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1 Prosodic Systems 2 Chapter 27 3 Mesoamerica 4 Christian DiCanio and Ryan Bennett 5 27.1 Introduction 6 Mesoamerica spans from Northern-Central Mexico to Costa Rica. Several unrelated language 7 families occupy this territory, including the Oto-Manguean, Mayan, and Totozoquean families 8 (Brown et al. 2011), and a few language isolates, e.g. Huave (Kim 2008), Xinca (Rogers 2010), and 9 Tarascan (Purépecha) (Friedrich 1975). Although the Uto-Aztecan languages Nahuatl and Pipil are 10 spoken in Mesoamerica—in close contact, for centuries, with other Mesoamerican languages— 1 11 they are not generally considered part of the Mesoamerican linguistic area (Campbell et al. 1986). 12 The same is true for for the Chibchan and Misumalpan families. This chapter focuses on word- 13 prosody within the Mesoamerican area and, to a lesser extent, prosodic structure above the word. 14 The word-prosodic systems of Mesoamerican languages are diverse, owing in part to a time- 15 depth of 4000-6000 years within each family. The practice of equating language names with larger 16 ethnolinguistic groups has also resulted in a vast underestimation of linguistic diversity; e.g. ‘Mix- 17 tec’ refers to at least 18 mutually-unintelligible dialect clusters, with roughly 2000 years of internal 18 diversification (Josserand 1983). This chapter is organized into three sections, corresponding to the 19 major language families of Mesoamerica: Oto-Manguean, Mayan, and Totozoquean. The prosodic 20 systems of these languages diverge substantially. Many Mesoamerican languages make use of non- 21 modal phonation in their segmental inventories or word-level prosody. Thus, in addition to stress, 22 tone, and syllable structure, this chapter also examines phonation contrasts. 23 27.2 Oto-Manguean Languages 24 The Oto-Manguean family comprises approximately 180 languages spoken by about 2,148,000 25 people (INALI 2015). Historically, Oto-Manguean languages were spoken from Northern-central 26 Mexico to as far south as Costa Rica, but all languages spoken south of Mexico are currently 27 dormant or extinct (Chiapanec, Mangue, Subtiaba, and Chorotega). Oto-Manguean is divided into 28 two major branches: East, with Mixtecan, Popolocan, Zapotecan, and Amuzgo subgroups, and 29 West, with Mè’phàà-Subtiaba, Chorotegan, Oto-Pamean, and Chinantecan subgroups (Campbell 30 2017a). Oto-Manguean languages are morphologically mostly isolating, though verbs generally 31 take one or more tense-aspect-mood (TAM) prefixes. Most words may also take one or more 1The prosody of the Uto-Aztecan family, including the various Nahuatl languages, is examined by Caballero and Gordon (this volume). 1 32 pronominal enclitics. There is a strong tendency for morphophonology to involve fusional changes 33 on the root. 34 27.2.1 Lexical tone 35 All Oto-Manguean languages are tonal, without exception, and many also possess stress. There is 36 a sizeable literature on tone in Oto-Manguean: we report here on a survey of the entire descriptive 2 37 phonological literature on the family. A total of 94 language varieties were examined. Five rele- 38 vant prosodic features for each language were extracted: (i) tonal contrasts, (ii) maximum number 39 of tones on a single syllable, (iii) stress pattern, (iv) rime types, and (v) additional suprasegmental 40 features. A summary of the tonal inventory size for each major sub-family is shown in Table 27.1. Table 27.1 Family Number of Number of tones Average number of tonal Languages 2-3 4-5 6-7 8-9 10-11 contrasts per syllable Amuzgo 2 0 0 1 1 0 7 Chinantecan 9 1 1 5 1 1 8 Mè’phàà-Subtiaba 3 3 0 0 0 0 9 Mixtecan 25 19 2 0 3 1 9 Oto-Pamean 15 11 4 0 0 0 3 Popolocan 14 7 7 0 0 0 9 Zapotecan 26 10 11 3 1 1 5 Total 94 51 25 9 6 3 7 Tonal complexity by Oto-Manguean language family. 41 Table 27.1 shows that roughly half of all Oto-Manguean languages (51/94 or 54%) possess 42 small tonal inventories (2-3 tones), a sizeable portion (25/94 or 27%) possess intermediate inven- 43 tories (4-5 tones), and another sizeable portion (18/94 or 19%) possess large inventories (6 or more 44 tones). However, the size of the tonal inventory in an individual language only demonstrates part of 45 the complexity of the tonal system, because often more than one tone may surface on an individual 46 syllable. Thus, if a Mixtecan language has the same number of tones as a Zapotecan language, the 47 Mixtecan language will typically allow more of them on the same syllable. 48 Most Oto-Manguean languages have at least two level tones, and many possess three or more. 49 Languages which permit more than one level tone per syllable (especially Popolocan and Mix- 50 tecan) may possess a large number of contour tones. Examples from Ixpantepec Nieves Mixtec 3 51 are shown in Table 27.2: high, mid, and low tones combine freely with another tone on the root , 52 creating a set of six derived contour tones. 53 In most Mixtec languages, roots consist of either a single syllable with a long vowel or two 54 syllables with short vowels (Longacre 1957; Macaulay & Salmons 1995). Consequently, the tonal 55 contours shown above also occur as sequences in disyllabic roots, e.g. /k`ıki/ ‘sew’ (cf. [v`ee] 56 ‘heavy’ in Table 27.2). Since the distribution of tone is sensitive to root shape, researchers have 2At the time of writing, this reflects all languages known to have been investigated in the Oto-Manguean family (not the total number of languages within each sub-family). There are no living speakers of any Chorotegan language, and no extant descriptions of their tonal systems. 3Given the largely isolating morphology of Oto-Manguean, the terms ‘root’ and ‘stem’ are roughly synonymous for this family. 2 Table 27.2 kw´e´e ‘slow’ vi´ı ‘clean’ tj`ı´ı ‘numb’ x˜ı˜ı´ ‘different’ ˜ı˜ı ‘one’ v`ee ‘heavy’ kw˜ı´˜ı` ‘skinny’ n˜ı˜ı` ‘corn ear’ ˜ı`˜ı` ‘nine’ Ixpantepec Nieves Mixtec (Carroll 2015; H= /á/,M=/a/,L=/à/). 57 argued that the TBU for many Mixtec languages the bimoraic root, with tones being aligned to 58 moras rather than syllables (Carroll 2015; DiCanio et al. 2014; McKendry 2013). Note that not 59 all contour tones are derived from tonal sequences in Oto-Manguean languages. In some, like 60 Yoloxóchtil Mixtec, contour tones are undecomposable units which contrast with tone sequences, 1 3 n 13 3 61 e.g. /ta .a / ‘man’ vs. / da .a / ‘went up’ (periods indicate moraic boundaries) (DiCanio et al. 62 2014). 63 Tone sandhi is found in many Oto-Manguean languages as well, most notably in the Mixte- 64 can, Zapotecan, and Popolocan families. Some seminal work on Oto-Manguean tone sandhi dealt 65 with Mazatec and Mixtec languages (Pike 1948). Work on these languages was also important to 66 the development of autosegmental-metrical theory (Goldsmith 1990). Tone sandhi in many Oto- 67 Manguean languages is lexically-conditioned. For example, in the same language, some roots with 68 high tones may condition tonal changes on the following word, while other roots with high tones 69 do not. The tonal systems of Chatino languages (Zapotecan) contain several different types of 70 floating tones which illustrate this pattern. Examples from San Juan Quiahije Chatino (SJQC) are 71 shown in Table 27.3 below. SJQC has eleven tones (H, M, L, M0, MH, M^, LM, L0, 0L, HL, ML), 72 where ‘0’ reflects a super-high tone and ‘^’ reflects a ‘slight rise.’ Table 27.3 knaH ‘snake’ + ˜ıML 3S = knaH ˜ıML ‘his/her snake’ ktaL ‘tobacco’ + ˜ıML 3S = ktaL ˜ıML ‘his/her tobacco’ snaH ‘apple’ + ˜ıML 3S = snaH ˜ı0 ‘his/her apple’ skw˜aL ‘I threw’ + ˜ıML 3S = skw˜aL ˜ı0 ‘I threw him/her’ San Juan Quiahije Chatino tone sandhi (Cruz 2011). 73 Table 27.3 shows that certain high and low tone roots in Chatino are specified with a floating 74 super-high tone (‘0’) which can replace the tone on the following word. Since floating tones 75 are lexically-specified, and only surface in phrasal contexts, tonal inventories in these languages 76 may be larger than previously assumed, e.g. because a high tone with no floating tone must be 77 phonologically distinct from one with a floating super-high tone (Cruz & Woodbury 2014). 78 Tone is not merely lexical, but often serves a morphological role in many Oto-Manguean lan- 79 guages, particularly in inflection (Hyman 2016; Palancar & Léonard 2016). Tone has a high func- 80 tional load in the morphology of Yoloxóchitl Mixtec (YM) (Table 27.4). YM has 9 tones, /4, 3, 2, 81 1, 13, 14, 24, 42, 32/ (‘4’ is high and ‘1’ is low). 82 Tonal changes in the initial syllable of the YM verb root indicate negation, completive (per- 83 fective) aspect, or incompletive aspect. On polysyllabic words, the penultimate syllable’s tone is 84 replaced by the morphological tone. In monosyllabic words, the morphological tone is simply 85 appended to the left edge of the syllable, creating complex tonal contours. The 1sg enclitic is 3 Table 27.4 ‘to break’ (tr) ‘hang’ (tr) ‘to change’ (intr) ‘to peel’ (tr) ‘to get wet’ Stem ta3PBi4 tSi3k˜u2 na1ma3 kwi1i4 tSi3i3 NEG ta14PBi4 tSi14k˜u2 na14ma3 kwi14i14 tSi14i3 COMP ta13PBi4 tSi13k˜u2 na13ma3 kwi1i4 tSi13i3 INCOMP ta4PBi4 tSi4k˜u2 na4ma13 kwi4i14 tSi4i4 1S ta3PBi42 tSi3k˜u2=ju1 na1ma32 kwi1i42 tSi3i2 Yoloxóchitl Mixtec tonal morphology (Palancar et al. 2016). 86 realized as tone /2/ at the right edge of the root unless the root contains a final tone /2/ or /1/.