two interview participants shared the anguish this is not all you, don’t…think of yourself as about being rejected by family. One discussed he just bad. (Interview 12) was “always the black sheep in the family” (In- terview 1). Another participant shared, Domestic Violence and Abuse Like I am the mistake in the family…… and I… I was stuck with him, like I wasn’t able to I don’t give a shit what I am doing right now. leave. Every time I am away from them, I think Though many participants experienced violence they banished me, cause every time I try to in their early life and in their adult relationships, communicate with my family, phone calls, in this was principally common amongst women. person when they see me on the streets, they One participant had early experiences with abuse might give me money or something to wear or in her relationship with her boyfriend. They had something to eat. But they don’t really, don’t lived for many years in overcrowded living con- really, …. (Interview 5). ditions and the violence intensified when they moved into their own house. She had to leave One participant who had been chronically home- the community to enter the shelter in Thomp- less for many years in Thompson described be- son. She gave some of her children to child wel- ing bullied and physically assaulted as a result of fare through a voluntary placement agreement, his appearance. “They, they just hurt me. They do “abusive boyfriend. emotional, psychological. At this,… everybody in town” (Interview 13). first, it was like, physical but he stopped. I was Many participants shared experiences of emo- 16 — no.. Fifteen… and he was… 18.” (Interview 10). tional and physical abuse in their early life. Sev- eral participants (men and women) spoke about I wasn’t okay harsh parenting experience in childhood and ado- Histories of sexual abuse and trauma in their lescence. Child welfare involvement and removal families were frequent among the women who into CFS care were also common experiences. were interviewed, “When I was 13 or 14 years old, An example was shown by a participant who I got raped. I don’t want my girls to go through experienced untreated mental illness and vio- what I went through.” (Interview 6). For one par- lence in her relationship spiraled into prolonged ticipant sexual abuse in her home forced her to homelessness after she was charged with assault move out of the community and into a crisis shel- on her spouse and a child. Her involvement with ter, “…Yeah. So, I just… thought ‘okay, I’m with child welfare and criminal justice led to losing family, I’m gonna be okay.’…But I wasn’t okay…. her son and not being able to obtain employment ‘Cause I was sexually molested by a relative… or housing. At the time of the interview she was So, that’s why I had to move to the crisis centre” in transitional housing, but had been homeless (Interview 20). One female participant, housed in shelters and couch surfing in Thompson for in transitional housing at the time of interview, over 30 years, had been homeless and unstably housed for… I got in a fight with my old man, I—I threw “[t]hirty years now. Just living, renting rooms. something at him, and it hit his son… And then Not houses — sometimes apartments but — yeah.

24 CCPA Manitoba and MNPHA I got … into the… child abuse registry — but Thompson. Some participants stated they tried, it’s under… assault with a weapon and… It but gave up after their efforts to connect with wasn’t even a weapon.. I just threw something, housing led to naught. In one interview the par- a curling iron at him and it hit him and then ticipant stated the housing agency in Thompson it hit his son…And then I got charged, yeah… kept losing their paperwork. This participant de- it was when my son was five years old… I scribed her confusion about the process to buy ended up homeless, ‘because there’s a lot of a house in NCN and her fears that her status as jobs that require a criminal check and that’s a lone parent would get in the way of being pri- why I couldn’t get a good, decent job. Uh, I oritized for housing, got in trouble with the law. And I, um… it I apply every year for a house, and now they’re was for theft at Wal-Mart, it was stupid. I was saying you can put a five thousand dollar down- written up in the paper (precipitated 30 years of payment, but first it has to go through the band, homelessness) (Interview 11). and council, and once it goes through there, you As discussed above, many participants witnessed can and cannot be approved, I’m a single parent, violence in their early life and for some this led so they look at me and say, “well, yeah, she does into experiencing homelessness in their early work here, and she commutes, so she’s fine, so, years. As one participant described, she and nah, she don’t need a house”. And yet, I can still her siblings lived with her mother for about six use a house...Cause I have children (Interview 16). months in shelters throughout Manitoba when Many discussed coming to Thompson for men- she was five or six years old,“It felt like we were in tal health, substance use and medical services. and out of those shelters, for at least half a year. I Several participants had no choice but to leave only remember being… in our Brandon home for their community to seek help for their situa- Christmas… January, February, March, April. tions whether it was living with mental health For five months, I only remember living in Bran- issues, domestic violence or physical disabil- don.” (Interview 14). This participant was taken ity. One participant (Interview 3) stated there into CFS care soon after they were housed and needed to be shelters for women in the outly- remained their until she returned to commu- ing community and more education about do- nity (Age 5 to 14). mestic violence, starting in the schools. Others thought there should be mental health supports Services, Programs and Supports in outlying communities so they didn’t have to I’ve been asking for help for so many years leave community, Many participants were not able to get their support and housing needs met in the outlying I didn’t have any support. Yeah, I wouldn’t have communities or in Thompson. Research par- to leave home, yeah (Interview 11). ticipants’ transitions to Thompson were often Though, as above, many of the participants had met with structural barriers. These barriers in- experienced trauma and loss, only one partici- cluded discrimination, lack of affordable hous- pant talked about receiving counselling for these ing options, unclear processes and inadequate issues, “I was actually the one who put myself in responses from services. Several participants counselling” (Interview 14). reported they didn’t know where to go to access One participant described being discharged the help they needed. Participants spoke about from inpatient mental health in Winnipeg with not understanding or getting confused in their a bus ticket. At the time, his only option was efforts to get into housing in communities and in to stay in a precarious situation with extended

DISPLACEMENT, HOUSING AND HOMELESSNESS IN NORTHERN MANITOBA COMMUNITIES 25 family. He was fearful of losing his things at this son after being transported there for mental place, so he hid his bus ticket under the mat- health assessment (she had attempted suicide). tress, but then forgot it there when he left the She missed the arranged transport back to her next morning to catch the bus. From there, he community. She claimed her medical escort took fell into homelessness in Winnipeg, her out drinking. Soon after her medical stay funding expired, she began living on the street (I)?…was at the… Selkirk Health Institution. and then at the shelter. Yeah, I had to go to my auntie’s, all my bags, my clothes, and then, uh… I had a bus ticket You can’t get no rest to come back to Thompson. And I forgot it Several participants had been experiencing home- underneath the bed I was sleeping on, ‘cause I’d lessness in Thompson for many, many years. One hid my bus ticket … the night before. So, I was of these participants spoke of his efforts in his at the bus depot…. And then, uh, I wanted to early twenties to work while living at the shelter, get on the bus and I was looking for my ticket, couldn’t find it. It was right downtown, so…I .… but while I was homeless, I was working ended up going to… Salvation Army, I think… at Safeway (laughs)….Uh… sometimes it was (Interview 8). hard, right, it’s like… sometimes you get into arguments, that… in there [the shelter]. Yeah. Trauma and loss were experienced by many par- Mhm. Sometimes there’s fights in there and… ticipants. This was frequently accompanied by stuff like that … (Interview 9). housing instability and episodes of homelessness. This participant’s (Interview 3) experience dur- A few participants spoke about how living at the ing her adolescence was particularly demonstra- shelter interrupts sleep, and encourages turning tive. It began when she lost their home after her to alcohol to cope. It’s hard living there you can’t mother passed away. The only accommodation sleep. You can’t get no rest, no you just have so drink offered her was to stay with her grandmother (to) sleep (Interview 1). Meaning using alcohol in a senior’s facility. When her grandmother aided in coping with the conditions in the shelter. needed medical support outside of the com- One participant discussed the difficulty he munity, she was housed temporarily in a jail in had sustaining recovery, “I just tried quitting be- the community. fore on my own but I just…I had nothing to do. A few participants in the interviews discussed All I had around were my friends and they are how the processes to access medical transport, drinking” (Interview 2). once they had left the community, were complex A few participants spoke about being puz- and frustrating. This was especially concerning if zled by criteria for admission at the shelter. This a medical appointment was missed or changed, participant described being told they were not homeless and sent away, I think a lot of people leave their communities for medical reasons and can’t get back because Even the, homeless shelter there, you have to they’ve missed their appointment. Or they’ve be in for a certain time … and, I slept there made their appointment and they can’t get for a while, they told me I wasn’t homeless, so through (to medical transport services) to get they turned me away…, but I used to go stay at back to their community (Interview 15). my brother-in-law’s near to the kennel, and he stays in a little abandoned trailer out there, and One interview participant (Interview 3), who ex- there’s a couch, so I walked all the way over to perienced hidden homelessness in her commu- the dog kennel just to go sleep and come back in nity, discussed becoming homeless in Thomp-

26 CCPA Manitoba and MNPHA the morning. Well, it’s the same thing as Cross 1) when he returned home at age 14 to his family Lake. I was in — they said I was capable of doing from foster care. Several participants’ early life this stuff, well, it was almost the same thing. experiences with alcohol precipitated their home- Well, “we know you … like we know, we saw you lessness. This was clearly portrayed by one par- around, you had a job, you’re not homeless.” So, ticipant who described being introduced to sub- there’s just, kind of, falling in between ……just stance use at 12 years of age. “When I became an watch you, we can watch you struggle, and you alcoholic, I became violent. Fighting these people can get back up, but you’re not sleeping here who pick on me” (Interview 5). She entered into tonight and we’re not helping you out, we’re not, intermittent homeless from mid-adolescence. so. (Interview 12). Alcohol was also a factor in seeking accept- ance in relationships with peers. Several partici- There were two participants who stated they were pants described conflicts over money, associated happy living at the shelter. A notable thing they with their parent’s alcohol use and overcrowded shared in common was neither had had a place to living conditions. These conflicts caused their call their own (securely housed) for many years transition into homelessness. Alcohol was also (since adolescence) and had limited to no con- discussed as a barrier in relationships and a rea- tact with or support from family. One partici- son to stay away from family, “It’s my alcohol- pant stated he was alright staying there because ism that keeps me away from going to bother my he was accustomed to living in close quarters “I family.” (Interview 1); “Uh…drank too much and was used to it” (Interview 6). Another partici- they didn’t want — they didn’t want me inside the pant (Interview 3) spoke about her relationship house, so…” (Interview 13). with one of the staff and how she liked the food Only one participant gave alcohol as a reason in the shelter. for not wanting to return to the community, “no alcohol there” (Interview 2). Another participant I don’t like alcohol stated returning to the community made stay- The majority of participants in interviews had ing in recovery impossible “I couldn’t take it no been impacted by loved ones or others who had more” (Interview 6). This relapse prompted her problems with alcohol or they themselves had children to be taken into care again. For some or were currently struggling with alcohol prob- participants alcohol was an ongoing concern, lems. Participants talked about witnessing vio- alongside overcrowding, in her home, lence during their childhood and adolescence that was associated with alcohol use by caregiv- Like, ‘cause I don’t like alcohol — And we don’t ers. They also spoke of caregivers who were in- drink, like, ever. And I was thinking about attentive and/or absent due to their substance having a few drinks on Friday…And then use. For example, participants spoke about lack I’m, like, ‘you know what, I don’t even crave of supervision, missing school and sleepless drinking,’ but I just wanted to have a drink, you nights resulting from their caregiver’s alcohol know. Holidays are coming up. But then, having and drug use. Substance use also contributed to deal with alcohol and I’ve been dealing with to trauma, including experiences of emotional, it all week at home. I don’t even want to drink physical, and sexual abuse in their homes and (laughs) (Interview 14). in the community. One participant had been in recovery, but was Some participants spoke of alcohol being in- discharged to the shelter with poor results, “Bore- troduced to them within the family. One partici- dom. All my friends were drinking, and the sec- pant stated “…they handed me a bottle” (Interview ond time I lasted two weeks. I just got bored stay-

DISPLACEMENT, HOUSING AND HOMELESSNESS IN NORTHERN MANITOBA COMMUNITIES 27 ing there, so I just went out and started drinking engaged in a large group discussion and joined heavily,” (Interview 2). Several participants in in- in interactive exercises focused on determin- terviews suggested more alcohol treatment was ing their priorities based on the data that were needed. This participant stated when they were shared. In Thompson the participants were di- asked about what was needed to prevent home- vided into smaller groups with a research assis- lessness “stop drinking”. Participants spoke about tant facilitator at each table. These conversations the need for more community support for those were recorded, which resulted in a lot of details who are in recovery in the community, including from individual participants. This allowed for the Alcoholics Anonymous and harm reduction ap- use of their own words in each of the sections proaches, and for housing specifically. below. Information from the NCN focus groups, where all of the participants identified as Indig- enous, was gathered from flip charts and notes Focus Groups and has been summarized in the lived experience The purpose of the focus groups was to share section. Again, this follows our understanding, preliminary data generated by the interviews and based on Thistle’s (2017) Definition of Indigenous preliminary codes. Thus, the focus groups, with Homelessness where Indigenous individuals and those with lived experience of homelessness and communities all have lived experience of one or service providers, were held after the interviews more of the dimensions of homelessness result- using LSB, the data transcription and the first ing from colonization. round of coding. In them we, the researchers, dis- We have divided the data from the focus cussed the codes and augmented some of the find- groups into two sections. The first section rep- ings, adding to and complementing participant’s resents the voices of those with lived experience. perspectives. Participants provided validation of This is followed by service providers. Data from the majority of the six themes discussed by those the focus groups is summarized along with café in the interviews, supporting their claims about results in Figures 6, 7, 9 & 10. housing issues; impact of colonization; racism; is- sues about services, programs and supports; and relationships. Though the focus group participants Voices of Those with Lived Experience did not address domestic violence in depth, con- Relationships cerns about becoming homeless due to violence, Participants in focus groups also spoke of the youth/gang violence issues in communities, and restoration that can happen when the impor- experiences of bullying were discussed. tance of relationship with self, family, culture and As discussed above, the focus groups had a the land are taken in view. In NCN participants mix of people with lived experience and/or ser- spoke of the meaning of home and family. Home vice providers. In Thompson there were two fo- is “where the heart is — home is love”. They also cus groups held, one with primarily people with spoke about a need for community members to lived experience and another that was held with get involved and join together and connect with primarily representatives from housing, social culture and spirit around the housing issues. In agencies, education, youth service, child and Thompson, one participant talked about con- family services. In NCN one focus group was necting with the people, land, culture and spirit held with a mix of people with lived experience as a necessary part of the journey to recovery, and service providers. Have more gatherings instead of this coming The design of focus groups in NCN and Thomp- together on a funeral or a wedding. Anywhere son were very different. In NCN participants

28 CCPA Manitoba and MNPHA you can find a group of people, we got mother used to sleep in the living room with my son, earth, we can go out there. We have, we all have and I had to send my son away for school to live made mistakes in life, nobody is perfect. Have with his dad cause it was overcrowded in there. a strong belief in yourself. Be positive, just like I lived like that for like 3 years, I think maybe having a strong belief in yourself… Have an open more. Up until my auntie bought a camper it mind, I don’t know how to be more caring and was summer and she asked me if I wanted to loving, not to be selfish. Not to forget I have a big rent it. So, I could have my own privacy, and she family. Not to be ashamed. Accept yourself for said yeah, she charged me $200 (Focus group who you are. Not to forget your teachings from participant in Thompson). your grandparents. Be a giver, not a taker. Keep Another participant in Thompson described her in touch with your creator, your best friend. experiences seeking housing while she was home- I have experienced these things and my less. She is a wheelchair user and described liv- language makes me strong, even being in the ing in housing that was not accessible, because residential school did make me strong, that’s accessible housing is rare in Thompson, one thing I never lost. My dignity, and my language no matter what I went through, I kept I’ve been asking for so much help from people, it. That’s what helped me pull through. from workers, from mental health, from social workers, anything that I can get my hands on, even like housing through Ma-Mow-We-Tak, Housing anywhere that I could get resources. All of NCN focus group participants discussed lack of which, they got applications and everything, housing, the fact that many are living in over- doctors wrote me letters, and I gave them all, crowded housing and in unacceptable housing KTC, MKO, anywhere I could think, the only conditions in the community. Participants also housing, like it was Highland Towers but that stated “homelessness is progressive” meaning it was unfit for me to live in. So, they told me will only get worse if conditions remain the same. to move out. Cause I have to go up and down NCN participants spoke about the many peo- the stairs with my, with no legs, and I had to ple they know who are without their own place slide down (stairs) with my bottom), just to go to stay in the community. They discussed how shopping. Cause most of the time the elevators people in the community go from house to house. wouldn’t work, so it (stairs) was so filthy, like so How, people will show up and visit and “wait filthy you wouldn’t believe and um, I don’t know until the host asks if they have a place to sleep”. that’s the only place I could ever find and um, People will stay one to two nights until “it gets like these workers have been running around to be too much” for their host to cope with and finding me disability housing, but there’s move to the next place hoping to be able to stay. nothing available. One focus group participant in Thompson shared her experiences living in overcrowded In addition, focus group participants in NCN housing and how housing conditions forced her discussed how people are sometimes staying in to place her son out of her care, the community, forgoing education, jobs and opportunities, because they do not want to lose You know what I did when I was overcrowded their home. There are also people who choosing at my sister’s house, I used to live in the living to leave their housing so other family members room and there were about 4 or 5 adults living have a place to live. This can sometimes mean there, there were like 5 kids, I kept my clothes moving into a cabin in the bush or going to the on the shelf in the laundry room and in bags. I

DISPLACEMENT, HOUSING AND HOMELESSNESS IN NORTHERN MANITOBA COMMUNITIES 29 city. Focus group participants in NCN stated many homeless in the community. Participants talked people are commuting from Thompson to work about needing a database for the homeless in the in NCN. They also discussed the need of housing community. They also wanted housing infor- for singles and elders who don’t need or want to mation made more accessible and suggested it live in residential care. A participant dreamed of be translated into Cree. They also spoke to the ‘retiring in a community that meets your needs’. importance of innovations in programs in NCN such as the parent removal program.3 Impact of Colonialism A youth participant living in Thompson shared The majority of participants in the NCN focus his experiences and problems with housing in- group called for something to be done to increase stability and his single parent dad’s alcohol use. awareness and understanding of the history of He experienced food insecurity, isolation and housing for First Nations. lack of supports,

It also stems from, you know, coming from I cannot count the years from high school, a First Nations, like one time where we’re um my dad just got in a divorce and after that nomadic. So, we were able to build a cabin everything changed with um, housing, ah, how anywhere as long as we were able to, you know, I, how I’m doing in school. And a couple years house our families, hunt, then trap and fish, after the divorce, my dad got an apartment, lost like that right? Yeah, on the land. But now it, lost his ah, home. So, we lived in an apartment that, you know, after the flood came and then for a couple years, and while in the apartment we there was devastation to the land, so you really didn’t have any food, we didn’t have any clothing, couldn’t build anything anymore without ah…a lot of parties being there, which affected having somebody’s authorization, or you had to my schooling and while I was in the apartment. I get a building permit through the province and was always being kicked out to my friends, to my stuff like that. So that too stopped people from auntie. My other friends, back and forth and ever becoming self-determined, self- sustaining, since that I’ve …It was a struggle for me so… cause now they have to do these other things, Every time I would go, every time I would come to meet the standards of building (Focus group home I. I come home from school; I would come participant in Thompson). home to nothing. No tv. Just being alone was hard. So, after that I’ve done drugs for a while Another participant in spoke about their expe- which got me kicked out. And ever since, I just rience shopping in Thompson, haven’t had any clothing, and it was a struggle I got my EI at that time. I had four hundred and (Focus group participant in Thompson). five dollars on me. I didn’t take a cart, I had a In Thompson participants also called for improv- bag right, and they thought I was stealing so ing services for the homeless. Participants dis- they put me in jail for three hours. And I was cussed the lack of places to gather in Thompson sober. Like, I even showed them my money… and suggested supports that would help,

Services, Programs and Supports Should be a drop-in center with(and) a social NCN focus group participants spoke mainly of worker there, even like people like our head the need for improving housing services, but workers, people who could offer mental health, they also spoke to the need for a place for the people that could really listen to you, what’s

3 NCN Family and Community Wellness Centre Inc

30 CCPA Manitoba and MNPHA going on with your life, you know. Instead of just The challenges dealing with the medical trans- sitting there and looking at the bare walls. portation system were also described by this participant, whose paperwork was not in order. Participants spoke about the importance of build- This participant described the automated system ing relationship in the helping process, that gives them a number to wait on the phone The only way that you could understand a to report missing paperwork, changes or to try person is by listening to them, by what they have to arrange accommodation or transportation to say, and, and now you know like, you gotta back to their community, stick to listening to them… it’s just like they I was number thirty-six. (I) waited for two will say ahmm, yup, ya I understand, yeah really and a half hours on a phone just to go to my right. They don’t really understand me. I’m just appointment. But they wouldn’t pay for my talking to you here, not even twenty minutes room, or you know, hard to go get back on the and you understand me already… they just write bus. And that was every day for three months it down, well ya, whatever ya…and I get their and a half, I had to go through cause they didn’t impression, ok you don’t give a shit, see you later have paperwork done (Focus group participant (Focus group participant in Thompson). in Thompson). Similarly, a participant in the focus group com- Although there are many gaps in services, as dis- mented on the need for service providers to have cussed by participants, a participant spoke to the specific kinds of skills, availability of services in Thompson as compared I guess being able to meet people, again the with what is available in outlying communities, harm reduction, the people need to start being There’s less resources in a lot of reserves. In educated in that model. Have an actual drop-in Thompson, you know there are a lot of resources centre, an actual place to meet and have coffee, you can turn to, that’s what I’m slowly finding any time of the day. Not just at the homeless out, but that’s where my partner is from. Split shelter, and that’s not even adequate, right Lake there’s very little, very little resources to (Focus group participant in Thompson)? go on. Several participants in the focus group for those with lived experience in Thompson spoke about problems with medical travel resulting in home- Focus Groups with Service Providers lessness. “Well the office was closed, they dropped Relationships her off, okay, and she had to wait outside”. Mean- A focus group participant wondered whether ing she was homeless for that night or until she predetermined processes overlooked the impor- could find a ride back to the community. Another tance of relationships and the culture in the de- participant also spoke to the trouble people have sign of policies for housing the homeless. People found with the medical transportation system, develop relationships with others who are home- less and will forgo housing if they are unable to I think a lot of people leave out of their continues to those relationships, communities for medical reasons and can’t get back because they’ve missed their appointment. They (agencies) need to have that understanding Or they’ve made their appointments and can’t of what is appropriate and what needs to be get through to where they are supposed to allowed and what kind of rules are we making get back to their communities (Focus group for people? And are we causing homelessness participant in Thompson). because we have determined what housing looks

DISPLACEMENT, HOUSING AND HOMELESSNESS IN NORTHERN MANITOBA COMMUNITIES 31 like for everybody? (Focus group participant in next step is that you have to have food, not Thompson). necessarily from a food bank, but you have to know that you have food every day. Till you A focus group participant in Thompson claimed know that you have housing, till you know the homeless community is family, “when you’re that you have food, you don’t go up the ladder on the street and your people say they’re a family to meet those other needs, being educated, to there, they help each other” (Focus group partici- get healing. It is the housing and it is the food. pant in Thompson). (Focus group participant in Thompson). A focus group participant, “Stop calling it a homeless shelter, yeah it’s a home, it’s people’s This service provider in Thompson described home, stop calling it homeless… shelter” (Focus what she has witnessed in communities, vali- group participant in Thompson). dating the information shared in interviews and Several focus group participants in Thomp- the focus group in NCN. It is not about families son discussed how connection to the land was living together, or whether people are taking related to food security and belonging. People care of their homes, it is about the availability of regularly connect around food and traditional housing and the fit of the housing for the needs practices. They are connecting around food, and of the family and community, also connecting to having access to what they Well the solution is a house, is housing, right? need on the land. This is evidenced in the fol- …I go on the reserve and I see it, right? You go lowing comments from participants, to a home where people, somebody would go, Yah we saw some poor people. They had a house, oh my god there’s six families that live there. and they went fishing, ice fishing and they That’s okay, that’s okay six families live there, cooked fish. It smelled good. right? But why is it that they have to live in a home that has no insulation(or) Improper I used to like snaring rabbits when I was growing insulation. They have venting systems in these up. It was fun and it was so nice in the bush. homes that are prefabbed, brought up there… Yup, when I was growing up everyone was the venting insulation is not proper. If you take, working. My era, you know. Everyone was going go to my home, where I don’t really cook. I cook to school in my era. Except for a few that were a pot of something, this and that. In a home sick or lived off the land. That time, they were where there’s four or five families that’s just, one still living off the land. family, a large family that’s cooking a big pot of stew or a big pot of caribou stew, whatever all These participants concluded that offering people that condensation. The houses aren’t built with in Thompson an opportunity to be outside and proper ventilation. And then what does that having a ‘big barbecue’, “lots of food you guys, cause? Here’s your word, homelessness, right? that’s what brings people out” … Another focus group participant in Thompson Housing spoke about the claims that it is people’s neglect A few focus group participants in Thompson of their homes that is the cause of housing prob- discussed housing as a key determinant of ‘good lems on reserves. Again, this speaks about the life’ and well-being, as a basic need, quality and design of the houses being a poor fit with actual needs, We don’t have housing, that’s Maslow’s whole pyramid, right? The bottom of the pyramid is …because I have a house… deteriorates, they when you have stable housing. And then the better take better care of it. No, we should

32 CCPA Manitoba and MNPHA be providing better homes that are properly right? And yet now, somehow, they think that ventilated, properly insulated for the area, these prefabricated houses are the answer, right? because if you live on muskeg you have to have a (Focus group participant in Thompson). mold resistant home, right? And that to me is a Another participant speaks about the ongoing huge issue, I, I swear… (Focus group participant effects of colonialism, in Thompson). Even as we talk, going into the walk-in Another participant spoke about the idea that clinic. Why can’t that be more culturally people can just go home. “(T)hey can’t go home appropriate for an area that’s… why can’t that because there’s no housing in the communities. just be different? Why can’t there be different So there’s no forward, they are just stuck”. medicines? Why can’t there be opportunities? More, more opportunities. Even to go into a Impact of Colonialism hospital you’re going to have larger rooms if The disruption of the Indigenous systems for we’re going to engage a whole family, and elders, family and living is a fundamental cause of and what’s perceived as a person’s support homelessness. It is evident in several ways, the system. So, really again, again it’s breaking way housing was built, the way the systems, the those bonds, breaking those ideals. Reaching structures were not designed based on Indig- people on the street with healing opportunities, enous principles of reciprocity, spirituality, re- we have to disrupt trauma. (Focus group spect, interconnectedness, and commonality. participant in Thompson). Um, I heard an agency comment once that Focus group participants shared their experiences even when they were able to assist people in with discrimination, ignoring them, or just not permanent housing, their family culture, their helping them to find housing. One stated that, community was that of the homelessness. So, it became very difficult for them to be asked to You know I saw him down the streets. He is an disengage from what they saw as their family alcoholic. He is this and they are prejudging and support. Even if I have the ability to obtain they are saying all these things. Forget about housing for the one person and they wanted what he went through or what she went through to have their partner and what they perceived treatment or whatever…It… like nobody was their family community over their space, takes the time for homelessness, to talk to the which wasn’t allowed by the landlord, they homeless. To find out what is their story (Focus became homeless again. As well as they couldn’t group participant Thompson). have their community, their family in their space, they didn’t see the space as worthy. They Services, Programs and Supports would rather be homeless in a shelter or in the Focus groups in Thompson confirmed that peo- bush or whatever their space to stay with the ple experiencing homelessness encounter barri- community. ers accessing health services,

For one focus group participant, today’s housing …and then the file builds up on the person. conditions didn’t exist pre-colonization, Now they’re the person that misses the appointments. They’re seen as, well, hey let’s And there was not one house that was molded try and give them a break they just didn’t down, right? There was never any issue, right? show up. They’re not engaged. There has been It lasted for years and years and years. And they a lot of interesting dialog about what it is for didn’t have heating, like electricity, didn’t have

DISPLACEMENT, HOUSING AND HOMELESSNESS IN NORTHERN MANITOBA COMMUNITIES 33 somebody just to walk through the particular Several focus group participants stated that ser- types of buildings, in order to make those vices need to recognize people’s pathways into appointments, are they even comfortable? When homelessness are not all the same and there needs we talk about structures, so really meeting to be time to hear their stories and respond to the person where they’re at vs. asking them to their needs meaningfully, come into a space where it’s organic to us but Everybody has a different story. Not everybody absolutely uncomfortable to them (Focus group drinks for the same reason. Not everybody uses participant Thompson). drugs for the same reason. Not everybody loses This participant spoke about the barriers in getting their children for the same reason. And not access to the clinic which is located in the plaza everybody is homeless for the same reason. Um, mall in Thompson. This location is problematic I guess a, being able to meet people, again the as people are stereotyped as being homeless by harm reduction. (Focus group, Thompson). management, security and businesses. his limits A focus group participant in Thompson wondered their access to healthcare. This is confirmed by if a new understanding of being homeless was this focus participant, who spoke of how stigma needed. Being transient may be a way to cope toward addictions blocks people from accessing with the lack of safety in one’s living situations. health care in a downtown clinic, This participant believed that this coping mech- So, they can’t get into the plaza. Well in the anism is often missed in the helping process, plaza is the only clinic. So, they lose their What if being transient is safer in the person’s medical. They lose their mental health. They mind than any structure they’re given. Say lose everything. They need medication, for say they go to the children’s aid or child protection schizophrenia … They lose it all because, they and that occurs and then they go here and can’t get into the building and if they do get that occurs … But they find that when they’re into the building, they smell a little off or they homeless it makes more sense. It’s more may smell like alcohol or like they’ve been using genuine. It’s a space that portrays what it is. drugs but, they, no one’s helped them get off. Whereas a structure, portraying a space of But then they’re kicked out. So they’re kept, in a safety, that might not exist. So, bringing in the state of homelessness (Focus group participant mental health aspect, bringing all the recovery Thompson). comes from an upside-down perspective. A couple of service providers in the focus group That safety doesn’t even exist in any structure in Thompson discussed their ideas about what towards banking, library cards, driver’s license, needs to change, including concerns that ser- job ownership. It doesn’t even make sense, if vice providers have preconceived notions and it’s even a structure that you can buy into. And defined paths that are ill-fitted for the needs of yet, in order to be successful, that is what we people experiencing homelessness, are told to do. Perhaps that is what we all have to understand. How damaging that is and why We have to unhinge this normal word; we have people might not be successful when we try to to look at the continuum of people on it, on move them onto the next level. (Focus group each, on their own path. And we really need participant in Thompson). to change language; we need to change ideas or we’re not going to get to those roots (Focus One participant discussed how someone just sim- group participant Thompson). ply taking time to listen to homeless people’s sto- ries changed their (own) thinking and approach,

34 CCPA Manitoba and MNPHA I had a preconceived idea of who you were, and human being like you and I. And maybe does of who you were in this homeless shelter. But not have, or cannot afford some of the services when I sat down and they became more human that we enjoy… We need to have more services to me. And I know that sounds horrible but I … to these people that need that help. While I let them have a voice…And when I heard that say she has been to a treatment center five times voice, I realized, holy sheesh, I got it all wrong. It already, what else can we do? They just all have is not about helping anyone, it’s about listening to keep trying. We cannot give up on people. to them and what I can do to provide, to get (Focus group participant Thompson). the services you need. I mean if you listen to them, it changes the stigma and I don’t think that happens at all in Thompson Manitoba. The Community Cafés in Thompson and easiest thing for people to drive by and go, oh Nisichawayasihk Cree Nation Jesus Christ, right? I’m spending my tax dollar As discussed above, there were two commu- money on you, you know? Like, it is easy for nity cafés, one in Nisichawayasihk Cree Nation people to do that but it is so not easy, to stop and one in Thompson to share final analysis of your vehicle and say excuse me do you need a data and receive feedback to address homeless- ride, right? Can I help you? Can I buy you coffee? ness and potential future actions. The NCN café You don’t have a coat on, can you stay here? I`ll included 10 participants and 15 service provid- go get you a coat, right? I mean people don’t do er attended the café in Thompson. Each café is that… (Focus group participant Thompson). discussed below.

They also talked about the need for the com- Nisichawayasihk Cree Nation munity to have more awareness and for service Participants in the community café listed sev- providers to have understanding and skills for eral supportive programs and services that were responding to substance use problems, identified by café participants (see Figure 8). Um, what’s missing I guess is just the, um, Nisichawayasihk Cree Nation community café compassion. Some people don’t have this. They participants included: ATEC (Atoskiwin Train- are all for themselves. The empathy we need ing and Employment Centre); Nisichawayasihk for understanding where one is coming from. Cree Nation Family and Community Wellness Again, with this, the one individual saying Centre; a women’s shelter; Nelson House Medi- about listening to people’s stories (Focus group cine Lodge, the nursing station, and RCMP. participant in Thompson) Housing and hidden homelessness were pri- mary in the minds of participants in the NCN café. Another focus group participant in Thompson Housing scarcity and lack of sustainable hous- spoke to need for a better understanding of ad- ing were identified in NCN as current challeng- dictions amongst services providers and the es (see Figure 6). One participant stated, “Single broader community, detached housing is not meant for overcrowding. Yeah, I guess one of the things is that These get mold. These are not sustainable.” As a providers and employers need to have a better result, many houses have been abandoned due understanding about alcoholism. People look to their poor condition. down at people having addiction problems. They Hidden homelessness was also seen as a key look down on the street people because they issue in the community. There are too many do not want to understand that alcoholism and young couples who cannot obtain housing, so drug addiction is a disease… that person is a their only choice is to live with extended family.

DISPLACEMENT, HOUSING AND HOMELESSNESS IN NORTHERN MANITOBA COMMUNITIES 35 Figure 6 Challenges: NCN Focus Groups & Community Café

Homelessness • Homelessness shelter hadn’t been well utilized • No place to go if they get Housing kicked out • Lack of houses • Couch surfing • Single detached housing is • Hidden homelessness Children, youth and families not meant for overcrowding. • Intergenerational trauma These get mold. These are not • Where are the resources going • Children and youth in unstable sustainable. to come from? homes • Inadequate housing • Lost hope • Protection issues for younger • People are having to commute people from Thompson because there • Gaps for troubled youth is no housing • Normalizing addictions • Lack of supports for housing • Meal programs aren’t open to • Lack of funding all children and youth • Leaving community for jobs or • Limited supports for mental education threatens housing, health crisis no place to come back to • Need more infomation about housing • No insurance for housing if people has wood stoves • Arson — houses that burn down

NCN café participants shared their observations pants were concerned about the effects of housing about the increasing numbers of young people instability on children as, “children need rela- who are experiencing homelessness, they stated tions, need stability”. Among the several issues, “homelessness is progressive” and mainly the re- participants were concerned about, the limited sult of having “no place to go”. Participants dis- staff where there are too few supports for families cussed people in the community who had ‘lost were high on their list. They called for more guid- hope’ due to the housing situation. There is cur- ance for improving family relationships, work- rently no place in the community for people to ing with youth and preventing family violence. go if they get kicked out by family. They noted this has been brought to the surface NCN participants discussed that there are in several recent problems with youth in the com- limited to “no services for those who are home- munity linked with youth involvement in arson less and moving from house to house” in com- and substance use. Participants identified some munities. Café participants discussed a homeless issues in young populations that are becoming shelter had been set up, but it hadn’t been well common practices. This also discussed byNCN utilized and had burned down in 2019. participants when they reflected on the problem of NCN participants were concerned about the “normalizing addictions”, which was perceived as ways CFS works in caring for children and youth. threat to the present and future well-being in the A significant number of children in care have a community. In addition, participants expressed high number of rotations, and this means they their worries about children and youth, as they live in unstable homes. According to some par- saw too many being exposed to different family ticipants this means they are homeless. Partici- negative dynamics and issues in the community.

36 CCPA Manitoba and MNPHA Figure 7 Future Directions: NCN Focus Groups and Community Café

Children, youth and families Housing Homelessness • Empathy, supports & guidance • Come together and dream • Database on homeless needs for families • Increase awareness history of to be built and updated. now • More support for women and housing slowly being developed children, children need stability • More information about • A place for the homeless to • Cultural programs, seven housing, publicly accessible stay in NCN sacred teachings • Focus on local enterprise • Providing access to land- • Youth advisory groups • Traditional housing was better based opportunities and other • Retiring into a community that because people could rebuild if programs offering traditional meets their needs they became infested with bugs knowledge should be included • Ensuring everyone has access • There are people have skills to in services to the homeless. to meals at high school and at build traditional log houses - but • Reconnect with culture/ elementary, so no one feels these should be more modern tradition to heal the effects left out • More programs like YOUTH of intergenerational trauma BUILD and the ongoing impacts of • ATE C is training skilled trades colonization. people • The community should have its own sawmill • Modular homes that allow additions for multigenerations of families • Building housing to meet the continuum of housing needs for single people, retirees, lone parents • Using local labour and resources (community owned) • Ongoing repair progam for current homes • Change the land code so people can get loans • Help people access crown land to build housing • Sustainable housing • Having your own house in communities versus band owned • Members have to get involved • Prioritize that family to get them rehoused (fire/arson)

There are not enough alternatives for people training for construction trades that is the re- without home, it was confirmed by the café par- sult of Youth Build partnerships with Atoskiwin. ticipants where they stated, ‘people with no place Some participants who had been recently housed to go should have a place to stay in NCN’. They in trailers that had been brought in from hydro also thought that additional strategies should developments in the region. NCN was also report- be accessible for them, such as a database on the edly working on a new strategic plan for hous- homeless in the community. Another strategy ing at the time of the café. Several café partici- could be the support for people to build their pants had recently attended meetings to discuss homes. Several Café participants in NCN shared changes to housing processes in the community. they have the skills to build log houses and there NCN participants had a similar vision [A1] were also several youths in the café who were in and hoped for an opportunity to bring people

DISPLACEMENT, HOUSING AND HOMELESSNESS IN NORTHERN MANITOBA COMMUNITIES 37 “together and dream” about a different future With regard to housing they thought the mu- for housing in the community (Figure 7). nicipality should transfer existing and available Participants in NCN thought providing the infrastructure (abandoned buildings) for the de- homeless people access to land-based opportu- velopment of housing and create a bylaw to pro- nities and other programs offering traditional tect affordable housing. Affordability of living knowledge should be included in services to and housing and the lack of subsidized space for the homeless. youth and families were identified by the Thomp- The following table shows participants ide- son participants. They discussed how housing in as for changes in the community to address is- Thompson is mainly dominated by the private sues for housing, homelessness and child, youth market that has requirements that present real and families. barriers to people with low-incomes. Participants in Thompson also saw the need to Increase mu- Thompson nicipal capacity generally for housing regulation In Thompson participants focused mainly on to protect affordable housing. the services and programs for individuals and Participants called for the province to over- families in Thompson and surrounding com- haul the rental assistance program, a provincial munities. They identified several programs and program that subsidizes rents for low-income, services that were important (see Figure 8) in- and to create mechanisms to reduce barriers in cluding: AFM (Addiction Foundation Manitoba), rent processes. child and family enhancement programs, CMHA They suggested there should be more educa- mental health housing, Jordan’s Principle (housed tion, and supports generally to aid in accessing with Keewatin Tribal Council), MaMowWeTak housing. Participants suggested creating more Friendship Centre, MacDonald Youth Services), affordable and efficient ways to build housing MFNRC (Manitoba First Nations Education Re- and to develop a program to help people access source Centre) educational incentives, M.A.P.S. Crown land to build housing. They identified a (Men Are Part of the Solution), and the YWCA need for sustainable housing that is moisture life skills and transitional housing programs. and mold free. Further, the Thompson partici-

Figure 8 Important Programs and Services in NCN and Thompson

Nisichawayasihk Cree Nation Thompson • Atoskiwin Training and Employment Centre • Addiction Foundation Manitoba (AFM) (ATEC) • CFS Agencies • NCN Family and Community Wellness Centre • Canadian Mental Health Association (CMHA) • Nelson House Medicine Lodge • Jordan’s Principle • Nisichawayasihk Housing Authority • Keewatin Tribal Council (KTC) • Women’s shelter • Manitoba First Nations Resource Centre (MFNRC) • Nursing station • Manitoba Keewatinowi Okimakanak (MKO) • RCMP • MaMowWeTak Friendship Centre • Men are Part of the Solution (M.A.P.S.) • YWC A

38 CCPA Manitoba and MNPHA pants viewed the limited crisis response when about housing programs, services and supports. houses burn down in outlying communities as They also called for a regional plan for housing a gap, some were surprised by how long inter- and homelessness. Calls made by participants view participants had waited to be rehoused and in Thompson included: that some had not be rehoused after a fire (See • “Demand is increasing every year, we Figure 9 for summary of challenges identified in need to look at whether the services are the focus groups and cafés). adequate, even in Thompson”. Issues regarding families and individuals be- • “Build a database for every organization, ing unprepared to transition to urban centres therefore shared networks know what is were identified. These included having a lack of available”. skills/education, a lack of financial management skills, and lack of documentation as challenges. • “Publicize support services”. Thompson participants thought there should Participants repurposing existing structures be a “municipal program to help people get ID”. where additional programs could be implemented Long waitlists for outreach support, lack of including educational, mental health programs, services to help with housing and homelessness, or sports activities. For example, they talk about and lack of resources generally for overcrowding in “24-hour schools — a community school” where Thompson and outlying communities were iden- community members have access to use the tified as significant problems. Several challenges space in the school (outside regular hours) to de- were identified in Thompson for families including velop programs and services. They also asked for the lack stable programs and coordinated services targeted mentorship programs for women and for families between communities. Similar to NCN, youth, and “an art collective.” they identified the need for more family supports Other challenges identified for services in- and education to help parents. There were gaps in cluded lack of resources, and the availability of respite for families and the lack of substance use supports for those affected by trauma. Partici- treatment programs accommodating families. pants identified the need for all service provid- Participants in Thompson called for efforts ers for homeless populations to have access to “…to stop early birth rate amongst youths”. Ideas training addictions, trauma and cultural safety shared including engaging youth advisory groups was discussed in Thompson. Gaps were also to understand the service needs for youth. “Es- identified in medical transportation indicating tablish centres for free services for adolescents”, people find the processes for their appointments “safe youth hostels”, and “cultural programs for are difficult to navigate. People can be strand- youth”. Connecting up with “cultural programs ed in urban centres If paperwork is missing or happening in other communities” was discussed. circumstances change where appointments are Thompson participants thought mandatory prep- missed or delayed. For some this has led into aration and planning was needed for all youth homelessness. aging out from CFS care. Youth should have ac- Participants discussed how the individual- cess to employment programs and supports. istic approach, which is very different from the Also, participants in the Thompson Café thought Indigenous collectivist wellbeing, causes cultural there should be more access to mental health disruptions. Indigenous relationships among the and substance use treatment through provision homeless population are very strong, and people of mobile services to the outlying communities. recognize each other as family. Thus, it is diffi- Thompson Café participants saw the need for cult for people to separate their own needs from “a collaborative shared network” with a database the needs of others and move to a house when

DISPLACEMENT, HOUSING AND HOMELESSNESS IN NORTHERN MANITOBA COMMUNITIES 39 Figure 9 Challenges: Thompson Focus Groups and Community Café

Homelessness • No support for those moving from house to house • No services for the homeless in Housing outlying communities • Overcrowded houses in • Medical transportation Thompson and in outlying processes are difficult to Children, youth and families communities navigate • Lack of accessbile housing • Long waiting lists for outreach • Family violence FNs – there • Problems with rent-assist supports need to be support services for • Long waiting lists for housing • Labeling people women and children • Housing isn’t a good fit for • Not listening to people • Lack stable programs & culture • Racism/discrimination/stigma coordinated services for • Lack of transitonal supportive blocking access to services families between communities housing • People don’t want to lose • Lack of substance use • Limited affordable housing connections/relationships with treatment programs • Lack of collaboration others who are homeless and accommodating families • High cost of living, low rates of that can be a barrier to being • Gaps in CFS care for children financial assistance housed and youth in unstable homes • The people on the reserves • Lack of services outlying • Gaps for troubled youth are labelled as bad people, it is communities • High early birth rate amongst hard for them to get housing in • Lack of capacity to print status youths Thompson cards in NCN • Lack of resources, availability • Lack of emergency/crisis of supports for those affected response when there are house by trauma fires in outlying communities • Demand is increasing every year, we need to look at the services are adequate, even in Thompson • Shortage of child care spaces

their family is still on the street. This becomes Thompson café participants had many ideas a barrier to housing. This theme also surfaced about what needs to be done including building in the interviews and in the focus groups above. capacity and understanding broadly in services, An example that supports this came from a café in the community and in the region (summa- participant who discussed what was given was rized with focus group data in Figure 10). Some a “man who got his own place, but did not set of their suggestions included the development of up furniture because he felt guilty” that he had collaborative networks focused on improving ac- been housed and others he cared about, his fam- cess and coordination of programs and services ily, were still on the street. to at-risk groups, housing, health and education. Another example of the collectivist wellbe- Other ideas included a municipal bylaw to pro- ing perspective was shown when participants mote and preserve affordable housing, a pro- in the café shared examples where a homeless cess for prioritizing people in need of housing, person or group had stepped in to help them in youth-based programming and supports, skill- situations where they were hurt or threatened. based training for women and youth, increasing They called for efforts to “capture these stories” mobile supports to outlying communities, and toward shifting the narrative about people who cultural programs that are coordinated with all are homeless in Thompson. these communities (cultural exchange for youth).

40 CCPA Manitoba and MNPHA Figure 10 Future Directions: Thompson Focus Groups and Community Café

Children, youth and families Housing Homelessness • Changing organizational • Collaborative Networks • Drop in centre where there are culture in CFS • Regional plan for housing supports and activities • “Build a database for every • Increase municipal capacity • Activities outdoors involving organization, therefore • An art collective (cooperative) food stored networks know what is • Knowledge mobilization • Support to maintain language/ available”. • Hold housing conference in the culture/connections to family/ • 24-hour schools — a community region community/land school • Publicize supports and housing • Increase municipal capacity • “Publicize support services”. information • Municipal program to help • Engaging youth advisory • Create a bylaw to protect people get ID groups to understand the affordable housing • To change ideas or we’re not service needs for youth • Education, supports and going to get to those roots • Centres for free services for supportive housing • Know the needs of people who youth • More affordable and efficient are homeless before providing • Safe youth hostels ways to build sustainable help • Mandatory planning for all housing • Service providers need to have youth transitioning from care • Develop a program to help knowledge and skills to help • Need for education plan/ people access crown land to (culture, trauma, addictions) individual education plan for build housing • Supports for trauma, harm youth • Increase awareness history of reduction • Needs targeted/based housing • Listening to people. mentorship program (se • Help people access crown land • Reconnect with culture/ • More access to mental health to build housing tradition to heal the effects & substance use treatment for • Ensure housing is a good fit for of intergenerational trauma individuals and families cultural norms and values and the ongoing impacts of • Cultural programs for youth colonization. & families, connections to • Connect with trauma and land-based programs (linked wellness professionals with programs outlying • Help people get ID — municipal communities) program • More support for women and • “Stop calling it a homeless children and families shelter, yeah it’s a home, it’s • Increase daycare spaces people’s home, stop calling it • Development of skills for jobs homeless… shelter.” for youth and women • Mobile mental health for outlying communities

Participants recommended a strategy to promote focus groups talked about the days when they and more involvement in regional cultural events. others in their community were able to take care of each other. When young families were started the community built them a house. People also re- Summary of Findings membered there was no food insecurity because Relationships with others, community and the land people could get what they needed from the land. were a recurrent theme in people’s stories. For sev- Living in close quarters too was not a problem back eral participants their dream of housing was also a then. They also discussed how some still had the dream of reconnecting to their culture, traditions skills to build their own log homes. and being a contributing member in their commu- People talked about leaving their communities nity. Quite a lot of participants in interviews and to access services, supports and programs and to

DISPLACEMENT, HOUSING AND HOMELESSNESS IN NORTHERN MANITOBA COMMUNITIES 41 seek opportunities (e.g. employment, education, Housing has likewise been ill-designed for the housing). Early exposure to substance use was needs and purposes of Indigenous people who commonly experienced. Alcohol had impacted move to Thompson. Lack of culturally appropri- the lives of the majority of participants and con- ate housing showed up as a barrier for people tributed to becoming and remaining homeless. transitioning into housing in Thompson. There The state of being homeless or returning to a are significant obstacles in application processes, community where there are few supports and long waitlists for housing and limited supports services made recovery from substance use dif- and transitional housing. Early experiences of ficult. Those with vulnerabilities (e.g. trauma, housing instability and homelessness were com- mental illness, substance use), and limited re- monly understood factors contributing to later sources (e.g. income, ID) were often pushed into vulnerability to homelessness. A lack of housing homelessness when their efforts to seek help or options for singles, lone parents, people living opportunities collided with barriers in systems. with mental health or substance use problems, Systemic inadequacies not only contributed to retirees, women and youth seeking safety in com- the downward spiral into homeless, but also to munities was also recognized as contributing to sustaining displacement from community and/ homelessness and overcrowding in Thompson or housing. Some systemic problems included and surrounding communities. service providers lack of skill sets for address- The impact of colonialism showed up in nu- ing culture, trauma, substance use and mental merous ways, often overlapping with other themes. health problems and processes that were diffi- Experiences of racism and stigma were also dis- cult to navigate and didn’t give consideration to cussed as barriers to care, housing and employ- people’s needs. Participants spoke often about ment. The Sixties Scoop, residential schools and how they had not been listened to. associated intergenerational trauma, domestic vi- The housing crisis in outlying communities olence, bullying, neglect, emotional and physical was a central theme throughout interviews, fo- abuse were all too common factors in the expe- cus and cafés. There is not enough housing and riences of people with lived experience of home- housing on the reserves has been ill designed lessness. Participants in NCN and in Thompson for the climate and purposes and uses of the both discussed the importance of broader col- people in these communities. Poor design and laboration around housing issues in the region scarcity of housing have contributed to over- and educating one and all about the history of crowded housing. These conditions have result- colonization and how it is linked with housing ed in many houses being in a state of disrepair. conditions and homelessness in the region.

42 CCPA Manitoba and MNPHA Analysis, Interpretation of Findings & Discussion

tions communities that so many are subjected Canadian children begin believing Canada is to unreasonable housing conditions. Similar to the best and most beautiful of all countries, and Peters and Robillard (2009) findings, lone par- the school’s job is to reinforce this belief. This ents, single individuals, couples without children, is done in face of the fact that the quality of life youth, people returning home from education/ of natives is as low as that of the Third World employment, those with mental health and oth- (Adams, 1999, p. 39) er disabilities, and elders all had severely limited This section presents a summary of the responses housing options in the communities. to our research questions including the reasons Movement to Thompson was also the result participants gave about migration (their own of limited supports and opportunities in many or others) from their communities, the factors of the outlying communities in the region. There they believed are enabling homelessness, as well are few supports for education, employment, le- as the challenges and possible solutions to pre- gal aid, mental health, addictions, domestic vi- vent and end homelessness in Thompson and olence, and/or living with chronic health con- Nisichawayasihk Cree Nation. The interlocking ditions. There were deficiencies in community findings are displayed in figure 11. resources for crisis response (domestic violence, A key focus of this study was to explore the sexual assault, mental health and fire) in outlying factors that are facilitating homelessness and re- communities. In addition, once in the city, pro- straining movement out of homelessness in urban cesses for accessing services were complex and communities in the north. From the research it not always culturally safe. People’s vulnerabili- is clear that housing shortages and conditions, ties (trauma, addictions, mental health, and life where participants’ homes were overcrowded skills) were bound up with barriers in systems and/or where they were subjected to unaccep- and services that included confusing processes, table living conditions, were key factors in caus- long waiting lists to access programs and hous- ing homelessness and migration to the city. As ing and discrimination in urban centers. These discussed in the literature review above, it is a are big gaps individuals and families experi- commonly understood situation in First Na- ence when they move to urban communities

DISPLACEMENT, HOUSING AND HOMELESSNESS IN NORTHERN MANITOBA COMMUNITIES 43 Figure 11 Interlocking of Findings Thompsons & NCN

What are the new Collaborative directions in the regions? Networks, a regional plan for housing, a public database of organizations, services & supports

Inadequate, limited affordable housing & supports, services for children, youth, women & families, long waiting lists, addictions Lack of houses, inadequate housing, no place for What are the challenges the homeless in outlying communities, colonization in urban centres? impact, needing services and supports, domestic violence

Reasons the homeless people for leaving their communities to move to Thompson

and in the end are a major contributing factor where they are at and wherever they access help to homelessness. will likely be essential, as well as taking the time Another significant factor in becoming and/ to ensure people are aware of the resources that or remained homelessness occurred when peo- are available, to prevent and end homelessness. ple encountered inadequate supports while they Some of the participants experienced housing transitioned to the city. Those with vulnerabili- instability and homelessness early in their lives ties (e.g. mental health and substance use) and when they were children or adolescents. Besides lacking resources (e.g. ID, financial and tenancy being seen as traumatic effects of colonial his- histories) were particularly susceptible to becom- tory, this was connected with the deficiencies ing or remaining homeless (M. M. Bonnycastle, in services for children, youth, women, families Simkins, & Siddle, 2016). Confusing processes or and other groups. These early encounters with not being aware of services or how to access ser- housing instability and homelessness and poor vices was a significant obstacle and contributed service responses created a cumulative effect to people giving up. This suggests there needs to that has had consequences in their adult lives. be system wide responses to people’s resettlement Many of the participants in this research or needs in urban centres. The idea of meeting people their loved ones were struggling with substance

44 CCPA Manitoba and MNPHA use. Several participants with lived experience multiple barriers in health and social care sys- had early exposure to substance use. Substance tems (Browne et al., 2011; Patrick, 2014; Tang & use disorders are prevalent in homeless popu- Browne, 2008). Czyzewski and Tester (2014) ex- lations and it is widely understood harm re- plain the deeper meaning that calls for ‘listening’ duction approaches for drug and alcohol users should have for helpers, particularly those who could minimize adverse health impacts on this are non-Indigenous. It is not just about listen- population (Frankish, Hwang, & Quantz, 2005). ing to the individual’s story; it is about ensur- Recent research suggests focused substance use ing the helper is authentic and there is genuine treatment interventions for homeless and at-risk understanding of the person and their history populations are necessary (McVicar, Moschion, before support is offered. “Of considerable im- & van Ours, 2015). portance is appreciating how processes, policies, Kidd, Thistle, Beaulieu, Grady, and Gaetz and personal imposed on others are resisted. It (2018) in their study of youth recommend, also means recognizing the role that non-Indig- enous people have in these stories” (Czyzewski …having rural and urban education and labor and Tester, 2014, p. 214). This idea of commit- training programs aimed at youth, investing in ment to reciprocal relationships was echoed in culturally specific shelters and substance use the thoughts shared by participants in cafés and intervention services in urban and rural centers, focus groups for changing our ideas as a neces- investing in projects reconnecting youth with sary precondition to get to the roots of what is consanguineal family members and affinal kin, needed. This will require avoiding subjecting reconnecting youth with elders, and helping people to strategies before their needs and wishes youth to understand historical processes of are fully understood. dispossession to explain generational traumas. Participants shared histories and experiences These endeavors strengthen a sociocultural of colonization that have impacted their lives in relationship web — Indigenous worldview different ways, for example their experiences of known as ‘All My Relations’ that can catch barriers to accessing housing and experiences youth before entrenched patterns of absolute of trauma, mental health, lack of a stable home, homelessness occur in later life. (p. 169). loss of the connections with their family and cul- The Calgary based Aboriginal Standing Com- ture and a variety of causes affecting their well- mittee on Housing and Homelessness likewise being. Participants also talked regularly of their recognized the need for culturally relevant ser- relationships with family, which often included vices and harm reduction approaches as key other homeless people; that is people they call strategies to address Indigenous homelessness ‘family’. A few mentioned ‘good life ‘alongside dis- (Ramsperger & Ramage, 2017). cussion about their connection with others, the Many participants in interviews, focus groups land and how the reconnection with their land and in the cafés talked of the importance of ser- and culture would inspire them to reconstruct vice providers listening to “the stories’ ‘, mean- their lives. Going forward it will be important ing taking time to hear people’s experiences to- to recognize the potential in the strengths of ward better understanding of their needs. It is these relationships and connections to prevent well documented Indigenous people experience and end homelessness in the region.

DISPLACEMENT, HOUSING AND HOMELESSNESS IN NORTHERN MANITOBA COMMUNITIES 45 Conclusions and Recommendations

This research confirms the need to listen to par- ating barriers for Indigenous people who are ticipants’ voices to advance in the decolonization homeless, women, children, youth and families. of housing programs and approaches to elimi- Services in urban centres need to be able to en- nate and prevent homelessness in the northern gage in meaningful reciprocal relationships with region of Manitoba. Getting to the root causes of Indigenous people. Policies in services should homelessness and housing issues will require giv- ensure all involved in the provision of services ing consideration to all the complex factors that to Indigenous people have understanding of the are involved. This research provided the oppor- history of colonization and the cultural needs of tunity for participants to share their life experi- Indigenous people. All service providers must also ence. The use of the visual stories on the bristol have the knowledge and skills to help (trauma boards facilitated generative conversations, where and harm reduction approaches to addictions) participants had a space for understanding and and there should also be accessible specialized surfacing the seeming imperceptible structural services available to treat trauma. In addition, factors that contribute to homelessness (e.g., rac- strengthening the provision, quality and oppor- ism). The strengths and capacity of the people to tunity of services and supports at the community maintain connections to community, land and level is an essential strategy that we recommend culture were visible throughout the research. to prevent homelessness. Participants commented in different ways Poor housing conditions, the lack of housing how they have been stigmatized, abused, seclud- and affordability issues, have all been caused by ed from services and access to different public structural neglect and are a significant contrib- spaces such as shopping malls. Participants per- uting factor to the social conditions in commu- ceived racism whenever they accessed health and nities in the region. mental health services, transportation, housing, The backlog of housing issues in communi- shelters, rental and other public services. Racism ties must be addressed. Housing must be built is a key systemic barrier to ending homelessness in First Nations communities that responds to and must to be addressed. Change must include their cultural perspectives and range of housing eliminating discriminatory policies that are cre- needs. More affordable housing, that is cultur-

46 CCPA Manitoba and MNPHA ally relevant, must be built in Thompson and More awareness of the history and impact of other non-Indigenous communities in the re- colonization is needed. Going forward, part of the gion. Programs should be established to meet process of increasing awareness should include pro- housing needs including emergency housing for grams that are developed to highlight the strengths those with no place to go in Indigenous commu- and diversity of the Indigenous communities in nities, as well as supports for accessing housing the region. This must contain more resources to and programs for purchasing and maintaining enable Indigenous organizations to offer cultural their homes. There should be a means for prior- and land-based programming. There should be itizing people for existing housing. People need increased opportunities for cultural exchange in- to be able to access help when they are transi- cluding some cultural programs and land-based tioning into urban communities. Information activities for people who are homeless, youth and about housing, and services and supports should families and some of these should be linked with be visible to all in each community. It will also Thompson. As above, it will be important to en- be important to create mechanisms to promote sure the plans that are made for housing, services more collaborative work, such as by establishing and supports and increasing awareness are repre- networks and a regional plan and a strategy for sentative of genuine reciprocal relationships and housing. This work should include developing a understanding, and thus are a good fit for every- database of organizations, services, programs one in the northern region to promote the dignity and resources in the region. of homeless people and support their ‘good life’.

DISPLACEMENT, HOUSING AND HOMELESSNESS IN NORTHERN MANITOBA COMMUNITIES 47 References

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52 CCPA Manitoba and MNPHA from: https://homelesshub.ca/sites/default/ adequate standard of living, and the right to files/attachments/COHIndigenousHomeless- non-discrimination in this context. In. Swit- nessDefinition.pdf zerland: United Nations Human Rights: Office Thompson Citizen. (2010). City of Thompson’s of the High Commissioner (OHCHR). land deal with Keewatin Housing Associa- Walker, R., Moore, James, & Linklater, Maeen- tion to build affordable housing is a win- gan. (2012). More than stakeholders, voices, win. Author. Retrieved from https://www. and tables: Towards co-production of urban thompsoncitizen.net/opinion/editorial/city- aboriginal policy in Manitoba. In E. J. Pe- of-thompson-s-land-deal-with-keewatin-hous- ters (Ed.), Urban Aboriginal Policy Making ing-association-to-build-affordable-housing- in Canadian Municipalities (pp. 160–201). is-a-win-win-1.1360929 Retrieved from http://uml.idm.oclc.org/ United Nations. (2019). General Assembly the login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login. report of the Special Rapporteur: Adequate aspx?direct=true&db=e000xna&AN=49995 housing as a component of the right to an 9&site=ehost-live

DISPLACEMENT, HOUSING AND HOMELESSNESS IN NORTHERN MANITOBA COMMUNITIES 53 Appendix A: The 12 Dimensions of Indigenous Homelessness in Canada

1. Historic displacement homelessness: 7. Relocation and Mobility Homelessness: Indigenous communities and Nations Mobile Indigenous homeless people made historically homeless after being travelling over geographic distances displaced (p. 10). between urban and rural spaces for 2. Contemporary Geographic Separation access to work, health, education, Homelessness: Indigenous individual’s or recreation, legal and childcare community’s separation from Indigenous services, to attend spiritual events and lands, after colonial control. (p. 10) ceremonies, have access to affordable housing, and to see family, friends and 3. Spiritual Disconnection Homelessness: community members (p. 11). Indigenous worldviews or connection to the Creator or equivalent deity (p. 10) 8. Going Home Homelessness: An Indigenous individual or family who has 4. Mental Disruption and Imbalance: grown up or lived outside their home Mental homelessness: described as community for a period of time, and an imbalance of mental faculties, on returning “home,” are often seen as experienced by Indigenous individuals outsiders, making them unable to secure a and communities caused by physical structure in which to live, due to colonization’s entrenched social and federal, provincial, territorial or municipal economic marginalization of Indigenous bureaucratic barriers, uncooperative Peoples (p. 10). band or community councils, hostile 5. Cultural Disintegration and Loss community and kin members, lateral Homelessness: Homelessness that violence and cultural dislocation (p. 11). totally dislocates or alienates Indigenous 9. Nowhere to Go Homelessness: A individuals and communities from their complete lack of access to stable shelter, culture and from the relationship web housing, accommodation, shelter of Indigenous society known as “All My services or relationships; literally having Relations” (p. 11). nowhere to go (p. 11). 6. Overcrowding Homelessness: The 10. Escaping or Evading Harm number of people per dwelling in Homelessness: Indigenous persons urban and rural Indigenous households feeing, leaving or vacating unstable, that exceeds the national Canadian unsafe, unhealthy or overcrowded household average, thus contributing households or homes to obtain a to and creating unsafe, unhealthy and measure of safety or to survive. Young overcrowded living spaces, in turn people, women, and LGBTQ2S people are causing homelessness (p. 11). particularly vulnerable (p. 12).

54 CCPA Manitoba and MNPHA 11. Emergency Crisis Homelessness: 12. Climatic Refugee Homelessness: Natural disasters, large-scale Indigenous peoples whose lifestyle, environmental manipulation and acts of subsistence patterns and food sources, human mischief and destruction, along relationship to animals, and connection with bureaucratic red tape, combining to land and water have been greatly to cause Indigenous people to lose their altered by drastic and cumulative homes because the system is not ready weather shifts due to climate change. or willing to cope with an immediate These shifts have made individuals and demand for housing (p. 12). entire Indigenous communities homeless (p. 12).

DISPLACEMENT, HOUSING AND HOMELESSNESS IN NORTHERN MANITOBA COMMUNITIES 55 56 CCPA Manitoba and MNPHA DISPLACEMENT, HOUSING AND HOMELESSNESS IN NORTHERN MANITOBA COMMUNITIES 57 Unit 301-583 Ellice Ave., Winnipeg, MB R3B 1Z7 tel 204-927-3200 email [email protected] WEBSITE www.policyalternatives.ca