American University a Sip in the Right Direction: The

AMERICAN UNIVERSITY A SIP IN THE RIGHT DIRECTION: THE DEVELOPMENT OF FAIR TRADE COFFEE AN HONORS CAPSTONE SUBMITTED TO THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY HONORS PROGRAM GENERAL UNIVERSITY HONORS BY ALLISON DOOLITTLE WASHINGTON, D.C. APRIL 2009 Copyright © 2009 by Allison Doolittle All rights reserved ii Coffee is more than just a drink. It is about politics, survival, the Earth and the lives of indigenous peoples. Rigoberta Menchu iii CONTENTS ABSTRACT . vi Chapter Page 1. INTRODUCTION . 1 Goals of the Research Background on Fair Trade Coffee 2. LITERATURE REVIEW . 4 The Sociology of Social Movements and Resource Mobilization Fair Trade as a Social Movement Traditional Studies and the Failure to Combine Commodity Chain Analysis with Social Movement Analysis to Study Fair Trade 3. NONGOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATIONS IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF FAIR TRADE . 9 Alternative Trade for Development Alternative Trade for Solidarity Horizontal and Vertical Institution-building within the Movement Roles of Nongovernmental Organizations in Fair Trade Today 4. STRATEGIC COMMUNICATIONS TO TRANSFORM PUBLICS INTO SYMPATHIZERS . 20 Initial Use of Labels and Narratives to Tell the Fair Trade Story The Silent Salesman: Coffee Packaging that Compels Consumers Fair Trade Advertising, Events and Public Relations Fair Trade and Web 2.0: Dialogue in the Social Media Sphere Internet Use by Coffee Cooperatives to Reach Consumers iv 5. DRINKING COFFEE WITH THE ENEMY: CORPORATE INVOLVEMENT IN FAIR TRADE COFFEE . 33 Market-Driven Corporations: Friend or Foe? Fair Trade as a Corporate Strategy for Appeasing Activists and Building Credibility Fair Trade as a Strategy to Reach Conscious Consumers Internal Debates on Mainstreaming Fair Trade Coffee 6. CONCLUSIONS . 45 REFERENCE LIST . 49 v ABSTRACT In the past decade, fair trade as a social movement has grown rapidly in the coffee sector. McCarthy and Zald’s resource mobilization theory provides a framework for analyzing three pillars in the fair trade movement: nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), certifiers, and corporate interests. NGOs galvanized the movement by educating consumers, mobilizing resources, and campaigning to change the rules of conventional trade. Certifiers have used public relations and marketing tactics to re-embed coffee in the context of relationships between coffee farmers and consumers. Building upon social movement theory, this research extends the literature on fair trade by examining strategic communications used online and in coffee packaging. By examining corporate involvement in the movement, this research also seeks to provide a foundation for understanding fair trade and offer insights into the emerging challenges faced by the social movement. vi CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION In recent years, significant efforts have been made to connect consumers with the implications of the coffee they buy. New coffee certifications, such as organic, fair trade, Rainforest Alliance, Utz Kapeh and shade-grown, have emerged to give coffee social and environmental credentials. Fair Trade has grown rapidly in the coffee sector because the movement has engaged a network of grassroots nongovernmental organizations, involved business interests including coffee retailers and roasters, and utilized strategic communications to achieve key tasks. Although fair trade constitutes less than one percent of the global coffee market, its implications are far-reaching and especially relevant to scholars of social movements and the coffee value chain. The value chain, based on the concept of “commodity chains” introduced by Gereffi and applied to coffee by scholars like John Talbot, provides a useful framework in analyzing the structure of the coffee industry. 1 Coffee begins in Southern producer countries such as Brazil, Vietnam, Colombia and Costa Rica where it is grown and processed often by small farmers. Scholars estimate that 20 to 25 million families in 80 different countries produce and process coffee beans. 2 Farmers sell coffee to importers or to local middlemen. During the 1990s, the volatility of coffee prices left millions of 1 John M. Talbot, Grounds for Agreement: The Political Economy of the Coffee Commodity Chain (Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 2004). 2 Christopher Bacon, “Confronting the Coffee Crisis: Can Fair Trade, Organic, and Specialty Coffees Reduce Small- Scale Farmer Vulnerability in Northern Nicaragua?,” World Development 33, no. 3 (March 2005): 497-511. 1 coffee farmers in a precarious situation, forced to sell their coffee beans at less than the cost of production. The sudden price collapses were the outcome of decisions made by traders on the coffee futures market. Concurrently, consumers in the global North encountered a “coffee renaissance” with the expansion of gourmet roasters and retailers and the proliferation of cafés such as Starbucks. 3 The gap between Northern coffee- drinkers and Southern coffee producers illustrates the global inequities fostered by “free trade” and evident in lengthening commodity chains. Fair trade was created primarily as an alternative network to the traditional coffee commodity chain. 4 The certification system specifically addresses the beginning and end of the coffee commodity chain and seeks to re-embed coffee in the context of the relationship between producers and consumers. By becoming fair trade certified, cooperatives can sell coffee at an above-market price set by Fairtrade Labelling Organization International (FLO) and receive a ten-cent per pound premium for social initiatives. Fair trade cooperatives can also request a 60 percent credit from buyers to pay for inputs, empowering the cooperatives to be less dependent on local middlemen. These incentives are powerful. The primary challenge of fair trade coffee is that current export capacity exceeds fair trade sales by 700 percent. 5 Only one-fifth of coffee produced by fair trade cooperatives is even sold as fair trade. Partnerships with corporate roasters and retailers provide a solution to the gap between supply and demand. However, engaging powerful actors in the coffee 3 Stefano Ponte, “The Latte Revolution? Regulation, Markets and Consumption in the Global Coffee Chain,” World Development 30, no. 7 (July 2002): 1099-1122. 4 Bacon, “Confronting the Coffee Crisis”; Daniel Jaffee, Brewing Justice: Fair Trade Coffee, Sustainability, and Survival (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2007). 5 David Goodman, “The International Coffee Crisis: A Review of the Issues,” in Confronting the Coffee Crisis: Fair Trade, Sustainable Livelihoods and Ecosystems in Mexico and Central America , ed. Christopher M. Bacon et al. (The MIT Press, 2008), 7. 2 commodity chain has proven controversial. As corporations such as Dunkin’ Donuts, Starbucks, Sam’s Club, and McDonalds have joined the fair trade bandwagon, some advocates of fair trade worry that the movement has lost its political meaning and become a marketing ploy. The emergence of mainstreaming reflects complexities within the development of the fair trade movement. McCarthy and Zald’s resource mobilization theory provides a framework for analyzing three pillars in the fair trade movement: nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), certifiers, and corporate interests. NGOs galvanized the movement by educating consumers, mobilizing resources, and campaigning to change the rules of conventional trade. Certifiers have used public relations and marketing tactics to re-embed coffee in the context of relationships between coffee farmers and consumers. By examining corporate involvement in the movement, this research also seeks to provide a foundation for understanding fair trade and offer insights into the emerging challenges faced by the social movement. 3 CHAPTER 2 LITERATURE REVIEW The Sociology of Social Movements and Resource Mobilization Social movements make change happen. In the 1960s, emerging social movements redefined the way sociologists studied social movements. The “resource mobilization approach” was introduced to study social movements. 6 The approach replaced previous explanations by Weber and Michels, which claimed that once a social movement gained an economic and social base, it replaced charismatic leaders, developed a bureaucratic structure, accommodated to society, and altered its goals. 7 Resource mobilization theory provided an alternative in which political opportunities and an organizational base of support are major factors in the development of movements. 8 The theory broadened the definition of social movements, providing a more optimistic trajectory for the development of social movement organizations. Although there are myriad definitions for a “social movement,” most reference a preference within a 6 John D. McCarthy and Mayer N. Zald, “Resource Mobilization and Social Movements: A Partial Theory,” The American Journal of Sociology 82, no. 6 (May 1977): 1212-1241; Anthony Oberschall, Social Conflict And Social Movements (Prentice Publishing, 1973); Charles Tilly, “Does Modernization Breed Revolution?,” Comparative Politics 5, no. 3 (April 1973): 425-447; Mayer N. Zald and Roberta Ash, “Social Movement Organizations: Growth, Decay and Change,” Social Forces 44, no. 3 (March 1966): 327-341. 7 Max Weber, Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism , 4th ed. (Charles Scribners Sons, 1952); Robert Michels, Political Parties (Free Press, 1966). 8 Oberschall, Social Conflict And Social Movements ; McCarthy and Zald, “Resource Mobilization and Social Movements”; Paul J. DiMaggio and Walter W. Powell, “The Iron Cage Revisited: Institutional

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