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Bartholomew Collection of Unpublished Materials SIL International - Mexico Branch Language and Culture Archives Bartholomew Collection of Unpublished Materials SIL International - Mexico Branch © SIL International NOTICE This document is part of the archive of unpublished language data created by members of the Mexico Branch of SIL International. While it does not meet SIL standards for publication, it is shared “as is” under the Creative Commons Attribution- NonCommercial-ShareAlike license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc- sa/4.0/) to make the content available to the language community and to researchers. SIL International claims copyright to the analysis and presentation of the data contained in this document, but not to the authorship of the original vernacular language content. AVISO Este documento forma parte del archivo de datos lingüísticos inéditos creados por miembros de la filial de SIL International en México. Aunque no cumple con las normas de publicación de SIL, se presenta aquí tal cual de acuerdo con la licencia "Creative Commons Atribución-NoComercial-CompartirIgual" (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc- sa/4.0/) para que esté accesible a la comunidad y a los investigadores. Los derechos reservados por SIL International abarcan el análisis y la presentación de los datos incluidos en este documento, pero no abarcan los derechos de autor del contenido original en la lengua indígena. Non-modal voicing as morphemic features in Íénná, Mazatec of Mazatlán Villa de Flores1, 2 R. David Klint SIL International 1 Introduction Mazatec is a Mexican language with 12-20 variants spoken in the La Cañada area of Oaxaca. Many variants show asymmetries in the laryngeally modified consonants of the phonemic inventory. Specifically, the laryngeally modified consonants in the phonemic inventory of Íénná, Mazatec of Mazatlán Villa de Flores, ISO 639-3 = vmz, mazateco del suroeste (INALI 2016), are asymmetric. Table 1 Obstruents and resonants in Íénná Bilabial Alveolar Postalveolar Palatal Velar Glottal Nasals m m n̥ n ɲ̊ ɲ Glottalized nasals ˀm ˀn ˀɲ Stops t d k ⁿg ʔ Aspirated stops tʰ ⁿtʰ kʰ Glottalized stops ˀⁿd Affricates ts dz tʃ dʒ Aspirated Affricates tsʰ ⁿtsʰ tʃʰ ⁿtʃʰ Glottalized affricates tsˀ tʃˀ Fricatives s ʃ h Glottalized fricatives sˀ Approximates ɸ̞ β̞ j ̊ j Glottalized Approximates ˀw ˀj 1 The abbreviations used in this paper as follows:1 = first person, 2 = second person, 3 = third person, excl = exclusive, incl = inclusive, pl = plural. 2The Ethnologue gives the code vmz and the name mazateco de Mazatlán to the language known by it's speakers as Íénná (Lewis et al. 2016). The Instituto Nacional de Lenguas Indigenas (INALI) refers to it as mazateco del suroeste, and gives the local name as ienra naxinandana nnandia (INALI 2016). It is important to note that despite the word najndiaámeaning center in Mazatec, the language which is named mazateco del centro is not spoken in Najndia̱á, the Mazatec name for Mazatlán Villa de Flores. According to INALI, mazateco del centro is spoken in the municipalities of Huautepec, Huautla and Santa María Asunción, which corresponds to the variant of Huautla de Jiménez, which has the ISO-63 code mau Lewis et al. (2016). 1 2 Non-modal voicing as morphemic features in Íénná, Mazatec of Mazatlán Villa de Flores The Íénná phonemic inventory includes post-aspirated obstruents, [tʰ, ⁿtʰ, kʰ], voice- less resonants [m̥, n̥, ɲ̊, ɸ̞ , β̞ ], post-glottalized obstruents [tsˀ , tʃˀ], and pre-glottalized resonants [ˀw , ˀj ]. It includes neither pre-glottalized obstruents such as [ˀt, ˀts], nor post-glottalized resonants such as [mˀ, nˀ, ɲˀ]. Ascribing non-modal voicing to a mor- pheme feature removes the otherwise unmotivated asymmetry in the phonemic inventory of Íénná and provides evidence that non-modal voicing as a morphemic feature may be an areal phenomenon of Mesoamerican languages, e.g. [+nasal] and [+CG] in Mixtec (Mar- lett 1992, Macaulay & Salmons 1995), [+CG] in Totonac (Aschmann & Wonderly 1952), Trique (Hollenbach 1984) and Tepehua (Watters 1987), and [+nasal] in Me'phaa (Marlett y Neri 2012). Table 2 Morphemic structure Glottalized stem Aspirated stem /síG/ [sˀi] party /tíH/ [tʰí] round /tʃáG/ [tʃˀá] carry /kāH/ [kʰā] iteration /tsūG/ [tsˀū] huipil dress /tsáH/ [tsʰá] happy /nījāG/ [nīˀjā] house /β̞īH/ [ɸ̞ī] go /tīβ̞āG/ [tīˀβ̞ā] he is carrying /jàH/ [j ̊à] eagle /nāmíG/ [nāˀmí] priest /nūH/ [n̥ū] night A morphemic feature analysis of non-modal voicing avoids the complex and typolog- ically unusual syllable structure required to analyze it as independent segments (Pike & Pike 1947), the intricate featural system required to analyze it as a secondary feature (Steri- ade 1994), and avoids the redundancy of postulating breathy and laryngealized features on both vowels and onsets Golston & Kehrein (1998). 2 Previous analyses Previous analyses, accounting for the assymetrical pattern of non-modal voicing in a closely related Mazatec variety (mau), have included phonemic segments (Pike & Pike (1947), García et. al. (2014)), vowel features (Golston & Kehrein (1998)), and secondary features (Steriade (1994), García et. al. (2014)). The analysis of non-modal voicing as a morpheme feature accounts for asymmetry in the phonemic inventory without requiring non-modal secondary features or typologically rare syllable structures. Table 3 Previous analyses of laryngeal contrasts in Huautla Mazatec gloss Pike & Steriade Golston & García et. Pike (1994) Kehrein al. (2014) (1947)3 (1998) Pre-laryngealization rainbow ʔja4 ˀja4 ˀja4 ˀja4 3We adapt Pike and Pike's data into the API for. Additionally, we mark tone with 1 being the lowest tone and 4 being the highest tone, as opposed to the their data which has 4 as the lowest and 1 as the highest. Aspiration 3 gloss Pike & Steriade Golston & García et. Pike (1994) Kehrein al. (2014) (1947)3 (1998) Post- he jʔa³ jˀa³ ja̰³ ja̰³ laryngealization car- ries pre-aspiration remains hka³4 ʰka34 k̤a³34 hka³4 post-aspiration smelly khã³ kʰã³ kã̤³ kʰã³ In a morpheme feature analysis, stems rather than segments are marked with the non- modal features extended glottis [+EG] or constricted glottis [+CG]. The non-modal voicing is realized at the leftmost edge of the resonant on the last syllable of the stem. 3 Aspiration Aspiration, in Íénná, can occur by itself in onset position, or it can precede or proceed another consonant, which we describe as pre-aspiration or post-aspiration respectively. The distribution of aspiration on onsets with resonants is distinct from aspiration with obstruents. Table 4 Onsets involving aspiration in Íénná Pre-aspirated Post-aspirated /h/ hó two /t/ htī itch thī round /ⁿd/ n̥djú whirlpool ⁿthò̥ wind /k/ hku his head khě different /ⁿk/ n̥gū one — /kʷ/ hkʷjé rough kʷḁ̀ issue/problem /ⁿgʷ/ — — /ts/ htsjē4 guava tshá possum /ⁿd͡z/ n̥djà too salty ⁿtshḁ̄ his hand /t͡ʃ/ —5 tʃho̓: egg ̥ /ⁿd͡ʒ/ n̥dʒa exists ⁿtʃhḁ̄ he speaks /n/ n̥nú owl — /m/ m̥má black — /ɲ/ ɲ̊ɲú night — /β̞/ ɸ̞ī goes — /j/ j ̊ē, hje fat — 4For many speakers, the pre-aspiration has assimilated to the place of the affricate, so the /hts/ sequence is pronounced /sts/. 5There are no recorded words of the sequence /htʃ/. It is probable that the same process of assimilation underway in the sequence /hts/ to /sts/ has also assimilated /htʃ/ to /ʃtʃ/. 4 Non-modal voicing as morphemic features in Íénná, Mazatec of Mazatlán Villa de Flores 6For the majority of speakers, the semivowel /j/ is pre-aspirated in an aspirated morpheme, and the glottis is not extended during the full production of the resonant, [hj], but in Íénná spoken in Barrio Guadalupe, the glottis is extended throughout the production of the resonant, [j ̊]. In figures i, ii and iii we can see the differ- ence in frication and resonance between the glottal fricative in /hàmà/ [hàmà] root, the palatal semivowel /já/ [já] tree and the voiceless semivowel /jã̄H/ [j ̊ã] three. Figure i Spectrogram of /hàmà/ root Glottalization 5 García et. al. (2014) in their phonetic study of the Mazatec spoken in Río Santiago give acoustic evidence that the pre-aspiration of stops should be considered the full segment /h/. The syllable structure of Íénná, which accepts as its maximal syllable C1C2VV, where C1 is a fricative and C2 is a stop or affricate, also supports their claim. While the syllable structure of the Río Santiago variant is slightly different, masking this trend, in Íénná, pre-aspiration of stops patterns along with the other fricatives and can precede a stop or affricate, but no other consonant. The pre-aspiration of resonants, on the other hand, coincides with the articulation of a portion of the segment in a way articulatorily impossible with obstruents. On nasals, the first portion on the segment is pronounced voicelessly, and voicing begins during the production of the nasal stop. On semivowels, /β̞/ is completely devoiced resulting in [ɸ̞], and /j/ is either partially or totally devoiced to [hj] or [j ̊]6 depending on the town.7 Table 5 Aspiration on different syllable types, where R is resonant and O is obstruent /RV/H → [R̥V] or [ʰRV] /OV/H → [OʰV] If the pre-aspiration of obstruents is analyzed as the segment /h/, a pattern of post-aspiration of obstruents and devoicing/preaspiration of resonants emerges. I propose that it is the mor- pheme itself which is specified as [+EG] and that the aspiration will be realized at the left edge of the resonant portion of the syllable. When the onset of the syllable has an obstruent, the aspiration is realized at the right edge of the onset, and when the onset is a resonant, the aspiration is realized at the left edge of the onset. Following Marlett's (1992) convention of marking morphemic nasalization with a super- script N,N , I mark morphemic aspiration with a superscript H, H, and morphemic glottaliza- tion with a superscript G, G. The creation of voiceless resonants through overlap of morphemic aspiration with the resonant onset gives rise to a crosslinguistically rare class of voiceless resonants, with /j ̊/ in 2.2% , /ʍ/, en 3.5%, of the languages of the world Maddieson (1984).
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