Article Number: LALI: 00103

Chinantec, the Phonology of 1

a0005 Chinantec, the Phonology of D Silverman, University of Illinois at changes. Additionally, certain irregular patterns are Urbana-Champaign, Champaign, IL, USA marked by ablaut. Due to their inherent inflection, ß 2006 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. bare verbal roots do not exist as such in Chinantecan. All Chinantecan languages have a large number of verb classes, along with many lexical exceptions. p0005 Chinantecan is a group of about 14 VSO languages Classes are differentiated by patterns of identity or within the Otomanguean family, spoken by ap- non-identity across aspect/person combinations. For proximately 90,000 people in northeastern Oaxaca, example, in the following partial paradigm for the Mexico, having branched from the Otomanguean verb ‘to hit’ shown in Table 1, some complexes are tree more than 16 centuries ago. The 14 major lan- identical to others, while others are different. Verbs in guages (where ‘‘language’’ is defined as a speech com- this class will tend to show a similar pattern of iden- munity with mutual intelligibility not in excess of tity and non-identity across cells, while verbs in other 80% with other communities) are Ojitla´n, Usila, Tla- classes show a different pattern. coatzintepec, Chiltepec, Sochiapan, Tepetotutla, Tla- Table 2 provides examples of stem inflection from p0015 tepusco, Palantla, Valle Nacional, Ozumacı´n, Lalana, Quiotepec (Robbins, 1968). Lealao, Quiotepec, and Comaltepec. The first seven In at least some Chinantecan languages, the verb p0020 are northern languages and tend to be more innova- may be prefixed by a subject agreement marker for tive phonologically; the second seven southern lan- intransitive verbs, or by an object agreement marker guages are more conservative. Syllables are usually for transitive verbs. Additional verbal prefixes in- CV, with only a few post-vocalic elements, among clude a negation marker, and tense and aspect mar- them a nasal and/or laryngeals. Proto-Chinantec is kers (imperfect, past, hodiernal past, perfect, past reconstructed as possessing consonants *p, *t, *k, imperfect, etc.). Unlike verbs, nouns do not typically w w *k , *b, *z, *g, *g , *s, *m, *n, *N, *w, *l, *r, display internal inflection, instead showing stability and *j. Laryngeals *h and * could stand alone pre- across inflectional augmentation. In Tepetotutla, for vocalically, or could precede any of the voiced con- example, noun roots may concatenate with a quanti- sonants. Additional consonant-glide clusters are fier, a gender-inflected numeral, a classifier, etc. In reconstructed, too. The reconstructed tonal inventory includes *H, *L, *HL, *LH, and *HLH. Vowels Table 1 Partial Verb Paradigm from Comaltepec t0005 included *i, *e, *a, *u, *Ø, and *@, as well as several diphthongs. The vowels may be augmented in a hit (transitive/inanimate) 1s 1p 2 3 progressive bah¥ ba¥ bah¥ bah¥ bewildering number of ways, however. In modern intentive bah¡ bah¡ bah¡ bah¥ Comaltepec—the most conservative Chinantecan completive bah¥ bah¡ bah bah¥

language—eight vowel qualities (i, e, æ, a, o, V, Ø,u) hit (transitive/animate)

É É

progressive bVÉÉ £ bVÉ £ bV £ bVÉ £

É É may be combined with five tonal qualities (L, M, H, É

intentive bVÉ ¡ bVÉ ¡ bV ¡ bVÉ £

É É É LM, LH ), two voice qualities (plain and aspirated), É completive bVÉ £ bVÉ ¡ bVÉ bVÉ £ a nasality contrast, as well as a binary length con- trast. The cross-classification of these 5 independent systems results in 320 possible nucleus qualities Table 2 Examples of Stem Inflection in Quiotepec t0010

(8 Â 5 Â 2 Â 2 Â 2). Thus, a single vowel quality may (Robbins, 1968)

possess up to 40 contrastive values. kwoÉ£É I give (something) w ÉÉ p0010 Chinantec roots and words are usually monosyllab- k o I gave (something) w ic. The rich inflectional system normally involves k o¢ o¡ thou givest (something) kwo£ o¡ thou gavest (something) modification of root vowels, resulting in monosyllab- kwo¢ o¢ I give (something to someone) FIRSTw PROOF ic stems that bear a particularly high informational k o¡ o£ I gave (something to someone) load. In Comaltepec, for example, a single syllable kwo¢ o¡ thou givest (something to someone)

may contain not only the root but also (in the case of kwo¡ o thou gavest (something to someone) kwoÉjÉ nna˜ £ I give (something animate) verb complexes) active/stative markers, gender mar- w ˚

k oj¢˚ nna˜ ¢ I gave (something animate) w É ˚

kers (animate/inanimate), transitivity markers (in- k oÉ˚ j ny˜ ¢ thou givest (something animate)

transitive/transitive/ditransitive), aspect (progressive/ kwoÉjÉ £ ny˜ ¢ thou gavest (something animate) intentive/completive), and possibly subject pronoun kwoÉjÉ ˚ nna˜ ¢ I give (something animate to someone) w ˚

clitics (two subsyllabic classes). Methods of stem k oj £ nna˜ ¢ I gave (something animate to someone) w É ˚ modification involve nasalization, tone, length, pho- k oÉj ny˜ ¢ thou givest, gavest (something animate to someone) nation augmentation, and sometimes consonant Article Number: LALI: 00103

2 Chinantec, the Phonology of

Lealao, constituents of the noun phrase may include a Table 3 t0015 AU:2 quantifier, the head, a modifier, a possessor, and a Non-sandhi context Sandhi context Gloss

deictic marker, in that order, as well as a classifier É

prefix in some cases. toÉDÉ kwa toÉ give a banana

NØhD kwa NØh give a chayote

É p0025 Stem complexes are obligatorily stressed. Post- É

kuÉ£ kwa kuÉ give money

tonic and pre-tonic syllables are not stressed. Stressed hi£ mØÉ£É hi I ask for a book syllables may possess greater phonological and mor- moh £ mØÉ£É moh I ask for squash phological complexity than do unstressed syllables. In Sochiapan, unstressed syllables differ from stressed ones in displaying a more limited distribution of with ballistic stress, whereas controlled syllables may phonemes. Post-tonic syllables in Palantla consist of also occur with tonal contours (LM, LH). In Comal- a small list of words that do not contrast for tonal tepec, ballistic syllables may occur with almost any features. Pre-tonic syllables, while maintaining tonal pattern. tonal contrasts, do not possess post-vocalic elements, The ballistic stress found in some Chinantec lan- p0035 except in very careful speech. In Comaltepec, post- guages corresponds to tonal lowering in Ojitla´n tonic syllables consist of a limited set of clitics, and Usila. Quiotepec is variously characterized person-of-subject inflectors (in verbs), and possessors as possessing ballistic accent or raised tones in (in nouns). Pre-tonic syllables consist of only several these same contexts, often accompanied by post- verbal prefixes and a few proclitics, and possess a vocalic aspiration. The Chinantecan ballistic syllable smaller inventory of tone values. These syllables are corresponds to post-vocalic aspiration in related not a site for inflection, and thus do not possess Mixtecan and Otopamean languages, to pre-vocalic morphological complexity. In Quiotepec, too, stress aspiration in related Popolocan languages, and to falls on the major lexical classes (verbs, nouns, etc.); glottally ‘‘interrupted’’ (CV V) syllables in the most pre-tonic syllables consist of inflectional materi- Chatino, Zapotec, and Tlapanec languages. Chinan- al. Pre-tonic syllables only occur with single tones, tecan ballistic syllables may derive from Proto- never with tonal contours. In at least several Chinan- Otomanguean *CVh syllables (which may or may tecan languages, the vocalism of post-tonic syllables not have been phonetically realized as interrupted is harmonically determined by the stem vowel. Tone vowels). Indeed, recent phonetic and phonological may spread from stem to suffix, too. investigations have recharacterized the ballistic phe- p0030 Regarding Chinantecan stress, several languages are nomenon as largely laryngeally-based, involving traditionally characterized as possessing either ‘‘ballis- post-vocalic aspiration. tic’’ stress or ‘‘controlled’’ stress on stem syllables. In Segmental sandhi is rather limited in Chinantecan, p0040 Palantla, Tepetotutla, Sochiapan, and Comaltepec, although tone sandhi is widespread, being both pho- ballistic syllables have been characterized by an initial nologically and morphologically conditioned. The surge and rapid decay of intensity, and a loss of voicing best-studied tone sandhi system is that of Comalte- of post-vocalic elements; controlled syllables exhibit pec. Here, LH tones spread their H component on to no such initial surge of intensity, displaying a more a following vowel. Furthermore, M tones on un- evenly controlled decrease of intensity, and a lack checked controlled syllables (deriving from Proto- of post-vocalic devoicing. Ballistic syllables tend to Chinantec H) trigger the presence of an H tone on be shorter in duration than controlled syllables, and the following syllable. may possess a smaller inventory of tonal patterns. In at least several Chinantecan languages, ballistic syllables See also: Oto-Manguean Languages (02286); The Phonet- cross-classify with almost every other syllable type. ics of Stress (00000). AU:1 Both oral and nasal vowels,FIRST both long and short PROOF vowels, pre-aspirated and pre-glottalized onsets and plain onsets, and open and checked syllables, Bibliography and nasally closed syllables, may all possess ballistic stress. Ballistic stress interacts most significantly Anderson J L (ed.) (1989). Comaltepec Chinantec syntax. Studies in Chinantec languages (vol. 3). Dallas: Summer with tone, tending to raise high tones and lower low Institute of Linguistics. tones. In Lalana, ballistic stress (considered post- Merrifield W R (1968). Palantla Chinantec Grammar. vocalic h in some analyses) may not occur with glottal Papeles de la Chinantla V. Seria Cientı´fica 9. Mexico: checking, and may occur with only H, L, and HL Museo Nacional de Antropolog´ıa. tones, whereas controlled syllables reportedly also Merrifield W R & Rensch C R (eds.) (1990). Syllables, tone, possess MH, LH, and HLH, and may be checked. and verb paradigms. Studies in Chinantec languages In Lealao, only level tones (L, M, H, VH) may occur (vol. 4). Dallas: Summer Institute of Linguistics. Article Number: LALI: 00103

Chinantec, the Phonology of 3

Rensch C R (1968). Proto Chinantec phonology. Papeles de Rupp J E (ed.) (1989). Lealao Chinantec syntax Studies in la Chinantla VI. Seria Cientifica 10. Mexico: Museo Chinantec languages (vol. 2). Dallas: Summer Institute of Nacional de Antropologia. Linguistics. Rensch C R (1976). Comparative Otomanguean phonolo- Silverman D (1997). ‘Tone sandhi in Comaltepec gy. Indiana University: Bloomington. Chinantec.’ Language 73, 473–492. Rensch C R (ed.) (1989). An etymological dictionary of the Silverman D (1997). Phasing and recoverability. New York: Chinantec languages. Studies in Chinantec languages Garland. (vol. 1). Dallas: Summer Institute of Linguistics. Westley D O (1991). Tepetotutla Chinantec syntax Studies Robbins F E (1968). Quiotepec Chinantec grammar. in Chinantec languages (vol. 5). Dallas: Summer Institute Papeles de la Chinantla IV. Seria Cientı´fica 8. Mexico: of Linguistics. Museo Nacional de Antropolog´ıa.

FIRST PROOF