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Recovering after childbirth in the Mixtec highlands (Mexico)

KATZ Esther ORSTOM (Institut Français de Recherche Scientifique pourle Développement en Coopération) Département MAA (Milieu et Activités Agricoles) 213, rue Lafayette- 75480 PARIS Cedex 10 - FRANCE Fa: 33-1-40351713

RÉSUMÉ Les Indiens du haut pays mixtèque, tout comme d'autres Indiens du Mexique, prennent particulièrement soin des jeunes accouchées. Un certain nombre de travaux portent sur la grossesse et l'accouchement au Mexique, mais le thème du post- partum a été peu étudié en profondeur, bien que les indigknes insistent sur le danger et l'importance des soins à cette période. Dans ce travail, la conception, la grossesse et l'accouchement sont décrits à titre introductif, tandis que les pratiques du post- partum sont analysées en détail : la période de repos de 20 ou 40 jours, le régime alimentaire particulier, l'abstinence sexuelle, les diverses précautions et prohibitions, les soins corporels, les tisanes, les bains de plantes et surtout, le bain de vapeur, à fonction à la fois thérapeutique et rituelle. L'article posele problème de l'analyse des données touchant aux pratiques corpo- relles féminines, difficilement verbalisées. Il amorce également une comparaison avec les pratiques des pays industrialisés occidentaux et suggère de puiser dans les pratiques et les connaissances des sociétés dites << traditionnelles >> pour remédier aux dépressions post-partum.

INTRODUCTION 1973;ALVAREZ JEYLlENREICH, 1976; COMINSKY, 1976 1982; QUEZADA 1977;RITA, 1979;L6PEZAUSTIN, Like most of the indigenous peoples of Mexico, the Mixtec AND 1980; GARCfARUIZANDPETRICH, 1983; IRETON, 1987; Indians view pregnancyas a disease. While pregnant, Mixtec MELLADO et aL, 1989; MOW-FLORAC, 199'2)'. In this women are seen as afflicted with an excess of heat, but are paper we will describe the indigenous perception of conception, not thought to require special care. On the other hand, deliv- pregnancy and birth, emphasizing postnatal care, as do the ery and postpartum are considered life crisis moments, and Indians. The different postpartum practices, and in particular great care is taken of women whohave just given birth. The the curative andritual aspects of the steambath, will be examined Mixtecs place a high importance on such care. in detail. Finally, we will compare these data with modern A number of authors have dealt with pregnancy and birth Westernamong practices and reflect upon whatcan be learned from Mexican Indians, either in monographsor in specific studies these Mexican customs. (e.g. GUITERAS HOLMES, 1965; VARGAS & MATOS

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1. LOCATION OF THE STUIPY The Mixtec territoryis a rnountainousarea in the south-eastof Mexico covering the westempart of the State of Oaxaca, the eastem fringe of Guerrero andthe southem fiinge of Puebla. It is divided into three areas: Mixteca Altaor the Mixtec High- lands (with altitudes around 2000 m), where this study was carried out, Mixteca Baja, at a slightly lower altitude, and Mixteca de la Costa, the lowlandsfacing the Pacific Coast. The States : u climate altemates between a rainy season (May to October) 1 Oaxaca and a season (Novemberto April), and variesfrom hot to 2 Guerrero dry 3 Puebla temperate andfron~ sub-humid to semi-arid accordingto alti- 4 Morelos tude and orientation towards~e ocean. In the Mixtec High- lands, the vegetation is characterized by Pinus, Quercus, Pinus-Quercus and Junipenrs forests; Cloud forests canbe found l l in the sub-humid southernedge of the Highlands. Map 1: At present, the Mixtec area is populated by mestizos indians,and LOCATION Mixtecs for the most part (325 O00 Mixtec speakers in 1980), OP MIXTECA but also smaller groups, including the Triquis($O00 speakers in 1980), the Amuzgos andthe Chocho-Popolucm. AU of these groups speak Otomanguean languages (of central and soulhem MIXTECAS Mexico) and arepart of the Mesoamerican cultural area. Mixtec BNA n and Triqui languages belongto the Mixtecan branch possessand many significant dialectal variations. Ourresearch was conducted in the southempart of the Mxtec Highlands (Mixteca Alta),in COSTA the Tlaxiaco district (Oaxaca State), and involved Mixtec Indi- ans, as well as mestizos of Mixtec origin and Triqui Indians. As many Indians bilingual, our working languagewas Spanish, Studied are area though we collected Mixtec vocabulary. In the course of this report, we will also refer to data collected in the same area by JANSEN and PÉE(1980) and byMONAGW (198q2. The main activity in the Mixtec Highlands is subsistence ag- ing, and then gradually loses heat after reaching maturity. An individual’s normal heat can be affected bydisease or a state riculture of maize, beans and squash. Becauselocal crop yields considered as disease, including, in the case of women, men- are currently unable to provide peasants with afull year’s sus- struation or pregnancy. The life cycle is described in the same tenance, an important proportion of the population tempo- terms as the lunar cycle: the moon is born (S:nace la luna), is rarily or permanently migratesto more prosperous agricultural areas, e.g. to Mexico City or to the United States. Coffee is young (S: tierna, M: yztte), matures (S: maciza, M: nixia), gets old (S: M: and dies (S: also grown in the area under study. Wornen are in charge of se acaba, vaxi nt’; yoo) muere). heavy housework: grinding corn, cooking, washing, taking The life of living creatures is always described as passing fTom a young to a mature phase: a young child is muy tierno care of the home garden and ofthe animals (hem, pigs, sheep and goats) and looking after children. They also participate in (yute), and a mature person is maciza (nixia). There are also different Mixtec narnes for maize plants at each stage of a certain amountof agricultural work, generallyin fields within growth: the young maize plant, called milpa tierna in Span- a few hours’ walkof the village houses. ish, is called biyz4 in Mixtec, while the more mature maize II. INDIGENOU$ PERCEPTION OP CONCEP- plant (milpa) is called Ytu. TION, PWGNANCY A 11.1. CONCEPTION Mixtec Indians understand the life cycle in terms of catego- Men and womenare fertile when they are in a “hot”period of ries of hot and cold, categories also applied to food and medi- their life cycle and are further “heated up” by sexual rela- cine3. According to their beliefs, the temperature of a living tions. These must not t&e place during the woman’s rnen- creature (human, animal or plant) varies throughout its life. strual period; if this taboo is transgressed, the woman will The creature is cold (Spanish:Ji.io, Mixtec: vixi) at birlh, be- contract a disease called “makashani”, and willbecome “pal- comes progressively hotter (S: caliente, M. ‘i’ni)while grow- lid, thin, weak”, and “her womb will dry out”. In this condi-

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tion, she may lose blood, may cease to menstruate, or may 11.2. PREGNANCY hemorrhage. “Itis very hardto recover from. The woman can Pregnancy is viewed as a disease among the Mixtec13, as is be cured with medicinal plants, but in any case, she remains menstruation. In Mixtec, to be pregnant isto be il1 (‘u ’vi);in weak afterwards and suffers easily from diarrhea”(a cold sick- local Spanish,one is said[to bel”est,”, “estci en estado ”, “est6 nes~)~.Dryness is considered to be hot, while moistness is embarazada ”, “est6 enferma”, “encaqd ”. Women inform only cold. Menstruation (S: regla), called in Mixtec “the disease their very close relatives about their pregnancy and are very of the moodmonth” (‘u ’vt yoo), is considered as being an discreet aboutit with other people.In general, neither the preg- “excessively hot” period, during which the woman is said to nancy nor the expected delivery date is discussed outside of be dirty (S: la rnujer est6 sucia). If sex occurs during this close family14. Pregnant women are said to be “fragile” (S: period, it is thought that the combination of sexual heat with delicada, M: ki ’mu),“their body becomesYoung, tender” ( “se menstrual heat produces dryness in the woman, resulting in entientece su cuerpo”). In spite of this, they continue theirusual sterility5.Contraceptive plants and pills are also seen as hav- activities, but avoidlifting heavy weights. Some people think ing a drying effect on the womb. Afertile woman has a moist pregnant women should not work as hard as usual, because womb. Sexual relations can occur when the woman is hot, they are “weak”. With the exception of “twin” fruit such as but not too hot.To conceive, the woman mustbe hot and moist. bananas or “twin” ears of corn, discouraged because they are She isthen in the same condition as the earth when it is ready thought to favor the birth of twins, pregnant women do not for sowing. Sowing occurs at the onset of the rainy season generally change their dietary habits15. In fact, their food when the earth, warmed by the Sun during the dry season, cravings (S: arztojos) must be satisfied to avoid miscarriage16. receives thefirst rains6. Before planting,the Mixtec men plow the ground with digginga stick (S:palo, M: tundaxi), a highly The woman’s womb (S:matriz, M: soko) in its normal state is phallic tool, and “leave their seeds” in the holes they make7. not only moist, but also cool. It is compared to the cold, moist Life is created in an environment of heat and moisture. subterranean world from which the Mixtecpeople orginally emerged and to which they return after death17, and is de- Mixtec Indians (and Mexicanindians in general) believe that scribed as a cave or a pot (pots are said to have a “cool belly”). a single sexual act is insufficient to create a childs. By receiving the “male blood” (semen)to create the fetus, the MONAGHAN (1987: 156-157) describing the Santiago womb is warmed up.It is also heated bysexual relations18. It Nuyoo Mixtecs’ opinions on conception writes: “The fetus is then becomeslike a pot cooking onfie. a Pregnancy is thought produced by male nute kuiji “white liquid”. Nute kuiji is male of as a cooking process. During pregnancy, the woman be- blood which flows from al1 over his body when he becomes comes excessively hot, making her dangerous for other “hot” during the sexual act. When nute kuiji enters a woman people19. For example, if she looks at someone Who is cook- in sufflcientquantities, it slowly clots (nakujio ini)and begins ing, the food will turn bad. Tamales looked at by a pregnant to grow. The sexual act mustbe repeated up to ten timesfor a woman while they are being prepared won’tCook at al1’O. In woman to receive enough nute kuiji to allow her to become the hearth, if the “feet” ofthe logs burn first, the baby will be pregnant”. Actually,like other Mesoamerican groups, Mixtecs born feet fiist. If a potcooks without wateror a griddle with- seem to believe that both male and female liquids have a role in the creation of the fetus9. Nute kuiji or nute kwixi, as we out the placenta will be expelled with difficulty during the next birth. While in its mother’s womb,the foetus have transcribed it, also means “pulque”,a (white)fermented is relatively cold, but it is also undergoing a transformation, drink made out of agave Sap (Agave spp.), often described as like a maturing fruit or like food being cooked22.During the being “blood” (M: ni%) (“es pura san.gre”) or “milk” (M: last weeks of pregnancy, the midwife comes to visit the shukwi) (“es corno lechita”). Pulque is often drunk in rituals pregnant woman; if the fetus is not in the right position, she and is offered to the earth before planting’O. According to MONAGHAN (ibid.), Mixtecs also Say that “the fetus grows moves it with the help of a shawl tied around the ~oman~~. from his father’s blood”. Another Mesoamerican group, the 11.3. DELIVERY Tzeltal, Say that the man’s sperm, becoming blood in the When labor begins, the woman “becomesill” (S: se erzferma) woman’s body,mixes in the uterus with the woman’s “blood” until she is delivered (S: se alivia). Most rural Mixtec women or “menstrual blood“ (IRETON ibid.)ll.Since Mixtec women currently give birth at home, with the help of their husband notice they are pregnant when they no longer “see their (Who holds them during labour), their mother or mother-in- menstrual blood” (“una sabe que es elnbarazada cuando yu law and often a midwife(S: parfera). In the area studied, there no ve su regla”) it is possible, as is the case with the Huave exist “male midwives”, something quite unusual in other re- and theTzeltal (RETON ibid.; NTA, ibid.), that the menstrual gions of Mexico24.If labor seems too prolonged, the woman blood is also thought to play a role in conception12. is given a tea brewed from Montarzoa tomenfosa (M: ”yuku yavi” or “yuku kava”), an oxytocic plant commonly used

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throughout Mexico25. Whenthe baby enters the birth canal, riod is passed in relative isolation from the outside world and the woman ties a belt(S: ceiiidor) or a shawl(S: rebozo) above its dangers. During this time, the new mother remains at home her belly, %O that pain does not go up”. The woman delivers with the baby, avoids mostfoms of housework, suchas sweep- the baby in a lrneeling position26.The birth is only announced ing and washing, andis cared for by her mother, mother-in-law to a close circle of relatives. or other female relative, whoalso takes over the housework. Mixtecs Say that an infant carrieshis mother’s heat with him Twenty days theis basic count in indigenous Mexican systems, when he is bom (“al naces el niiio se lleva el calor de la mama includmg the present Mixtec system.Rehispanic calendars have y ella quedacomo herida, e?femzn”).While he becomes warmermonlhs of 20 days (JANSEN 1982).Extension of the period to than whenhe was inhis mother’s womb,he remains coldIfrio) forty days probably derivesfrom Spanish influence (FOSTER compared to the outside world;he is “tender” (tiemo)and “frag- 1960: 5). Ritual periods of 40 days are common in European ile” (delicado). The mother is in a similar condition, sinceshe systems, where women kept quarantine after ckildbirth(GÉLIS has lost her heat. She is seen as “tender”, “fragile”, ‘‘ill” 1984: 292-93)30.Since it is twice twenty days, it is probable (elferma) and “injure&’ (herida). Both the mother and child that the forty day period was easily adoptedby Indians after must recover heatto get healthy again(S: sanar).It is actually the conquest. In some areas? there are rituals of reintegration common for women to feel very cold r-ight after delivery, as a aftertwenty days (COmSKY, 1982; PAUL& PAUL, 1975). consequence of the sudden interruptionof strong physical ef- IRETON (1987: 41) notes that forty days corresponds fort (NDEL-CONSTANTIN, rnidwife, quoted byMOTTE- approximately to the period of lochia expulsion. Both the FLORAC 1992). The idea that the mother must subsequently necessity of rest and therisk of having a relapse(S: recaida) if recover heat is common in many societies. Cold is often the rest period is not respectedare talren very seriously bythe associated with death, and thus mustbe avoided”. Mixtec3’ . Those women whohave neitller anelder daughter, a mother, a mother-in-law,nor any other closefemale relative to III. PREGAUTIBNS TAKE AFTER BIRTH care for them oftensuffer from recaida. MCCORMACK, editor of an interdisciplinary worlc on the III.2. SPECIAL DIET ethnography of fertility and birth (1982),found that childbirth The special dietis an important part of the Mixtec postpartum in most cultures is followed by a “periodof 30 to 40 days in regimen. The standard Mixtec diet comprises both hot and cold which the mother rests, develops a social bond with the in- foods. Normally, themeal as a whole must be warm, but not too fant, eats special foods, is massaged and cared for [.. .]. Sev- hot; hot foodsare balanced with cold and moist foods. The ideal eral authors [. ..] describe a final massage, washing or other main dish is warm andliquid -beans, greens andlor meat in a ceremony that brings to an end the period of danger, separa- broth- andis eaten with warm, soft“tortillas ” (tom’llasblandas) tion andtransition, followed by the woman‘s reincorporation (IU’ 1990; 1994). When the body suddenly becomes cold, into Society withenhanced status of mother. [. ..] Babies also e.g. following delivery?it is no longer necessary to moderate hot emerge from a period of social ambiguity, are given names, foods with cold foods.On the contrary, cold foods are prohibited. are “shown the town” and in other ways incorporated into as well as raw and lightly cooked foods, whichalso consideredare social structure.” AsVAN GENNEP (1960: 46) pointed out, cold (KAT% 1992). Commonly prohibited cold foods include recovery from childbirth includes not only a physiological pork. beans, potatoes, avocado, “col&’ greens, lemons, Sour return to normalcy, but also a social return, a “rite of passage” oranges (and Sour fruit in ge~~eral)~~.The recently-delivered from woman to mother, but also from a “linlinal state, sepa- woman’s stomach being cold,she is very likelyto catch a cold rate from the ‘safe’ categories of ordinary existence” to a nor- disease, suchas diarrhea (S: dian-ea,M: lave ’i lm ’14) or empacho mal state of social activity (HOMANS 1982: 254-257). (M: ndi’i = stuck), a stomach ailment associated with diarrhea Mixtec postpartum practices follow this pattern and include and caused by food lodgedin the intestines. “Entraelfnb en el rest, precautions and prohibitions, a special diet, massage and estornago ’’ .. . Se avienta el estornago, después quedabanigorm ”. other body care, herb teas, and herbal and stem baths. Un- The new mother must&O avoid becomingangy (S:luxer coruje, like the postpartum practices current in some other regions of amohinarse, M: lciti ini = the bellyis boiling), as angeris a “very Mesoamerica28,there are no rituals specifically dedicated to hot” state.If she becomes angry and eats cold foods atsame the reintegration at the end of the danger period in the studied time, “she can get pains and even die”. hnmediately following area. Instead, as described below, this is accomplished during the delivery, the woman should eat very “hot” foods, such as the several visits the mother and child m&e to the steambath. @ed meat with toastedtom’llas (tortillas tostadas) and boiled in tepid water. Thenshe is served chicken broth(also “hot”) as III.1. REST often as possible. Chickenis a luxury food, usually only eaten After delivery, Mixtec women mustfor atrest least twenty days, once every other week orduring festivals. It is thoughtto be a a perioda of forty days beingpreferable, if This pe- wholesome, nourishing food that helps the womanrecover. Other

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permitted foods include beef broth, grilled meat, eggs, “hot” 111.5. PRECAUTIONS IN WASHING CLOTHES greens, sweet foods. Aftertwo weeks, sheis allowed to eat soft Anyone washing the clothes of a recently-delivered woman torn’llas. This diet must be followed for forty days. After this or a newborn takes care not to wash them in running water period, the woman may once more eat beans, but to tries avoid such as a river, but instead uses a bucket. Once dirty, the wa- excessiveamounts of cold foods while she breast-feeds the infant.ter must be thrown onthe earth, to prevent the mother or child The baby is exclusively breast-fed for fiveto eight months, at from contracting a skin disease. No explanation is given for which point hestarts eating other foods while continuing to thisnurse prohibition, but it seems to be related to beliefs in water for a year and a half. During this time,he is considered to be a spirits, which like the winds, are dangerousbecause cold 35. cold creature witha fragde stomach, andis not fed cold foods that might cause diarrhea, assuch pork meat, avocado and whole111.6. HOUSEWORK beans (the beans’skin is supposedto be hard to digest). A diet of A woman Who has recently given birthis expected to refrain thick tortillas ( “memelas”)in bean broth is considered best from tasks suchas sweeping, washing dishesor clothes, iron- (KATZ 1992). While she nurses (S: amamantal; M: titi), the ing, sewing, grinding food in a mortar, and lifting heavy woman is advisedto consume fluids that will give milkher (S: weights, al1 ofwhich will produce pain in her thighs or back. leche, M: shukwi): “atole”, a thick white maizedrink, consid- While other household chores such as grinding on the grind- ered as “hot”’, and “pulque”,which in spite of being cold, is ing Stone, making tortillas, or cooking and serving meals are metaphorically compared to mi& blood and semen. It is be- permitted, it is thought better for her to refrain from any kind lieved that the woman’s blood is transfonned intomilk33. If a of exertion. Sweeping, in particular, is thought to provoke woman finds out sheis pregnant again, she immediately stops bleeding. There may be a relationship between sweeping and breast-feeding, “because hermilk is not alone,it is with the fetus, the “evil wind~”~~,the “cold’ winds perhaps causing her to it is very cold” and can harmthe breast-feeding infant. lose “hot” blood. Washing puts the woman in contact with III.3. SEXUAL PROHIBITIONS water, a “cold” element, as does as sewing, since needles are probably also “~old”.~~The clothes iron, on the other hand, is The Mixtecs emphasize the importance of abstaining from “too hot”.The mortar might be prohibited because it is used sexual relations for a period of forty days to three months to grind Chili pepper, a very “hot” and symbolically phallic after delive.ry. Otherwise, the woman risks suffering from food. But people Say that a recently-deliveredwoman should “makashani”, as if she had had sexduring her menstrual pe- not work at the mortar because “she does it only with one riod. We have seen that sexual activity is hot, that the men- hand”, whereas “she grinds onthe grinding Stone with both struating woman is hot, that after delivery she is cold, and hands” and is thus more balanced. However, whengrinding that na kas ha ni results in dryness (of the womb) andcold (the at the Stone, the woman mustkneel rather than stand, in order woman mayexperience diarrhea). The danger is always cold to “work with her whole body”. If she stands, “she makes and excess of heat (causing dryness). Sexual relations should more effort and the body can get opened’. not occur while the woman is in an unbalanced state, when they can produce an excess of cold and dryness. Sex, like 111.7. BODYCARE gestation, death, and menstruation,is associated with the sub- The special postpartum diet and the steambath were mentioned terranean world (LOPEZ AUSTIN 1988). A woman having to us almost spontanously over the first months of Our field- sex during her period or too soon after delivery makes herself work, whereas it took us several years before getting precise more vulnerable to the influence of the cold, subterranean information about body care3*. In the quoted litterature world ofgestation and death. (COMINSKY 1976, MELLADO et al. 1989, MOTTE- 111.4. PROHIBITION OF CONTACT WlTH DEATH FLORAC 1992), massages are mentioned but never described. As postpartum body care involves very intimate female Both newly-delivered women andnewborn infants are barred knowledge and body practices, outsideof its transmission from from cemeteries, wakes and funerals. It isdangerous for them woman to woman, it is rarely spoken of by Mixtecs. to approach the dead. They are thought to be very fragile and especially vulnerable to the “evil wind” (S:ma2 aire, M: tachi The Mixtec womenwe interviewed said they practise certain shee) said to emanate from the dead. Throughout the types of massage after birth. During these treatrnents, the woman Mesoamerican area, winds are seen as the cause of manydis- lies down on her side while pressureis applied to her body(le eases and troubles.As they originatein the subterranean world, empruan encima). She then turns over, and the processis re- they are often thought of as peated. For the same purpose, the woman also tiesa shawl (S: rebozo) very tightly around berhips (lower than duringthe de- livery), keepingit tied day and night(less tight during the night) for about three months, and tighteningit as the abdomen be-

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comes smaller.This is done to help the stomach regainits origi- she does not kned, her body will not close’- while another nal flatness (“as6 no queda barrigona”),and to “help replen- person “burns” her,applying a cloth dipped in a plant decoc- ish strength, which comes from the stomach” (’‘ ayudu a tion to the body from the fontanelle down to the feet. recuperar@erzas, porque se agarrala $terza del esfornago”) 111.8. CURATIVE BATHS AND PLANTS 39. According to COMINSICY (1976: 289), “the use of the abdominal binder and massaging is universalin Mesomerican IZI.8.1. “hot wuter bath” comunities. The massage is believed to encourage the ‘flow The “hot water bath” (S:baEo de agmcaliente, M. kuchi nde of blood‘ and therefore cleanse the woman, to the increase flow ‘ini; also called in Spanish “cooking bath””bafio de of milk, to relieve postpartum pain, andto hold down the uterus.cocirniento”), described above, is filled with a plant decoc- The binder is believed to ‘fix the matriz’ or prevent the stomach tion that is both bathed in andconsumed. This plant bath can from sagging”. MOTTE-FLORAC (1992) mentions that substitute for the steambath, if the wornan is unable to toler- P’urhepecha women weara binder during pregnancyso that ale the latter’s heat (some women become nauseous, faint or the hips “do not open too much”. She quotes NADEL- experience heart problems). While there are many descrip- CONSTANTIN, midwife, who says that for multiparous tions of the steambath, the “hot water bath”, a more discreet women, a binder helps to lreep the abdominal wallfrom col- activity, has rarely been described. Only MELLAJ3O et al. lapsing, andthus prevents lumbago. (1989) mention it under the name of “ban’ode tim”. Some women also Say that the fontanelle opens during deliv- We collected two recipes of this plant decoction in San Pedro ery, letting cold into the body through the top ofthe head. To Yosotato, one from a rnidwife, DofiaSimona, the other from prevent this, a cloth is tied around the head to protect it in the a woman Who a had a fairly wide knowledge of plants for same way as the hipsJo. To “close the body”, they also whip home remedies, Dofia Agustina. Eight of the twelve plants the fontanelle, the tïnger tips and the feet with a plant called used in each recipe were identicalj’. Both decoctions are made ‘6cltihuaxtle”(not identified). Finally, recently-delivered from a mixture of ‘“hot”and “cold” plants, the majority of women either take steambaths or “hot wder baths”. In the them beingAstelaceae and R~taceae~~.Some plants are spon- latter treatment, the woman heels in a large washtub -“if taneous (“gordolobo”, %mstranzo ”, “‘cllamizo”, “sauco”,

Table 1 Plants used in both recipes altamisa yuku altamisa Chrisantlzemum parthenimm Asteraceœ hot gordolobo ? Gnaphalium sp. Asteraceœ cold ventosidad yuku ventosidad Piqueria trinsrvia Asteraceœ hot mastranzo yulru vishi Mentlza rotundifolin Latniaceœ hot carrizo tu y00 Panicum sp. Ponceœ cold rosa de Castilla ’ita rosa Rosa sp. Rosacea cold naranjo de cuchi tikwe’e ’iya Citrus aurantium (leaves) Rutaceœ cold naranio dulce tikwe’e vishi Citrus sinensis (leaves) Rutaceœ cold

Table 2 Plants added in the frrst recipe (midwife’s recipe) garafiona yuku karafiona lkrnonia sp. Askracea hot malva yuku tyoo leini Malva parvlj7ora Mavlaceœ hot hierba santa yuve 1100 Piper snnctum Piperaceœ hot zapote blanco rnoko chingo Casinziro-onndulis (leaves) Rutaceœ cold

Table 3 Plants added in the second recipe (home remedy) flor de sauco ‘ita tungati Sambucus mexîcana Saprifoliaceœ cold rosa blanca ’ita rosa yaa Rosa sp. Rosacea cold ruda yula ruda Ruta cllalepensis Rutaceœ hot chamizo de cohete yula tundavi cohete ? Asterace& ? hot

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“malva”, “garaiiona”),others are cultivated, either for spe- to their village to take steambaths. PeopleSay that it is neces- cific medicinal or magical use(e.g. respectively: “altamisa” sary ini order to make afull recovery from childbirth(“Si no and “ruda”, rue), ornamental use (“rosa”, rose), food se bu iia la muje< queda palida, fea, no sana”). We observed (“naranjo”, sweet andSour orange leaves, “zapote blanco”, only one case of a rejectionof this custom, the young woman “hierbasanta”), or for other uses(carrizo). Some of the plants also choosing not to breast-feed herinfant. are native to the Mixtec region (“zapote blanco”, “hierba During the twenty to forty days followingthe delivery, both snnta”, etc.), while others have been introduced (Rosa, Cit- mother and new-bom must take a steambath once every three rus, Ruta, Mentha) . days. Whilefour to six visits are thoughtof as the minimum, 111.8.2. Curativeplants ideally, the mother and child take from twelve to fïfteen baths. In San Pedro Yosotato, other plants are consumed immediatelyAs noted above, steambaths are also usedfor relaxation or to following delivery, against pain(“calma los dolores intuertos”) cure certain diseases and in addition, some people take and in order to cleanse the woman from lochia (“se limpia steambaths for pleasure, accompanying a personWho is bath- adentro de la mujer”). Use of teas brewed from avocado leavesing for other reasons.This is how we were able to participatein steambaths. Those participating in this manner bathe first in (Persea americana ) (S: “aguacate,” M “tichi”), and some- times combined with “laurel” leaves (S: “laurel”) (probably cold water. After the steambath, they must wait three days be- another Lauraceœ) was mentioned. The use of herbal teas is fore bathing in cold water again, or before repeating another quite commonin Mesoamerica (seefor example COMINSKY steambath. In contrast, recently-delivered women must first 1982: 219, IRETON 1987: 40, MOTTE-FLORAC 1992), butbathe with hot water. Bathers do not drink cold water; only the ingredients vary according to region; MELLADO et al. beer and boiled water are permitted.The baths are not taken in (1989) give a long listof different plants used this in way. the heat of day, but in the late aftemoon, because a combina- tion of hot sun andthe heat of the steambathare thought to be 111.8.3. Stearnbath excessive. To produce the steam, water is thrown on heated The steambath has both curative and ritual functions. It has stones. A bather will remainin the bathfor about ten minutes been often been describedin ethnographic studies(for instance, before exiting, and will then repeat the bathor twice. once Re- GARCfA RUIZ & PETRICH 1983: 51, ICHON 1990, cently-delivered women or the sick lie down inside the bath GALINIER 1990: 146-154, MONAGHAN 1987: 157) or while aperson “Who knows how to bathe”(una mujer que sabe ethnomedicine studies (COMINSKY 1976& 1982, IRETON baiiar) whips her with leaves of “elite” (M: tu nini) (Alnus 1987: 39-40, MELLADOet al 1989,MOTIE-FLORAC 1992) glabrata) (Betulaceœ) or “chamizoblanco ’’ (M: yuku tundavi and has also beenthe subject of specific studies(MOEDANO yu)(Barkleyanthus salicifolius)(Asteraceae) from head to toe, 1983, JANSEN & PÉREZ 1980, SERVAIN 1983 & 1986, while the woman tums towards her left side. The baby is bathed KA” 1993). It has been a tradition amongall Mesoamerican for a short time, using less steam, butis also lightly whipped Indians since prehispanic times and continuesbe used to inthe with leaves. When the person leaves the bath, she must cover Mexican and Guatemalan Highlands (SERVAIN, ibid.), and herself, her headin particular (tiene que tapnrse bienal salir; perhaps in other areasas well. In the Mixtec Highlands,two sobre todo la cabeza”).Mixtecs Say the steam and plant baths types of structure are used for steambaths, a permanent struc- “cool”’ the woman’s body (S: cocer , M: chi’yo), “chi’yo’’ ture of adobe or stones(S: baiio de pared or temazcal) and a meaning at the same “boil“time and “steam”, “cook while keep- temporary oneof branches (S: baiio de torito) (both are called ing moist”. MONAGHAN (1987: 157) adds that the womanis iii’i in Mixtec). The first structure is “cool”; the second one, “given a sweatbath to heat up her blood (nasaa niiiij and to “very hot”, is used in postpartum care (JANSEN & PÉmZ “re-Cook” her veins (na chi’yo tuchi). Heating the blood and 1980). In San Pedro Yosotato, only the temporary structureis ‘cooking’ the veinsis thought to convert the mother’s blood used. People also take steambathsto cure certain diseases (skin into milk for the child”. diseases, malaria, œdema, measles, (KA”etc.) 1993). In some The steambathis protected by the earth divinities Santa Cristina regions, the steambathis also usedto bathe the dying, while inand San Cristobal (Saint Christineand Saint Christopher),Who other areas, such asthe Guatemalan Highlands, childbirth oc- protect alsothe cooking hearth. These saints came to replace curs inside the steambath. Its most common use, however,is prehispanic divinities foundin many regions, Who were god- for postpartum care (SERVAIN 1983)43. desses of the earth, of the moon,of fertility and birth(SERVAIN In the Mixtec Highlands,the steambath is strongly identified 1983, JANSEN & PÉREZ ibid.). According to Mixtec and with native customs, andis seen as somewhat primitive. WhileTriqui myths, the steambath protector was also the wifeof a many men no longer use it, it is still seen as necessary for deer andthe grandmother of the twins Who became the sun and postpartum care. Even those Mixtec women Who have mi- the moon after they killed the deer(JANSEN & PÉREZ ibid., grated to Mexico City and deliveredin a City hospital retum HOLLENBACH 1977)44.In this way childbirth is related to

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cosmology: the womb resemblesthe moist earth andthe rock view of birth is not medicalized, it “is part of a holistic and caves where the frst humans, the seeds and the clouds were personalistic system, involving moral values, social relations and created. Mena wornan takes a steambath,she identifies with the environment,as well as physical aspects... . The midwife’s the earth, and relates herself to the contentof the culture’s myths visits, massages, advice, prayers andrituals provide the mother and cosnlology. She may feel linked to the great vital move- with social and emotional support,all of which can help reduce ment of the universe.The bath is described as a humanbody, the anxieties associated with the life crisis of birth ...” so when the woman is inside the steambath,it is as if she were (CO”3KY 1982: 225-227). Through the steambath, the inside a womb,in total darlmess.She leaves the bath headfirst, woman symbolically relives her childs and her own birth, as a baby does the wornb.The steambath is thus ritea of pas- overcomes her fears and places her motherhoodin the context of sage, a ritual of purification, reintegration and socialization, her culture’s cosmology and her lived environment?. both for the mother and theimfant. The woman has been be- tween life and death during the delivery, risking her life for V. COMPARISON WITM WESTE giving life. In the steambath, she symbolically returns to the Today, inthe Western world,it seem that women suffer from a womb of theearth in a symbolic death, to recoverlife and fer- lack of assistance and rest after delivery. Many havedif€iculties tility from the heat and humidity there, and finally,is reborn recovering physically andare disturbed by the bodily changes and reintegrated into normallife (ICA”1993). accompanying pregnancy and delivery. Post-partum depression (the “baby blues”) a common Western syndrome, seemdoes not IV. THE EFFECTS OF THE TRE to be experienced in Mixtec culture. According to MC- PHYSICAL, PSYCHBLBGICAL, ICAL CORMACK (1982 5),“rnood changes following birthare not AND RITUAL purely hormonal in cause because they from vary culture to culture [. ..]. However, a sheltered time following birth may be quite The treatment provided to recently-delivered women has not adaptivein helping wonlen deal with untilstress normal hormonal only physical, but also important psychological, symbolical balance is regained“. Wonlen in Western countries seem to be and ritual dimensions. much more protected during pregnancy than Mixtec women, but Certain aspects of the treatment have definite physical and after giving birth, they receivefar less care. Merdelivery, more hygienic effectson the woman’s body: resting, refraining€Tom attention is given to the baby. HQMANS (1982: 261) sex, tying the hips, protecting against cold, eating good food, recommends that in industrialized countries, “the transition drinking herb teas, talcing plant baths and steambaths (which through pregnancyto motherhood andits attendant uncertainties probably prevent infection^)^^. According to MELLADO et must be treated sensitivelyifthere is any concern for the emotional al. (1989: 124), these treatrnents are very important in such well-being of the nlother.The medical profession has assumed marginal rural societies where women worlr very hardin the comandof childbirth without recognizing it that is also a social home and in the fields. As MCCORMACM (1982: 6) points event”. out, “this period of rest from exacting work, and the recognized From the Mixtec example, and probably,from those of many right to eat special, often highly nutritious foods, helps also other cultures in the world, we can perhapslesson. draw Physi- a to protect women from a materna1depletion syndrome. Each cal actions on the body should probablybe studied withmore pregnancy and period of lactation, accompanied by heavy work care and in an interdisciplinary perspective, in collaboration responsibilities,might othenvise leave the woman thinner and with, for example, doctorsof allopathic and alternative medi- less healthy. It is a ‘cultural strategy’ for enhanced fertility, cines, practicians who work theon body?or researchers with a rather than one that moves a woman quicklytowards weight double training49. As COMINSKY (1976) and MOTTE- loss, early menopause andthe end of reproductive capacity”“. FLORAC (1992) showed, someof the Indian practices were In addition toits physical effects,the symbolic andritual aspects not understood andwere fought by medical doctorsof the na- of the treatment also have a psychological oneffect the women tional health system. Therefore, consulting alternative who undergo it.We saw that pregnancyis considered as a state practicians, as MOTTE-FLOR4C did withan alternative mid- with an excess of heat lost at the moment of the delivery. wife, opens interesting perspectives.The ritual and cosmologi- Symbolically, the diet and the baths have the function ofcal helping aspects of the care given among Mixtec Indians (and in the woman to recover her vital heat,also but the moisture with other societies)is also an important aspectlacking in present- which herfertility is associated4’. “Notonly mustthe balance be day Western Society, and nzight prevent cases of depression. maintained between thehot and cold States, alsobut of emotional Female knowledge aboutthe body and to very intimate prac- States and social relations. The centrality of emotions and the tices, which are not easily observedor expressed have not until equilibrium of social relations, apecially within the family,is now receivedthe attention they deserve.There is still a lot to another aspect of the indigenous holistic model”. Mesoamericanbe done, so that wonlenWho give birth canfeel better.

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ANNEX: LIST OF PLANTS MENTIONED ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Asteraceae Thanks to all the Mixtec pregnant women, mothers and fa- Barkleyanthus thers Who told us about their experience andto the women salicifolius (EK36)&amizo blanco Who invited us to sharetheir steambath. Special thanks to Doiia Simona, midwife, Doiia Rutilia, steambath specialist, Doiia Chrysanthemum Agustina and Doiia Maura, of San Pedro Yosotato. parthenium (L.) Bemh. (EK68) altamisa Thanks also to Claudie Haxaire and Annie Hubert for suggestions on Gnaphalium sp. (EK33) gordolobo this paper. Thanks to ElizabethMotte-Florac, Claudine Berthe- Morztanoa Friedberg, Annamaria Lammel, Luis Albert0Vargas, Martine tomentosa Cerv. (EK140, EK189) y~hkava* Romero, Chantal de Dianous, Mireya Maeda, Manuella Poli Piqueria trinewia Cav. (EK203) ventosidad for previous discussions onthis material. Thanks to Suzanne Lallemand and to the seminar participants, for having invited Vernonia sp. (EK34)garaiiona us discussedand “Infancy”material thethis at seminar ? (séminaireJanuarycohete Petite-Enfance)chamizo dein Paris in 1995. Betulaceae AZnus glabrata(EK23, Fem.EK125) elite Caprifoliaceae Sambucus mexicana (EK7)Presl. flor de sauco Lamiaceae Mentha rotundifolia (L.) Huds. (EK35) mastranzo Lauraceae 7 laure1 NOTES. Persea americana Mill. (EK42, EK95) aguacate (leaves) 1. Rita worked on the Huave of Oaxaca isthmus;L6pezAustin and Malvaceae Vargas & Matos on prehispanic Nahuasof central Mexico; Garcia Malva parvzjlora L. (EK4 1) malva Ruiz and Petrich on Mocho, a Maya group of Chiapas; Guiteras Holmes on Tzotzil, another Maya group of Chiapas, closely related Piperaceae to Tzeltal, studied by Ireton; Cominsky worked among Maya Quiché Piper of Guatemala, but refers to different areas of Mexico and Guate- sanctum (Miq.) (EK205)Schl. hierbasanta mala; Melladoet al.present dataof different regions but more spe- cifically of Nahua Indians and mestizos of Morelos; Alvarez Poaceae Heydenreich also worked in Morelos; Motte-Florac workedon the Panicum sp. carrizo (EK137) P’urhepecha of Michoacfin (Refer to map 1.1 for location of the Rosaceae States mentioned above). 2. Our fieldwork took place within the Mexican-French “Hu- project Rosa sp. Castilla rosa de man biology and development” (IIA-UNAM/CNRS).It was financed Rosa sp. blanca rosa between 1983 and 1987 by a grant fromUNAM, obtained through Rutaceae the intermediary of Ministries of Foreign Affairs of France and Mexico, as well as a “Young researcher” grantof the “CulturalAr- Casimiroa eas” service of French National Education Ministry; a mission in edulis L. lave & Lex.zapote blanco (leaves) January of 1990 was financed by CEMCA (Centre d’Etudes du Mexique et de l’Amérique Centrale).We returned to the field fora Citrus aurantium L.(EK106) naranjo decuchi (leaves) few days in 1991 and 1992.We worked mainlyin San Pedro Yosotato, Citrus but some of the data presented here was also collectedin Santa Maria sinensis (L.) Osbeck naranjo dulce (leaves) Yucuiti, Santo Tom& Ocotepec, San Pedro Molinos and a Triqui village, SanAndrés Chicahuaxtla. The dialect spokenS.P. in Yosotato L. rudaRuta chalepensis L. is very close to ones the spoken inS. M. Yucuiti andSantiago Nuyoo * known in other regions as “zoapatle”. (where Monaghan worked); the data are presented inthis dialect. Voucher specimens are deposited at Mexu (National Herbariwn of Jansen and Pkrez mainly worked in Chalcatongo, located in the Mexico). EK = Esther Katz neighbouring Valley (S.P. Molinos is inthe same Valley).

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3. The hot and cold categories are found over al1 Mesoamerican 11. §ex must be repeated to assure conception, however.If concep- cultures and in Latin America in general. Foster (1953, 1978) and tion resultsfrom both theman and woman mingling their heat dur- Currier (1966) argued that these categories camefrom hippocratic ing sex, the fetus mustreceive the heat continuously (Iretonibid.). medicine importedby the Spaniards in Latin America. L6pez Aus- 12. This interpretation is not unique to Mesoamerican cultures; it tin (1980) criticized Foster’s opinion and argued that these catego-also found,for example, insome African and Asian cultures (Héritier ries already existed in prehispanic cultures. Signorini (1989) 1978: 393, 1984: 136, Haxaire 1985, McGilvrayibid.). suggested also that these categories were present in prehispanic cul- tures and mingled not with academic hippocratic medicine but with13. It is the sameamong other Mexican Indians(L6pezAustin 1980, meditemanean popular categories and beliefs carried by the Span- Garcia Ruiz & Petrich 1983: 44, Ireton 1987: 30, Mellado et al. iards Who were in contact with the mexican indigenous population. 1989: 74, Motte-Florac 1992) As will be apparent in this article,we personally agree with L6pez 14. Ireton (1987: 31) noticed the same attitude among the Tzeltal. Austin and Signorini. Hot and cold categories are not only found in 15. The same belief has been noted by Rita (1979: 280), Garcia the Mediterranean but in many societieson al1 continents (Referfor Ruiz & Petrich (1983: 451, Ireton (1987: 31). Among Amazonian example to Centlivres 1985, Mahias 1985, McGilvray 1982, Indians giving birthto twins is a malediction (Grenand1984 14). Friedberg 1980, Héritier 1978, Massard 1978). Moreover, Foster thinks that thedry and wet categories were lostin Mesoamerica. In 16. This belief is common in Mesoamerica (Cominsky 1976: 283, fact, they are not mentioned by anthropologists, with the exception Ireton 1987: 32) and existedin Europe too (G6lis 1984: 122). of Neuenswander & Souder 1977. As we will show in this study, 17. Santiago Nuyoo Mixtecs recount how their people were born they are not explicit categories; dry correspondsto hot and humid to from “soko usha”, the “sevenWells” or “seven wombs”,a subterra- cold; they do not combinein the same way as in hippocratic medi- mean tunnel (Monaghan 1987: 161-163); this canbe associated with cine; we think they refer more specifically the to climate. the Aztec myth of Chicomozfoc, the the seven caves (Heyden, 1976). 4. “Makashani” is not a Mixtecname, but very probably a Nahua The ground where people are buried, or the tomb, are called by name. We will see that it may also be contracted if a woman has Mixtecs “Our true house” (Monaghan 1987: 165, Katz 1988). For sexual relations inthe period immediately following childbirth.It the Otomi, “dansle discours de la cosmologie, l’espace intérieurde seems tobe the same disease described underthe name of “cachd~z” la femme, son ventre, se présente comme une réplique du monde (Mellado et al. 1989: 123-127) or“kauan” (Hersch-Martinez 1993) infrachtonien” and when she is pregnant it is said she ‘carries the in central Mexico. Accordingto Mellado et al., “caclzdn” is a “cold” world‘ (Galinier 1986:64). disease that thewoman catches from “winds” right after the deliv- 18. The Otomi have the same perception (Galinier 1984 46-47). ery: cold enters into her body;“cachdtt de hombre ” (man’s cachdn) Mixtec people we talked to either Say that sex must go on during is caused by sexual relationships during the quarantine. pregnancy for the reasons enumeratedabove- or that it can dam- 5. Héritier (1984) has shownhow the association betweendryness, age the fetus ( “ puede machucar el niiio ”, .. . “hace da60 al ni60 aridity and sterilityis common in many societies. porgzce esd tierno”). We are not certain whether they mean thatit can damagethe fetus from the beginning of pregnancy or onlyat the 6 Friedberg (1980) describes similar representations with the Bunaq end of pregnancy. of Timor (Indonesia). 19. Other authorsalso mention that if a pregnant woman looks at a 7. ‘6tznldnxi”comes from “yutzr”, stick, and “taxi”, sow. “Il&”, baby, she can giveit the “evil eye”(S: rdde ojo) (Guiteras Holmes in Spanish “palo”, stick or tree, is a metaphorfor the phallus. 1965: 96-104, Cominsky 1976: 283, Garcia Ruiz & Petrich 1983: 8. Refer to Lopez Austin 1980, Garcia Ruiz Bt Petrich 1983: 42, 45, Ireton 1987: 32). Ireton 1987: 29. This belief is found in different societies of the 20. Tanzales are made of steamed corn dough wrapped in leaves. world - which geuerally promote parental sex during pregnancy- They are often eaten in rituals, especially death rituals. In Mixtec (Lallemand 1994).for instance the Sam0 of Burkina Faso (Héritier and in local Spanish theyare a metaphorfor the vagina. 1984: 136) and the Gouro of Ivory Coast (Haxaire 1985). 21. Tortillas are corn griddle cakes. They are staplethe of the daily 9. This belief is shared by the Huave (%ta 1979:271). The Mocho diet. believe that thefetus is created from “the male seedand the female seed” (sperm and vaginal secretions) (GarciaRuiz & Petrich ibid.). 22. This perception is common tomany societies (see for instance The Gouro and the Sam0 of Africa also think the fetus is created Verdier 1979: 320, Gélis 1984: 130, Centlivres 1985: 49, Héritier from male and female sexual liquids(Haxaire ibid., Héritier ibid.), 1978: 391). For the Otomi, the woman’s body is a “site of transfor- as well as the Tamilof Sri Lanka (McGilvray 1982: 53-55). Accord-mations” (Galinier 1986:65) ing to contemporary Basque shepherds, the fetus is created from 23. Other authors mention direct massages (Guiteras Holmes ibid., “white blood” (sperm) curdling the warm red blood of the uterus, Garcia Ruiz& Petrich 1983: 48, Motte-Florac 1992). the same way ascheese is made from rennet curdling warmmi&, an 24. We do not know whether thisis often the case among Mixtecs analogy which was already mentioned by Aristotlein the IVth cen- or if it occurs onlyin the studied area, since Monaghan,Who worked tury B.C. (Ott 1979). in the same area and broughtthe fact to Our attention was the only 10. The Otomialso assimilate semen, blood and agave sap (Galinier other person to observe it (Monaghan, com. pers.).It might be re- 1984 46). On ritual importance and symbolismof “pzdque” in cen- lated to shamanistic functions. tral Mexico, from prehispanic times to present, refer to Fournier 1983.

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25. Cominsky 1976: 285, Mellado et al 1989, Motte-Florac 1992. 36. It is considered dangerous to sweep when the sun is at zenith. Montanoa is generally known under the common name of We once happened to see someone briefly intempt their sweeping “zoapatle”, from Nahuatl cihuapactli, “woman’s remedy”. at that moment. Midday and midnight are dangerous times when 26. According to Rodriguez (1993 and pers. corn.), in colonial people are especially vulnerable to “evil winds”, particularlyin dan- Mexico, obstetrics was not in the charge of Spanish-traineddoctors gerous places such as crossroads or cave entrances. Who, distaining this field, left it to Mestizo and Indian midwives. 37. Needles are “cold” among the Quiché (Neuenswander& Souder, Actually, however,XVIth century indigenous obstetrics were more 1977). highly developed and responded better to women’s needs than Span- 38. Mixtec women had told us for a long time that the woman’s ish obstetrics. hips become ‘opened’ as a result of pregnancy and birth, and that 27. After childbirth, French midwives of the XVIth-XVIIIth cen- they must be closed again. Until we discussed postnatal care with tury usedto clean the mother’s genitals with tepid water andleave a Chantal de Dianous, a ta-chi teacher, wehad never thoughtof ask- sponge in front of them to avoid “le coup de froid” (Gélis 1984: ing how theyget the hips to close. She suggested that Mixtecs prob- 255); Turkish, Afghan,Jaina Indian and Tamil women musteat “hot” ably practised some sort of physical therapy in order to help the foods (Sauner-Leroy 1993: 199, Centlivres 1985: 49-50, Mahias women to recover at an energetic level. In 1991 and 1992, during 1985: 222-224,McGilvray 1982: 59); Bunaq womenof Timor must short stays in the field, we asked more precise questions and re- be “boiled”: they lie close to a fire while covered with wet cloths ceived some answers. But we think now that there might be more to (Friedberg 1980);live charcoal is put underthe Malaysian women’s discover on this subject. bed (Massard 1978); Throughout South-East Asia, women are 39. In the Congo, where we did fieldwork, women also tie a sash “warmed up”after childbirth (A. Hubert, pers. corn.).Sam0 women around their hips after birth. In France, women usedto tie a binder of Burkina Fasolie close to a fire and take very hot baths(Héritier around their stomach in order to stabilize the uterus and, from the 1978: 395). P’urhepecha Indians Say the woman becomescold be- XVLth century on, in order to have a flat stomach, but this practice cause she loses a large amount of (warm) blood and because the was rejected by physiciansfrom the XVIIIth centuryon (Gélis 1984: (warm) fetus has been expulsed (Motte-Florac 1992). 256). 28. Paul (1975) and Cominsky (1976) describe reintegration rituals 40. In Guatemala, Mayan Quiché Indians Say that “the mother’s in Guatemala, D. Gréco (com. pers.) and A. Lame1 (com. pers.) head should be covered with a scarffor 10-15 days and her shoul- have observed ceremonies given for the baby, respectively among ders covered with a shawl or sweater to prevent getting aire (air) the Nahua of the Huasteca and the TotonacIndians. and turning the mi& cold” (Cominsky 1982: 219). Accordingto a 29. Quarantine (S: cuarentena) is common in rural Mexico (MelladoMexican-Japanese acupuncturist of Mexico City, Mireya Maeda, et al.. 1989). there is a correspondence between this part of the head and of the 30. Quarantineis associatedwith Candlemas. This festival celebrates hips and in Chinese medicine, it isthought that the head of the re- the Virgin’s churching, on the second of February, forty days after cently-deliveredwoman mustbe constantly covered to be protected Christmas. In France, quarantine was very much respected during from the cold. the Middle Ages -women had acomplete rest for forty days- but 41. Al1 the plants we collected were deposited at the National Her- tended to be shortened to about twentydays from the XVIth century barium of Mexico (MEXU) and wereidentified by botanists of the on (Gélis 1984). Quarantine is also practised, in NorthAfrica, India Biology Institute of UNAM (R. Bye, A. Campus, A. Delgado, A. and in other regions (Ruspoli 1995, Mahias 1985: 226). Malaysian Garcia, H. Hernfindez, D. Lorence, C. Mapes, M.A. Martinez A., wonlen rest for forty-four days (Massard 1978). T.P. Ramamoorthy, M.Sousa). We thank themhere. Concerning plant 3 1.Recaidu is mentioned in several parts of rural Mexico (Mellado names in Mixtec, “yubr” means “grass” or “herb, ‘“ita” “flower”, et al.. 1989). “ru” “tree”, “trunk” or “stem”. 32. The prohibition of cold foods is general in Mexico (Cominsky 42. Motte-Florac (1992) mentions that right after the delivery, 1976: 289, Garcia Ruiz & Petrich 1983: 52, Ireton 1987:40, Motte- P’urhepecha women are rubbed with “hot” plants and are given a Florac 1992). Notal1 the same foods are seen as cold, but pork and “hot” herb tea. Amongthe Mixtecs, it seems as if the ideal is a bal- Sour fruit are usually considered as such. ance, avoiding an excess of either “cold” or “heat”. 33. A Mixtec man told us the veins apparent on the breasts are the 43. Nadel Constantin, quoted by Motte-Florac(1992) suggests that ones from which blood tums into milk. In the Middle Ages, milk a steambath taken at the beginning of labor has a significant relax- was thoughtto be whitened menstrual blood (Gélis 1984: 33). Other ing effect. populations also think blood tusinto milk (for example, in Africa, 44. In Chicahuaxtla, we heard a version of this story close to that Héritier 1978: 395, Haxaire 1985: 341). collected by Hollenbachin another Triqui village, Copala.In a Mocho 34. According to the P’urhepecha, the recently-delivered womanis version ofthis myth, thegrandmother is married to a tapir and she is very sensitive to “winds”, which cause “cold” diseases with symp- the one Who becomes the moon (Garcia Ruiz & Petrich 1983) toms such as fever and pain (Motte-Florac 1992). 45. We haven’t looked for pharmacological information about the 35. The Mocho donot leave the infant’s diapersdrying outside over- plants used, but it would be an interesting direction for research. night; they say the “pukuh” (demons) penetrate into the cloths According to Dr. L.A. Vargas (pers. com.), in Mexican villages where (Garcia Ruiz & Petrich 1983: 52)

Actes du 2e Colloque Européen d‘Ethnophannacologieet de la 1le Conférence internationale d‘Ethnomédecine, Heidelberg, 24-27 mars 1993. 110 IhfgDICAMENTS ET ALJMEWS :L'APPROCHE ETHNOPHARMACOLOGIQUE the steambath is used, puerperal fever is less cornmon than in other RJEFERENGES rural areas with comparable hygiene conditions. ALVAREZ HEYDENREICH L., 1976, El embarazo y el part0 en 46. In a biological anthropology study among the Ntombaof Zaire, Hueyapan, Morelos, in Las fronteras de Mesoamérica, Mesa redonda Pagézy (1990) has shown that eatinga rich diet and resting in the de la Sociedad Mexicana deAntropologia, Vol. 1, Mexico, 335-343. postnatal period allows the body to build up fat stores. This has a CENTLIVRES P., 1985, Hippocratedans la cuisine: le chaud et le froid favourable effect on thehealth and nutritional state of both the lac- enMghamistan du Nord, inCENTLIVRES P. (Ed.), Idemtite alimentaire tating mother and the baby, especially in societies where foodavail- et alt6rité culturelle, Neuch2te1, Institut d'Ethnologie, 35-57. ability follows marked seasonal variations (which is the case in the COMINSKY S., 1976, The role of the midwife in Middle America, in Mixtec Highlands) (Mixtec women, however, do not eat well and Actas del 41 Congres0 Internacional de Americanistas,Vol. 3, México, rest as long as the Ntomba women do). 279-29 1. 47. Sterile women aresaid to have a dry womb. 1982, Childbirth and change: a Guatemalan study. in MacCORMACK C. (Éd.), Ethnographyof fertility and birth, London-NewYork, Academic 48. According to a French midwife, Martine Romero, postpamm Press, 205-229. women need to be mothered in orderto bereassured and begintheir role as mother positively. She thinlcs the steambath must havea very CURRIER R., 1966, The hot-cold syndrome and symbolic balance in strong psychological effect, in the sense that it reactualizes the Mexican and Spanish-Americanfolk medicine, Ethnology, 5,25 1-263. woman's own birth and her fears regardinglife and death. FOWRD., 1983, Façons deboire, faGons de voir, Social Sciences blformation, 22,3,411-434. 49. Most anthropologists have collected descriptions of these prac- tices, but could not observe them directly, as in Our case, whereas FOSTER G., 1953, Relationships between Spanish and Spanish- American folkmedicine, Journal ofAmerican Folklore, 6,261,201-207. anthropologists Who are also the same timedoctors, nurses or mid- wives (for example, Ireton who isa nurse) could attend deliveries. 1978, Hippocrates'Latin American legacy: 'hot' and,'cold' in contem- porary folk medicine, in WTHERINGTON R.K. (Ed.), Colloquia in nnflwopology, Dallas (Texas), Southern Methodist University, Fort Burgwim Research Center,II, 3-19. FRIEDBERG C., 1980, Boiled womm and broiled man: myths and agricultural rituals of the Bunaq of Central Timor, in FOX J. (Éd.), The flow of life: essays on Eastern Indonesia, Cambridge-London, Harvard University Press, 266-289. GALINER J., 1984, L'hommesans pied. Métaphoresde la castration et imaginaire en MésomCrique, L'Hotnnle, 24,2,41-58. 1986, Plus ambre que la mort. La dépossession de soi ou la femme- monde des Indiens Otomi, in Côté Femmes: approches ethnologiques, Paris, L'Harmattan, 63-78. 1990, La mitad del mundo. Cuerpo y cosmos en los rituales otomies, Mexico, UNAM-CEMCA-IN, 746 p. GARCkRUIZ J., P. PETRICH, 1983,La femme, la lune, la fécondation chez les Mocho, Objets et Mondes, 23,1441-56. GÉLIS J., 1984, L'arbre et le fruit, La naissance dans l'occident mo- derne, XVP-XLV si8cle, Paris, Fayard, 6 ll p. GRENAND F., 1984, La longue attente ou la naissance A la vie dans une sociCté Tupi (Waygpidu Haut Oyapock,Guyane française),Bzclletin de la Société Suisse des Am&ricanistes,48, 13-27. GUITERAS HOLMES C., 1965, Lospeligros del alma, México, Fondo de Cultura Economica, 301 p. HAXAIE C., 1985, Vie et mort dans la reprksentation gour0 de la cir- culation des fluides du corps, in 110' Congrhs National des Sociétés Savantes, Anthropologie, Ethnologie, Montpellier, 333-343. HEYDEN D., 1976, Los ritos de paso en las cuevas, Boletin del Institut0 Nacional de Antropologiae Historia, 19, 17-26. HERSCH-MARTINEZ P., 1993, An approach to medicinal plants by the analysis of traditionnal diseases in Mexico. Two examples: Caxan and Tlazol, 2nd European Colloquium on Ethnopharmacology, 24-27 March 1993, Heidelberg. €&mRF., 1978, Fkcondité et stérilité la traduction de ces notions dans le champ idéologique au stade préscientifique,in SULLEROT E. (Éd.), Le faitfCminin. Qu'est-ce qu'unefemme ?, Paris, Fayard, 387-396.

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Actes du 2eColloque Européen d’Ethnopharmacologie et de laIle Conférence internationale d’Ethnomédecine, Heidelberg, 24-27 mars 1993.