MINPAKU Osaka National Number 39 Ethnology Museum of December 2014 Anthropology Newsletter http://www.minpaku.ac.jp/ ] ‘yak’? jakɯ ] ‘glacier’. hjoːɡa Since the modern keywords ‘information technology’ came into fashion, all kinds of information have been flying around through various kinds of media, all over the world. We can see cubic crystals of salt naturally build on the water’s edge of the Dead Sea on an iPad, while lying on a couch in the living room of our own house. It seems as if everybody in the world can fully get to know There is no glacier in Japan, but the word in many Japanese- appears language dictionaries. I do not think it would be difficult to find such words a dictionary of any in language, provided that the language is a so-called major language — even words references whose are seemingly unrelated to the area where language is spoken, or to the the lives of its speakers. — a pocket-size dictionary published — a pocket-size dictionary published in 1979, a student dictionary published in 1996, and one published in 2008 — and confirmed that all of these actually contained the word had thought. Living in as I Japan, it is hard to see real yaks. Even in zoos, since there are only three currently that and keep yaks, we hardly hear the word in yaku Japan in our everyday life. I wonder how many people actually know what hyōga [ yaks are. Or, 1 3 5 7 9 11 13 15 16 16 16 ...... Languages and Linguistics at an Ethnological Museum Yak and Pig, Glacier and Sea. Yak “What is Your Name?” Variations Name?” Variations “What is Your in Fijian Languages and Their Pre-historic Implications ...... Numeral Systems in Sign . Languages Across the World Head-marked Languages in Middle America. Examining the Linguistic Mind of Japanese.

Noboru Yoshioka Ritsuko Kikusawa Keiko Sagara Yoshiho Yasugi Yoshiho Hiroshi Shōji Column...... Exhibitions...... Conferences...... Information...... Scholar Visiting Publications......

Contents Language is a window into the human mind and reflects human activities, reflects into the human mind and Language is a window a from analyzed are languages is an academic field where while linguistics focus Minpaku has a strong As an ethnological museum, scientific view-point. ethnologists to study is necessary for linguists and on fieldwork, which languages and learn Essays in this about human beings and their diversity. who combine of the thoughts of linguists at Minpaku glimpses issue present What is unique to and later analysis at their desks. linguistic fieldwork involved with also are is that we at Minpaku, however, researchers with public and have everyday communication exhibitions for the anthropologists in other fields. do not exist without humans and Languages is a believe that linguistic research We humans do not exist without language. a better understanding of who we are. good starting point on the path to When I was in the field, this question all of a sudden struck me. ToWhen I was in the field, this question make sure that my facts were correct, the desktop dictionaries that I was carrying I checked Why do many Japanese-language dictionaries contain the wordWhy do many Japanese-language yaku [ Yoshioka Noboru National Museum of Ethnology Yak and Pig, Glacier and Sea and Pig, Glacier Yak Special theme: Languages and Linguistics at at and Linguistics Languages theme: Special Museum an Ethnological 2 MINPAKU Anthropology Newsletter No 39 December 2014

Yoshioka is an each other without leaving home. In difference between study of a major or a assistant professor at this age of diffusion of information, minor target language. (Of course, Minpaku. His doctoral dissertation for the when information is so readily minor languages have less chance to be Tokyo University of available, what I do is go to villages made into a form of ‘information’, such Foreign Studies (2012) deep in the mountains of Pakistan from as to be digitized.) Even for major was entitled ‘A a city in Japan, carrying large bags for languages, field research is still reference grammar of Eastern Burushaski’. research on their languages. How necessary to understand how they His current research worthwhile is this kind of fieldwork? developed, and how they are changing. concerns the Burushaski is a target language for What my experience tells me is that documentation of my research, an unwritten language there are notions which we do not, or languages in northern Pakistan, in isolate spoken by about 100,000 cannot, become aware of without particular, speakers. The language does not have a actually going to the field and Burushaski, Domaaki, word for ‘sea’, because there is no sea conducting linguistic fieldwork. In the and Shina. He is also in the area where the speakers live. It field I learned why the variety ‘bitter interested in conducting a does not have a word for ‘pig’. People apricot’ ( ) is cultivated, multilayered areal there have been Muslims for hundreds even though it is too bitter to eat. typology of languages of years and so there are no pigs in People mix this particular kind of spoken in the region. their life. Are there any words at all for apricot into livestock feed. In the field I entities which do not exist there? recorded and learned the names of two Verifying existing entities is easy. In ways of grafting apricot trees, one of Japanese, we can easily confirm that which was an indigenous method and there are words ‘yak’ and ‘glacier’ (you the other introduced. And such can do it just on the web), despite the realization is not limited to what exists truth that there are no yaks and have in the local culture itself. In the field I been no glaciers in Japan. (Three became aware that the idea of the four glaciers in Toyama were verified only in cardinal points, namely north, south, 2012.) By contrast, it is very difficult to east, and west, are not very useful in a confirm if there are any words in non-flat land. (Burushaski originally Japanese for ‘the oldest bull on the did not have these words.) And in the innermost side of a group of bulls that field, again, the question occurred to are walked in circular movements for me — that I mentioned at the beginning threshing wheat’ (in Burushaski, ʦʰindíʂ) of this article — why do languages and ‘dried apricot having a kernel differ in the extent to which each inside after removing its shell’ (ʨʰaŋóɾ). contains culturally external In fact, I never knew that these information? I had not realized, growing concepts existed before I started to do up in Japan, the simple fact that a fieldwork. language that does not have a word for Why do yaks live and glaciers flow in ‘sea’ may not have a word for ‘island’ Japanese, while we can neither bathe in either. (Of course, such language may a sea nor see pigs in Burushaski? have special terms for sandbars along a Perhaps it reflects the differences river, or small islands in a lake.) between a major language, a national In the field, people kept on asking language with millions of speakers, and me in Burushaski, ɡósulo balímia? ‘Did it a minor language, a language with fall into your heart?’, or in Domaaki, a relatively few speakers in a remote area. neighbouring Indo-European language, For doing fieldwork, there is no practical jána peɡáa? ‘Did it fall into the heart?’ I did not understand the meaning of these questions, but, one day, it all of a sudden became clear to me that they were saying: ‘Do you understand?’ These expressions are parallel to the Japanese somatic expression huni ochiru [ɸɯ ni oʨiɾɯ], ‘fall into the guts’, having the general sense ‘to feel one completely understands something’. Semantically, this resembles the English phrase, to get one’s head around something. In the latter case, the part of body used in the expression is different. Such idiomatic expressions, with body parts in particular, can be like a hydroscope clearly revealing to us the background thinking of a language community. Burushaski speakers offer to feed someone by making his lip run (iíl éːskaɾʦas), while Domaaki speakers respect someone by swinging their Bualtar Glacier, Pakistan (Yoshioka, 2008) hand (hot pʰiɾaːná). In Urdu they deeply December 2014 MINPAKU Anthropology Newsletter No 39 3 love someone with their livers burned different languages are spoken. Such (ʥɪɡəɾ soˑxta ). Or Japanese systems are found not only through people get unhappy and become language study. They can also be found obstinate with their navels bent (heso-o through various facets of anthropology mageru [heso o maɡeɾɯ]), while English (for example, social, cultural, and speakers do not, but can have a broken psychological). In this age of heart following an unhappy love information diffusion, some researchers relationship. may be able to gather a lot of What we can learn about while information without going to the field, conducting fieldwork are different but I believe their methods will never systems of knowledge that have achieve more than what can be developed in the environments where gathered through field research.

“What is Your Name?” Variations in Fijian Languages and Their Pre-historic Implications

Ritsuko Kikusawa National Museum of Ethnology

I often feel that field linguists form a this would be their response to me if I unique category of mankind. And I were to utter a single word there in happen to be one of them. When Standard Fijian or English. However, visiting a new place, probably one of using the above phrase immediately the most common first considerations made the other person switch back to is how likely s/he will manage with the their own dialect, being now aware that language skills that s/he has. If your I wanted to learn their language, and own language, or a language you are not ‘Fijian’. It was as though I had familiar with, is spoken or known to be waved a magic wand or something understood there, many people feel similar. secure. But what if none of these How different can languages be in languages is likely to work? I have seen such a small country? Well, very. The many polyglot Europeans hesitate to reason why the above phrase works is visit Japan, because none of the many that the expression differs enough for languages they speak is commonly the speakers to realize that I am using used in this country. their very local version. Just to show Fieldwork linguists are peculiar from this, sentences with the same meaning this point of view, in the sense that we from three different Fijian languages often choose to stay where a language are listed that is not well-documented is spoken. below. Encountering communication problems is thus a default condition. And we even enjoy it; gradually getting to know the language, deciphering the meanings of words, and analyzing and describing the grammatical structures of the target language, while acquiring skills to handle the language at the same time. When I first visited a village on Kadavu Island in Fiji, Paul Geraghty, a linguist who has a wide knowledge of Fijian languages, taught me several expressions of the dialect spoken on that island. The one I found most useful was Xo yava na nomu ila? ‘What is your name?’ When seeing a visitor, it is a natural response for local people to speak Standard Fijian, if not English, rather than their own local dialect. And Scenery in Navala Village in Viti Levu, Fiji (Kikusawa, 2014) 4 MINPAKU Anthropology Newsletter No 39 December 2014

Kikusawa is an How to say ‘What is your name?’ associate professor at Minpaku. Her current Standard Fijian O cei na yaca-mu? research concerns the (Eastern Fijian) determiner determiner history of who name-your Austronesian languages, in Navala O cei mu-yaca? particular the (Western Fijian) determiner who your-name comparison and reconstruction of Kadavu Xo yava na nomu ila? grammatical (East/Western Fijian) determiner who/what determiner yours name structures. She also specializes in the prehistory of Oceania, Just looking at these I expect gives and shared lexical items, argues in The and is involved in some idea as to how different languages History of the Fijian Language various can be, even among those that are (University of Hawai‘i Press, 1983) that interdisciplinary referred to by a single name; in this before there were separate languages, research projects. In addition, she has case, Fijian. The same holds for there were two dialect linkages (or, initiated projects Japanese and other languages with dialect chains) that had developed in aiming to bridge relatively large number of speakers. Fiji and part of Polynesia. A dialect research on spoken Thus, whenever a discussion appears linkage is a chain of dialects forming a and signed language about ‘Japanese’ or ‘Fijian’, I keep kind of gradation of each linguistic linguistics. Her publications include: questioning in my mind ‘Which feature from one end to the other. The Proto Central Pacific Japanese?’, ‘Which Fijian?’ parts of these linkages located in Fiji Ergativity (Pacific When ‘dialectal difference’ is merged into one, then subsequently Linguistics, 2002), mentioned, people typically assume split into the Eastern- and Western- and ‘The Austronesian that the difference exists in the lexicon, Fijian linkages, which have developed language family’, in C. that is, in the words used, or their now into the groups of languages Bowern and B. Evans pronunciation. That is true, but there referred to as Eastern and Western (eds.) The Routledge are many other aspects to consider, as Fijian. According to this hypothesis, the Handbook of Historical Linguistics can be seen even the limited data diversity found today in the languages (Routledge, 2015). shown above. of Fiji springs from the very beginning We can see that the word for ‘name’ of the spread of people into Fiji and is yaca in Standard and Navala Fijian, Polynesia. but ila in Kadavu. However, if we In addition to regular language assumed that the word for ‘who’ is a change that brought about such macro- parallel example, that would be a diversity, there must have been some mistake, because in this case, the micro-level changes, including for elements show different semantic example: independent innovations and coverage. In Standard and Navala contact induced changes, in sounds Fijian, the form cei means ‘who’ and and lexical items. It is also possible there is another word cava for ‘what’. In that a group of people split into two or Kadavu, on the other hand, the form more groups, with one group moving to yava serves for both ‘who’ and ‘what’. a remote area and forming an exclave When it is preceded by a personal there, and then a language enclave. In determiner xo, it indicates ‘who’ and Fiji, for example, it is commonly when preceded by a non-personal believed that people west of Viti Levu determiner na, it indicates ‘what’. and those west of Kadavu were ‘cousins’ However, what I find most interesting is in the past and are thus distantly finding grammatical differences. For related. If this is true, then perhaps example, looking at how ‘your name’ is part of the population moved from Viti expressed above, we can see that in Levu to Kadavu, or from Kadavu to Viti Standard Fijian, the form mu indicating Levu. But, did this happen before ‘your’ follows the form yaca ‘name’ to formation of the eastern and western form yacamu ‘your name’, while in language division, or long after? Navala, it precedes it to form muyaca. Traditional historical linguistics has In Kadavu, the meaning ‘your’ is contributed a lot towards the expressed by the form nomu, which understanding of events in prehistory, could be translated as ‘your thing’ and such as people’s migration across the the sequence nomu ila is the only way Pacific, but mostly at a macro- to express ‘your name’. And the list comparison level. By examining the continues, expanding to every possible details of variation in the morphology, linguistic feature, including sentence syntax, and distribution of languages at structure, grammatical differences, the micro-level, I dream that we will pragmatic aspects, and other matters. eventually be able to answer more How did such diversity come to questions about human life during the exist? Paul Geraghty, based on the prehistory of Fiji, the Pacific, and the examination of sound correspondences world. December 2014 MINPAKU Anthropology Newsletter No 39 5

Numeral Systems in Sign Languages Across the World

Keiko Sagara National Museum of Ethnology Numbers appear in all human languages, and are a well-researched topic within spoken language typology. However for sign languages relatively little is known about how numbers are expressed morphologically and what features or strategies are typologically common or unusual. At the International Institute for Sign Languages and Deaf Studies (iSLanDS, University of Lancashire, Preston, England), I participated in a Sign Language Typology project, part of which explored the semantic domains of color, number and kinship in about 30 countries (see dots, Fig. 1). This essay Fig. 1 Countries participating in the sign language typology project focuses on the findings relating to number. In typological research, samples should be balanced across language languages point to parts of the body, Sagara is a project families and not only drawn from one such as the eyes in Indonesian Sign researcher at Minpaku. She was a geographical area or language family. Language and the western variant of research officer at the With sign languages, it is important to Chinese Sign Language, to indicate iSLanDS Institute include both urban and rural sign ‘zero’. Obsolete signs for ‘zero’ and (2010-2014), where languages. Interesting findings in the higher numerals (10, 100) in Japanese she participated in domain of number included the use of Sign Language also make iconic various sign language typology projects. The different types of iconicity, numeral reference to the eyes and the mouth topic of her MPhil incorporation, a large variety of sub- (Fig. 3). Use of ‘stamping’ the fingertips degree (completed in systems, and lexicalization patterns, was also found, wherein the three 2014 at the Institute) each of which will be explained in the fingertips represent three zeros (Fig. 4). was the numeral following paragraphs. Some sign languages use number system of Japanese Sign Language from a Types of iconicity can be clearly seen signs influenced by writing, including cross-linguistic when considering signs for the number the written forms of Kanji or Arabic perspective. She is ‘zero’. The options seen across sign numerals (Fig. 5). Regardless of the now preparing a languages are summarized in Fig. 2. specific written language involved, the monograph on the lexical typology of Signs for ‘zero’ in some sign languages practice of using handshapes based on semantic aspects of involve tracing a ‘0’ shape with the written forms for numerals is found in sign languages with finger. However, the most common way many places around the world. Ulrike Zeshan. of indicating ‘zero’ cross-linguistically is Unusual iconic motivations were by using the ‘O’ handshape. Other sign noted in Alipur Sign Language (used in an Indian village with a high incidence of hereditary deafness), which uses an increasingly large signing space to indicate increasingly large numerals (Fig. 6), and Argentinean Sign

Fig. 2 Options for realization of iconicity in signs Fig. 3 Obsolete variants for ‘10’, ‘100’ and ‘0’ Fig. 4 A variant for for ‘zero’ from Numazu Deaf School ‘1,000’ from Indo- Pakistani Sign Language 6 MINPAKU Anthropology Newsletter No 39 December 2014

series of digits is reflected directly by a series of numeral signs that mirror the way the number is written, e.g., TWO FIVE ZERO for ‘two hundred and fifty’, as in Indo-Pakistani Sign Language. Additive and multiplicative strategies were found in around two-thirds of the sign languages in the study, while other strategies (such as subtraction and spatial modification) are cross- linguistically rare. The subtractive sub- system was noted in two rural sign languages, Mardin Sign Language (MarSL, in Turkey, Fig. 8-2) and Alipur Sign Language. Numeral incorporation is unique to sign languages as it exploits the simultaneous expression of a numeral and a countable unit, which does not occur in spoken languages. It is most Fig. 5 Numeral signs deriving from written forms in UgSL, Turkish Sign common across sign languages in the Language (TID) and JSL (arrows indicate the direction when movement is part domain of time units and involves the of the sign) compounding of two morphemes, normally one numeral sign and one unit sign (e.g., a sign for ‘three weeks’; Fig. 9). Out of 24 sign languages that were investigated with respect to numeral incorporation, 23 sign languages use at least some numeral incorporated forms to talk about time (e.g., ‘hour’, ‘year’, etc.). Larger cardinal numbers may also be formed using numeral incorporation, for example combining a number handshape with a Fig. 6 Alipur SL ‘100’, ‘1,000’, ‘100,000’ (de Vos & Zeshan 2012) sign for a unit such as ‘hundred’. Numeral incorporation is a more frequent phenomenon in urban sign languages than in rural sign languages. Among the few instances of numeral incorporation in rural sign languages are signs associated with money in Adamorobe Sign Language (in Ghana). Sign languages also feature lexicalization, wherein two separate signs become fused over time to create Fig. 7 ArgSL ‘7’ ‘8’ from one single lexical sign. For example, in the dictionary of ArgSL (Crespo et al. 1993) ASL the sign for ‘25’ was originally two signs (for ‘2’ and ‘5’) but the form shown at the right of Fig. 10 is now Language, which derives some number much more common. The sign now is signs from the name signs of pupils in clearly one morpheme, the origins of the numbered dormitory beds of an old which cannot be detected by looking at deaf school (Fig. 7). its form. Similarly, one variant of ‘12’ in The notion of sub-systems refers to Japanese Sign Language has gone from how a language composes its number two morphemes to one, and the two forms, e.g., in an additive way (where a original morphemes can no longer be sign for ‘10’ and a sign for ‘2’ are distinguished. combined to indicate ‘12’, as in These various findings on the Japanese Sign Language), or in a numeral systems of sign languages multiplicative way (where a sign for across the world, including the use of ‘thousand’ combines with a sign for ‘2’ numeral incorporation, lexicalization, to indicate ‘2,000’, as in British Sign iconic motivation and numeral sub- Language). Cross-linguistically, additive systems, have also helped to advance and multiplicative sub-systems are the the documentation and protection of two most common patterns in both sign languages. There are also signed and spoken languages (Fig. 8-1). substantial opportunities for researchers Other options found include using a of signed and spoken language typology digital strategy, where each signified to collaborate and learn from each December 2014 MINPAKU Anthropology Newsletter No 39 7

Fig. 8-1 TWO (×) THOUSAND ‘2,000’ Fig. 8-2 TWENTY MINUS-TWO ‘18’ in MarSL Fig. 9 JSL sign for ‘three weeks’. The in BSL (Zeshan et al. 2013) handshape indicating the number ‘three’ is incorporated with the movement which expresses ‘week’ other’s theories, methods and ethos. However, the greater empowerment and involvement of deaf community members from all countries, especially developing ones, is very much needed if this work is to continue and sign languages are to be fully appreciated, investigated and preserved.

References 25 in American Sign Language Crespo, N., M.R. Druetta & J.C. Druetta. 1993. Grupo de Investigación de Lenguaje de Señas Córdoba Panorama. De Vos, C. & U. Zeshan. 2012. Introduction: Demographic, sociocultural and linguistic variation across rural signing communities. In U. Zeshan & C. de Vos (eds.) Sign Languages in Village Communities: Anthropological and Linguistic Insights, pp. 2-23. Zeshan, U., E. Cesar Delgado, H. Dikyuva, S. Panda, & C. de Vos. 2013. Cardinal numerals in rural sign languages: Approaching cross-modal typology. Linguistic Typology 17(3): 357-396. A variant of 12 in Japanese Sign Language

Fig. 10 Compositional and lexicalised numerals

Head-marked Languages in Middle America

Yoshiho Yasugi National Museum of Ethnology The exhibitions of Minpaku cover the Since about the mid-1980s, whole world. When I was employed in autonomous movements of indigenous 1980, I was assigned to the Middle people have been active. For example, America section. At that time there was native Guatemalan Maya linguists almost nothing in the Middle America established the Academia de Lenguas section, so I went to Mexico, Guatemala, Mayas de Guatemala and legalized a Honduras, Belize, Jamaica, and Puerto standardized orthography, which Rico to collect ethnological materials. At became a symbol of new movements. the same time, in order to cover Middle Until then children were punished if America as a linguist, I searched all the they spoke their own language but now linguistic materials of Middle American they receive bilingual education. People languages. Thanks to these projects I regained their identity and pride. I became familiar with the distribution of learned that linguistics has the power all the ethnic groups in Middle America to change cultural attitudes. and their languages. One of the foremost characteristics 8 MINPAKU Anthropology Newsletter No 39 December 2014

Yasugi is a professor of Middle American languages (except grammar differently if we take a head- at Minpaku. His for some languages such as Tarascan) marking perspective. I am now studying current research concerns the history is head-marking, in which agreement Colonial linguistic materials of Yucatec of Mayan languages, between different words of a phrase is and Colonial Kaqchikel from a head- and Kaqchikel marked on the head, or main word of marking perspective. language change over the phrase. Many grammars have been I was perplexed when I first five centuries. His publications include: written following the example of encountered the following two examples Native Middle dependent-marking languages such as of Classical Yucatec [1, 2]. American Languages: Latin, but we may be able to explain An Areal-Typological Perspective (National Museum of Ethnology, [1] noh be 1995), Materiales big road lenguas mayas de ‘big road’ (Motul Dictionary, late 16th century) Guatemala, 4 vols. (ELPR, 2003), and [2] noh culic-Ø Ioan ‘Fronting of nondirect arguments and big sit-he Juan adverbial focus ‘Juan sits arrogantly’ (Coronel Grammar, 1620) marking on the verb in Classical Yucatec’ (International The normal verb form for ‘to sit’ is is reasonable that words that function Journal of American cultal. The special form culic is used as adverbs take no adverbial marking Linguistics 71, 2005). when noh is preposed as an adverb. while the verb is marked instead. This Why does the adjective noh function as was the moment that I discovered the an adverb? Why does the verb head-marking perspective. conjugate differently from the normal The dominant word order verb- verb? After long consideration, it object-subject (VOS) in Mayan suddenly struck me that the verb might languages is formally verb-noun-noun take a special form to make the (VNN). A noun can also appear before adjective adverbial. Since the language the verb. In order to distinguish which is head marked, the verb is head and particular noun is placed before the naturally enough it must be marked. verb, the verb itself is marked to Finally I noticed adverbial marking on indicate the function of the noun the verb, and found that such marking before the verb. The construction in is expressed by a full set of which a subject occurs before the verb conjugational suffixes. In dependent- is called ‘agent focus antipassive’. marking languages adverbial Originally the preverbal position was functioning words usually take a used to emphasize the fronted noun. marking by themselves. For example, in Fronting of a direct argument, i.e., the English, the adjective beautiful takes subject or agent of the action, into this -ly when it functions as an adverb, position triggered the agent focus while the verb does not change because antipassive. Other nouns can also of this. In head-marking languages, it occur before the verb. An instrumental phrase, which is a non-direct argument, is also focused by fronting. In a number of Mayan languages, agent and instrumental noun phrases are preposed when they are focused, questioned, negated, or relativized. The strategy of placing focused constituents in sentence-initial position is schematized as follows:

Agent Focus: S+V-M±O±NA Instrumental Focus: NA+V-M±O±S

(Where S, V, O, NA, and M represent subject, verb, object, non-direct argument, and marker, respectively. In Kaqchikel, M--the marker on the verb-- is -o/-on for agent focus and -b’e for instrumental focus. In Classical Yucatec, however, the verb is marked by a full set of conjugational suffixes.) In Classical Kaqchikel the instrumental phrase is preposed without the preposition which occurs with it when it follows the verb, and -b’e Examining costumes of a Maya deer dance. The costumes are is attached to the verb to indicate when included in the Minpaku collection (Yasugi, 1993) it is preposed [3]. December 2014 MINPAKU Anthropology Newsletter No 39 9

[3] way t-Ø-in-watasi-b’e-j meb’a tortilla incompletive-it-I-feed-m-transitivizer poor “With bread I feed the poor.” (Torresano Grammar 1754)

In Modern Kaqchikel, however, the verb, which in turn is attached by -b’e preposition chi is obligatory when the and its original position is filled with instrumental noun occurs before the the fronting marker (FM) wi [4].

[4] chi ikäj x-Ø-u-choyo-b’e-j wi ri che’ ri achi with ax completive-it-he-cut-m-transitivizer fm the tree the man “With an ax the man cut the tree.” (Gramática Kaqchikel, Garcia Matzar et al., 1997)

I have discovered many interesting Maya people have an opposite way of changes that have occurred over the last seeing things, do Japanese people see four hundred years, for example, only half of this world? adverbial marking on the verb is now almost in disuse in Yucatec; instrumental constructions in Kaqchikel are becoming obsolete and the instrumental fronting marker -b’e has almost no function. Instrumental phrases need a preposition even when fronted, and the language is developing a dependent-marking strategy, where relations between the words in a phrase are marked on the dependent words in the phrase. The particle wi occurs immediately after the verb and so we may identify it as either a part of the verb phrase, or as kind of verbal suffix. If it is the latter, we can say that the language is regaining the head-marking strategy after the suffix -b’e no longer functioned as a fronted instrument marker. Maya people live on almost the opposite side of the world from Japan. The Mayan languages are ergative, head-marking, VOS languages (though some have VSO or SVO order), while Japanese is an accusative, dependent- marking, SOV language. Japanese and Mayan languages exhibit mirror-image relations, their word orders are in many respects completely opposite from one another. Do Maya and Japanese see The first page of Annals of the Kaqchikel after things differently from each other? If Simón Otzoy, Memorial de Sololá (CIGDA, 1999)

Examining the Linguistic Mind of Japanese

Hiroshi Shōji National Museum of Ethnology The recent increase of foreign highly mono-ethnic and monolingual populations in Japan has brought with society. With immigrant languages it notable changes in ethnic and emerging in daily life, people have linguistic relations, in a country that perhaps for the first time come to had been long regarded as having a realize that Japan is no longer an 10 MINPAKU Anthropology Newsletter No 39 December 2014

Shōji is a professor at isolated monolingual society, and that (4) Provision for multilingual Minpaku. His recent research themes they cannot function well without transactions and services by local include immigrant resorting to other languages. My recent authorities, with language support languages and interest has concerned whether Japan provided by NGOs. multilingual really is becoming a multilingual These recent linguistic phenomena phenomena in Japan and Northern Europe. society, as is assumed widely today. were something new to many Japanese, In 2004 he organized This question, naturally, requires who still relied on the myth of a mono- a special exhibition at definition of what is meant by the ethnic and monolingual Japan. Korean Minpaku, called phrase ‘multilingual society’. The workers and their family members, ‘Multi-ethnic Japan: Life and History of number of foreign languages spoken in estimated at around two million at their Immigrants’. His a society, for example, is not a sufficient peak during the war and half a million recent publications criterion. after it, have long tended to be ignored, include Immigrants, Local Communities Since the early 1990s, when the together with indigenous Aynu and and the States: so-called renewed immigration law was other minorities, in the concept of Transitions in Asia adopted, Japan has seen a marked Japanese statehood. For many, the and Europe (in increase of ‘de facto’ foreign laborers, imagined highly monolingual Japan, Japanese, Senri Ethnological Reports who were formally categorized with which political and educational 83, 2009), Linguistic different residential statuses. The institutions attempted to strengthen Landscape in Japan population of registered foreigners in even after World War II, has been seen (in Japanese, co-ed. 2014 numbered around 207,000, more as providing a necessary uniformity for with P. Backhaus and F. Coulmas, than double the number recorded in Japan’s postwar prosperity. The almost Sangensha, 2009). 1989. In many places, even in remote sudden increase of foreigners and their rural areas, so-called foreigner languages, however, has brought visible concentrated districts began to emerge changes to the outlook of the due to the urgent need for workers in monolingual society as well as conflict. factories. Along with this, peoples’ face- The question arises, then, whether it is to-face contact with foreigners became a legitimate to call the present Japan a part of everyday life, in neighborhoods multilingual society, as scholars and and shops, on streets and public other writers now often do. transportation, in schools and working Against this polemical background, places. Notable changes have been one of my recent interests has concerned observed also in the socio-linguistic re-examination of the notion of the sphere: ‘multilingualness’ of a society. In the (1) Growing awareness of foreign course of my study I have proposed the language communities through following four criteria for judging a society economic and community activities to be multilingual, including the existence carried out in their own languages. of multiple communal or regional (2) Emergence of multilingual signs, languages in a society, or a ‘multilingual providing visual evidence of situation’, as I simply call it here: immigrants and their linguistic (1) Multilingual situation activities. (2) Multilingual competence (3) Communication problems and (3) Multilingual policy conflict concerning foreigners arising (4) Multilingual mind and reflecting their integration and Of these criteria the first three are at adaptation to society. least to some extent visible and possible to describe objectively. But a problem remains — how to examine the multilingual mind, or the multilingual attitude, of a society? Language mind is, in short, the way people think and what their attitude is towards their own and others’ languages. Being an internal conceptual matter, it is not so easy to observe externally as the other criteria are, yet it is perhaps the most salient and essential factor underlying people’s verbal behaviors. In approaching the present language mind of Japanese, I have tried to examine, from a comparative aspect, their peculiar linguo-communicative behaviors, widely observed before and after the recent massive influx of foreigners in the 1990s. As was said, Japan had remained under an overwhelmingly monolingual atmosphere A free-paper stand for Brazilians on a street, until this period, due to the monolingual Ooizumi, Gunma (Shōji, 2013) policy and the general lack of linguistic December 2014 MINPAKU Anthropology Newsletter No 39 11 contacts with the outside world. For more than a century of nation building since the Meiji era, and during several decades of economic build up after World War II, Japan mobilized various means to establish a single, common national language. It seems that a kind of exclusive monolingual attitude towards other languages has naturally emerged among people as a result. I wish to understand the underlying monolingual mind of Japanese people, and its transition to the multilingual mind that is possibly reflected in some linguo-communicative behaviors. The monolingual mind often reveals itself in explicit behaviors aimed at eliminating other languages. It often manifests itself in aggressive verbal or physical forms such as violence to public signs written in other languages, or A Brazilian garden party, Konan, Shiga (Shōji, 2013) punishment of a child who uses a prohibited language in school, e.g. by requiring them to hang a humiliating Fortunately, the linguistic situation card around their neck. These are well- of Japan appears to be gradually known examples often seen around the changing with the increase in the flux world. In Japan, the monolingual mind of immigrant arrivals, trade has not been observed in an explicitly globalization, international travel by offensive way until very recently, many Japanese, and an attendant perhaps because of the scant experience exposure to progressive multilingual of confronting foreign languages. ideologies. I have seen some apparent Instead, according to my initial changes in linguo-communicative observation, the Japanese reaction to behaviors, especially among youth, in foreign languages has probably turned their less withdrawn reactions to inward, creating various passive and foreign languages and foreigners. A introverted behaviors such as: a kind of profound in-depth study is needed to ‘foreign language allergy’, complicated determine whether these changes can self-images of the Japanese language, break open the cul-de-sac of the skeptical reaction to a foreigner’s spoken monolingual mind of Japanese people, Japanese, and racialization of foreign lead to a multilingual mind, and lead languages. Furthermore, all these ultimately to a true multilingual society. factors may have contributed to the But what, after all, would a true apparent Japanese inability to learn multilingual society be like? That is foreign languages. another question for us to consider.

Column A Visit to the Boathouse

Peter J. Matthews National Museum of Ethnology A new boathouse has been built at has never been built because of cost Minpaku. This is not the reproduction of limits. Instead, most of the boat a traditional boathouse used to protect collection was stored in what was meant boats from the natural elements (wind, to be a temporary shed, two large tents sun, rain, sea), or theft. After many supported by metal frames. The internal years of planning, we now have a temperature and humidity were not modern facility for managing the controlled. Here and there in the long- museum collection of boats. term exhibition galleries, boats are In the original plan for this museum, displayed, and these have enjoyed much the boat collection was to be displayed greater protection, and frequent in an Eighth Exhibition building that inspections by staff who monitor the 12 MINPAKU Anthropology Newsletter No 39 December 2014

Matthews is Associate galleries. For many years, we have CO2 and oxygen levels in the building are Professor and a displayed a Southeast Asian houseboat constantly monitored, and digital curator of the Oceania Gallery at Minpaku. filled with the utensils of daily life (I displays showing the levels are located His research is expect the former inhabitants to inside and outside the building. In the focused on the origins reappear at any moment), and an treatment room, we saw two large bags, and dispersals of outrigger canoe from Satawal Island in each filled with stacks of six boats, while cultivated plants in Asia and the Pacific. the Pacific, with its sail raised and one enormous bag in the main storage In 2007, he was a recalling adventures on the open sea. space contained a further 17 boats. The co-organiser of the So what is in the new boathouse? boats in each bag will be exposed to exhibition Vaka Formally, it is called a ‘Multi-functional 60–75% CO for two weeks. Moana and Island 2 Life Today (Minpaku, Storage Facility’. Currently, most of the The ambient temperature is also 2007). His most boat collection is in a new temporary being maintained at slightly more than recent publication is, structure (again a tent), or scattered 25oC. Back in the machine room, On the Trail of Taro: under the eaves of the museum building another device is filled with hydrated An Exploration of Natural and Cultural with wrappings to keep out the weather. silica gel, over which the gas is passed History (Senri The new Facility houses a machine in order to add humidity, thus helping Ethnological Studies room, a treatment room, and a much prevent the boats from losing water and 88, 2014). larger storage space. The latter has two changing shape. As permeable wooden levels, with 767 m2 on the first floor, and objects, the boats are very sensitive to 430 m2 on the second floor. The first two atmospheric conditions. rooms are being used to give incoming To check that everything is actually boats treatments that will help prevent working, a collection of innocent rice further decay, before they enter the weevils, maintained in vials with a diet storage space. For one very large boat of rice grains, are being used to track from Okinawa, the museum tried to find the effects of the treatments inside the an alternative home, but none of the bags. These dietary specialists can be institutions approached could receive it, used because there is no danger that so the boat was broken up and they will attack the boats, even if they discarded. In fact, we still have too many escape. If they die, then hopefully any boats to fit comfortably into the new wood-boring insects in the boats will building. The new ‘temporary shelter’ also die. For boats with thick timbers

might become permanent storage, since (more than 10 cm diameter) CO2 may not it is better than the previous shelter. penetrate effectively. If there is no How are the boats being treated? To paintwork, and the construction is learn more about this, I spoke with our entirely wooden, then heat treatment conservation scientist, Naoko Sonoda, can be used. These will require different and visited the new building with equipment, and further testing and Haruka Tamaki, who works in our monitoring to ensure that the treatments Artifact Management Group. At present, work and do not cause damage. to kill insects, CO2 gas is being used to At the time of my visit, approximately fumigate boats, which have been placed one quarter of the total stored collection inside gigantic plastic bags that are was undergoing simultaneous treatment, sealed at all edges. Next to the machine but the more we learn, the more room, cylinders of liquid CO2 supply gas difficulties we discover. The collection is that is carried by a system of pipes and composed of boats made from many regulators into the treatment room, and different kinds of wood, held together in then into the bags with boats in them. many different ways, and often decorated As a precaution against leakage, ambient with paints of different kinds. For long- term preservation, the complexity of the task seems overwhelming. In principle, all boats should be treated and stored by the end of March 2015, but this may be over-optimistic. After the collection is installed, there will still be activity in the building. The treatment room has been designed to serve as a facility that can also be used by other organisations. In one corner, there is a wet area where objects can be washed if they have been covered with mud, as often happens during a natural disaster. As a National Institute, we should have some capacity to help museums in other regions of the country, if help is requested. Non- emergency uses of the facility can also The new ‘temporary’ shed, with a small ship waiting to be moved be requested. Few museums have the (Matthews, 2014) capacity and experience needed to treat December 2014 MINPAKU Anthropology Newsletter No 39 13 large objects for long-term storage. storing device in some part of Oceania is Even after the treatments, the stored a canoe storage rack made from two boats will require continuous branched tree trunks. Each trunk is cut monitoring. To minimise energy costs, to form a pole with a Y-shape at top, while maximising preservation, some and the poles are placed a few metres variation in temperature has to be apart on the shore, below high-tide level. accepted. Devices that record A single small canoe can be easily lifted temperature and humidity have been onto this rack or launched. A frequently placed in strategic locations in the used canoe will not last forever, but its storage area. These will keep a life can be extended by keeping it out of continuous record of conditions actually the sea, whenever it is not used for a few experienced by the boats, and will be hours. Keeping objects in a museum for checked every month. long periods is certainly expensive, but The new boathouse is a long way the boats we preserve are important from the sea, where most of our boats reminders of other ways living, in other naturally belong. My favourite boat- places, and other times.

region or historical period, we two exhibitions seems rather Exhibitions have focused on their effects different. The space realized at and functions. the National Art Center, Tokyo The exhibition was could be called a temple of The Power of Images: The composed of four sections, images, embracing the entire National Museum of ‘Images of the Invisible’, exhibition in one open floor. At Ethnology Collection ‘Dynamics of Images’, ‘Playing Minpaku, the exhibition with Images’ and ‘The became a wonder and wander- Translation of Images’ with land of images, as exhibition Special Exhibition additional corners for ‘Prologue’ sections were divided by walls February 19 – June 9, 2014 and ‘Epilogue’. Displayed were and between two floors. (The National Art Center, objects created in the course of ‘The Power of Image’ exhibition Tokyo) everyday life by ethnic groups was also an attempt to overcome September 11 – December all over the world, and works the distinction between art by currently active artists. By museum and ethnological 9, 2014 (National Museum coming into contact with museum, or art and of Ethnology) images that stem from anthropology. We hope that it ritualistic practices, with the has also inspired the audience to Are there universal features in lambency of hybrid forms that reconsider other distinctions we the creation and perception of arise from cultural exchanges, often take for granted, such as images that can be appreciated and with the dynamism of the distinctions between art and by all humans? images from our globalized artifact, West and non-West, and The exhibition ‘The Power of contemporary society, we are self and other. Images: The National Museum confident that visitors can In planning ‘The Power of of Ethnology Collection’ sets experience the power of images Images’, we were especially out to directly address this created by humans. concerned to avoid exhibiting question. The history of The exhibition was realized the collection in a way that humanity is a history of through collaboration between would cause the objects be images. Images preceded Minpaku and the National Art identified as ‘primitive’ or writing and can also be seen as Center, Tokyo, with additional ‘ethnic’ art in relation to the origin of language. cooperation from the Japanese Western art. For this reason, Visualizing the state of the Society of Cultural we consistently used the word world through shapes and Anthropology. The exhibition ‘image’ rather than ‘art’ in colors is a basic human was first held at the National developing the exhibition. We endowment. Art Center, Tokyo For this exhibition, we from February 19 carefully selected objects made to June 9, 2014, all over the world from the receiving more than National Museum of Ethnology 60,000 visitors. The collection and attempted to join same exhibition the viewer in experientially was held at verifying whether or not there is Minpaku between a universal quality inherent in September 11 and the sensations and effects that December 9, 2014. are aroused by images created Although the by humans — in how images composition and are created and appreciated. objects on display Rather than classifying these are the same, the images based on geographical impression of the ‘Dynamics of Images’ section at Minpaku (2014) 14 MINPAKU Anthropology Newsletter No 39 December 2014 also included images created in Although it became self- Second, Section 1 was Japan in each section of the governing in 1979, the Danish planned and designed by exhibition. The focal point of government retains control of museum specialists from the this project was to highlight the defense, foreign affairs and Greenland National Museum diversity and commonality of monetary policy. Today, the and Archives, to show their own images created by ‘us’, all people of Greenland are culture to the Japanese. It was human beings, and to not a Christian and engage in diverse our great fortune that Daniel display of images created by occupations, the most Thorleifsen and Naja Rosing- ‘others’ who are differentiated important of which is the Asvid of the museum came to from ‘us’. commercial fishing industry. Osaka from Nuuk, Greenland This is in contrast to the for one week to prepare for the Kenji Yoshida previous traditional hunting- exhibition and participate in the Chief Organizer gathering lifeway. opening ceremony. National Museum of Ethnology The exhibition consists of an Third, valuable objects such introductory part and four as the tupilaq figures and specialized sections. The Greenlandic masks were Unknown Land, geography and present borrowed for this exhibition Greenland: Its Nature and situation of Greenland are from the H.I.H. Prince Culture introduced by video and map. Takamado Collection and also In Section 1, the Greenlanders’ from the collection of the Thematic Exhibition worldview is presented using Danish Royal Family, and were twenty examples of tupilaq displayed for the first time in September 4 – November (devil spirit) figure, six masks, Japan. These objects greatly 18, 2014 one drum, and thirteen close- enriched the exhibition. up photographs. Fourth, the objects in the Although the Japanese know Section 2 introduces the Section 3 originally came from Greenland by name, knowledge nature of Greenland and its three collections of the of its nature, history and human history over about University of Tokyo, the present situation is generally 4,600 years. We focus on the Japanese Association of very limited. This exhibition distribution of people and their Ethnology and Naomi Uemura. was therefore designed to activities in Greenland and how The first collection was inform Japanese people about these have been affected by originally acquired by the these aspects of Greenland. global climatic changes. Anthropology Department of the Greenland, located between Section 3 introduces the Faculty of Science, Imperial the Arctic and Northern activities of the Norse people, University of Tokyo, through Atlantic Oceans, is the world’s or the Vikings, from the late- material exchanges with the largest island. It is about six 10th to the mid-15th centuries, National Museum of Denmark in times larger than Japan, but as well as the culture of 1927. The second collection was about 80% is covered by thick Greenland since the Thule Inuit obtained by the Association ice sheets. (Eskimo) arrived, around the through an exchange between Ninety percent of the total 13th century. Kaj Birket-Smith in Copenhagen population of approximately In Section 4, the modern and Masao Oka in Tokyo in 57,000 are Inuit, who call culture of Greenland since 1979 1954. Both collections were themselves Greenlandic People is illustrated through art, music transferred to Minapku in the or, in their own language, and comics. Visitors can learn late 1970s by the Japanese Kalaallit. Since the 18th about contemporary Greenland Ministry of Education. The third century, Greenland has been through computer displays and collection was gathered in under the political control of enjoy four Greenlandic songs Greenland by Naomi Uemura, a the Kingdom of Denmark. with two audio-visual monitors. Japanese adventurer, from 1974 This exhibition has to 1977. These collections special points that include traditional clothing, deserve mention. The daily utensils, hunting tools, first is that it is a toys, and stone lamps. joint international Sections 1, 2 and parts of the undertaking Section 3 will also be shown at organized the Daikanyama Hillside Terrace cooperatively by gallery in Tokyo from December Minpaku, the 4 to 27, 2014. I believe that the Greenland National exhibitions in Osaka and Tokyo Museum and provide a splendid opportunity Archives, and the for Japanese to become National Museum of interested and begin Denmark with special understanding the nature and assistance of the culture of Greenland. Danish embassy in Tokyo and the Nobuhiro Kishigami Greenlandic Tupilaks from the H.I.H. Prince Takamado Greenlandic Home- Chief Organizer Collection Rule government. National Museum of Ethnology December 2014 MINPAKU Anthropology Newsletter No 39 15

the symposium. In the concert notions in linguistics through Conferences on July 20, Over the Arirang the study of both signed and Pass, three distinguished groups spoken languages. Presentations of Zainichi Korean musicians, this year covered the following The 8th Symposium of performed together for the first topics: phonology, aspect, the International Council time, overcoming their directional verbs, bilingualism, for Traditional Music conflicting political affiliations. lexical typology and research (ICTM) Study Group on Zainichi Koreans refer to those methods. who came to Japan during its In three of the five sessions, Music and Minorities annexation of Korean Peninsula presentations were made on (1910-45) and their descendants. signed language and spoken International Symposium On July 22, the participants language on the same general July 19 – 23, 2014 went on an excursion to the topic, followed by a public buraku minority neighborhood discussion between the two The International Council for in the Naniwa section of Osaka. presenters led by a facilitator. Traditional Music (ICTM), A guided tour at the Osaka We adopted this presentation established in 1947 and first Human Rights Museum was method the first time in this known as the International Folk followed by a hands-on workshop symposium series. Participants Music Council, is one of the on Japanese drumming, a visit and audience enjoyed the public largest organizations today for to a drum manufacturer and interaction between researchers the study of traditional music participation in the local who share similar interests but and dance. Apart from summer festival. specialize in languages with organizing biannual world The symposium ended with a different modality. The conferences, the ICTM has study session for general discussion presentation method also helped groups, each with a specific where some of the major points highlight linguistic approaches thematic or geographical focus. discussed were recapitulated. A that may be good for future The study group on Music and few senior participants called for collaborations between signed Minorities has organized sustained efforts to problematize and spoken language linguists, symposia since 2000. the basic concepts used in the who usually do not have many The symposium at Minpaku study group such as ‘minority’ opportunities to meet. The attracted a total of 65 and ‘identity’, while others presentations and discussions ethnomusicologists and cautioned against the decreasing took place in the auditorium on anthropologists, including many attention given to music the first day and morning of the younger scholars. Held only for analysis. The importance of the second day, and were made the second time in Asia (after body as a locus of identity open to the public. The Hanoi, Vietnam, in 2010), the construction was also reiterated. afternoon of the second day was symposium provided a much- A collection of essays based set aside for discussion among needed venue to bridge the on the presented papers is researchers, without public Europe-based study group and scheduled to be published in participation. scholars in Asia and other areas 2016. In that year, the next Among the ten presenters, with similar interests. The symposium will be held in three were Deaf researchers and symposium also provided a Bretagne, France. delivered their presentations in platform for more general or either American Sign Language universal theory building by Yoshitaka Terada (ASL) or Japanese Sign broadening the study group’s Chair, Local Organizing Language (JSL). The other geographical base. Committee presentations were in English After the opening session, National Museum of Ethnology except for one in Japanese. Ricardo Trimillos (University of Communication among the Hawai‘i) gave the keynote lecture presenters (and the audience) in which he disputed the binary The 3rd International was made possible through construction of minority and Symposium on Signed English-Japanese, English-ASL majority and called for more and Japanese-JSL interpretation. conscious theorization beyond and Spoken Linguistics In addition, an English individual case studies. His (SSLL3): Language captioning service was provided points effectively set the tone for Description, for the visual presentations. One the entire symposium and were Documentation and presentation was given through frequently referenced by Conservation, and Cross- Skype from Brazil, due to an subsequent presenters. In the modal Typology urgent situation that prevented following ten sessions, 24 papers the speaker from coming to were presented in four categories Japan for the symposium. (cultural policy, tourism, International Symposium The total number of gender-and-sexuality, and new October 4 – 5, 2014 participants was 211 (including research) by scholars from 16 speakers, collaborating countries. A Minpaku-produced This symposium was the third researchers, staff members, film on Philippine music was in a symposium series ‘Signed and the general public). This also screened. and Spoken Language and symposium was also webcast Two special events were Linguistics’. The aim of this using Ustream and there were organized in conjunction with series is to re-examine basic a total of nearly 300 viewers. 16 MINPAKU Anthropology Newsletter No 39 December 2014

The infrastructure at Minpaku No. 123: Konagaya, Y. (ed.) probably makes this the only Publications and J.I. Elikhina (written) Institution in Japan that has Some Archeological Findings of provided multiple sign language the Mongolian-Soviet interpretation for an academic From July to December 2014, Expedition Led by S.V. Kiselev: conference. we published the following Karakorum Settlement Relicts issues and articles: Stored in Hermitage Museum. Ritsuko Kikusawa 376pp. Convenor Bulletin of the National No. 124: Hijikata, H. [K. Sudo National Museum of Ethnology Museum of Ethnology 39 and H. Shimizu, eds.] The Issue 1: R. Kuramoto, ‘Monks Diary of Hisakatsu Hijikata (V). living in a city: A case study of 611pp. Yangon in Myanmar’; H. Information Suzuki, ‘A phonetic analysis These publications can be of the Choswateng found at the Minpaku Online [Chuiyading] Tibetan spoken Academic Repository (http:// Award in Shangri-La county and a www.minpaku.ac.jp/english/ wordlist: With reference to research/activity/publication). Tomoaki Fujii (Professor dialectal variations within the Emeritus) was recently rGyalthang subgroup’; and A. decorated with The Order of the Saito, C. Rosas Lauro, J.R. Sacred Treasure, Gold Rays with Mumford, S.A. Wernke, M. Neck Ribbon from the Japanese Zuloaga Rada and K. government for his prolonged Spalding, ‘Nuevos avances en academic contributions el estudio de las reducciones (November 3, 2014). toledanas’. Issue 2: K. Sudo, ‘An MINPAKU Anthropology Newsletter anthropological study of sea tenure and the conservation The Newsletter is published in June Visiting Scholar of marine resources in and December. ‘Minpaku’ is an Micronesia’; T. Nakata, abbreviation of the Japanese name for the National Museum of Ethnology ‘Buddhism and spirit worship (Kokuritsu Minzokugaku Kim Chang-Ho in a relocated village of ethnic Hakubutsukan). The Newsletter Curator, The National Folk minorities in southern Laos: promotes a continuing exchange of Museum of Korea From the perspective of information with former visiting Wittgenstein’s language- scholars and others who have been Kim earned game’; and R. Kurosaki, ‘The associated with the museum. The his master’s dynamics of afforestation in Newsletter also provides a forum for and doctorate the Matengo Highlands, communication with a wider academic degrees in Tanzania: A perspective on audience. cultural the internalization process of The Newsletter is available online at: anthropology a newly introduced technique’. http://www.minpaku.ac.jp/english/ at the research/activity/publication/­ graduate Senri Ethnological Studies periodical/newsletter school of No. 90: Han, M. and M. Hanyang Suenari (eds.) Discourses on General Editor: Ken’ichi Sudo University in Family, Ethnicity, and State in Editor: Michiko Intoh Seoul, Korea. He has worked at China: Theoretical Explorations Editorial Panel: Kyonosuke Hirai, the National Folk Museum of by East Asian Anthropologists. Ritsuko Kikusawa, Peter Matthews, Korea (NFMK) as curator since 278pp. Makito Minami 2002. His core research themes Address for correspondence: are folk religion and Senri Ethnological Reports The Editor shamanism in Korean culture. No. 120: Suzuki, N. (ed.) MINPAKU Anthropology Newsletter He always has been interested Healing Alternatives: Care and National Museum of Ethnology in the communal religions of Education as a Cultural Senri Expo Park, Suita, Osaka 565- each village and in shamanism Lifestyle. 147pp. 8511, Japan ceremonies for the dead in the No. 121: Konagaya, Y. and I. Tel: +81-6-6876-2151 Seoul area and Gyeonggi Lkhagvasuren (interviewed), Fax: +81-6-6878-7503 Province. He has curated a M. Rossabi (trans.), and M. E-mail: [email protected] special exhibition on shamanism Rossabi (ed. and Intro.) Signed articles represent views of the in Siberia and Lamidanda in Mongolia’s Transition from authors, not necessarily official views Nepal. At the NFMK, he has Socialism to Capitalism: Four of the National Museum of Ethnology. also contributed to developing Views. 195pp. digital archives at the museum No. 122: Konagaya, Y. (ed.) © National Museum of Ethnology and in research projects Umesao Tadao’s Cards of 2014. ISSN 1341-7959 relating to the organization. Romanized Japanese: Fieldwork in Inner Mongolia, Printed by Nakanishi Printing Co., Ltd (July 1, 2014 – June 29, 2015) 1944-45. 397pp.