234
IX.—PAKMENIDES, ZENO, AND SOCEATES.
By A. E. TAYLOR. Downloaded from
THERE is a laudable unwritten custom of well-bred society by which metaphysical discussions are carefully excluded from polite conversation. The reason of the rule is probably, as http://aristotelian.oxfordjournals.org/ Mr. Jourdain has lately explained, that such discussions commonly involve the perception of jokes of the fourth order, and jokes of a higher degree than the second, or at best the third, are imperceptible by all but an insignificant minority of mankind. Hence the prohibition of their perpetration in general conversation is an easy and obvious deduction from the principle of the Categorical Imperative. History, however, presents us with two brilliant exceptions to the general rule: the conversation held at a memorable tea-party between Alice, by guest on June 9, 2016 the Mad Hatter and the March Hare, and that which, if we may believe Plato, took place at Athens at a certain celebration of the Panathenaic festival, some time about 451 or 450 B.C., in the house of the well known admiral and politician, Pythodorus, the son of Isolochus, between Parmenides, Zeno, and the youthful but already distinguished Socrates. Mr. Jourdain has already published an entertaining and illuminating commentary on one of these singular conversations: I propose on this occasion to invite attention to some points of interest connected with the other. I cannot, of course, undertake to deal here with so wide
NOTE.—Allusions to Professor Burnet's views, unless otherwise stated, are to the analysis of the Parmenides in his recent volume, Greek Philosophy : Thales to Plato. PARMENIDES, ZENO, AND SOCRATES. 235 a subject as the purpose and argument of the Parmenides considered as a whole. All that I intend is to offer a slight contribution to the' history of early Greek logical theory by attempting to throw some light on one or two lines of reasoning which are made prominent in the dialogue, and I shall select for special consideration two topics, the use made by Parmenides of the appeal to an infinite regress, and his attempted Eef utation
of Idealism. Before I can deal with either point in detail it Downloaded from will be necessary to say something in general about the dramatic setting which Plato has provided for the discussion, a subject on which the commentators, so far as I am acquainted with them, have been unduly silent. http://aristotelian.oxfordjournals.org/ If we examine the Parmenides, as we have the right to examine any dialogue of Plato, simply as a work of dramatic art, we shall see at once that it has certain peculiarities which give it a unique place among the Platonic " discourses of Socrates." Its form, to begin with, is unusually complicated; it is a narration by an unnamed speaker of a narration of a narration of a conversation. Hence its " formula," as Professor Burnet calls it, is " Antiphon said that Pythodorus said that Parmenides, Zeno or Socrates said such and such a thing." by guest on June 9, 2016 The scheme is, of course, far too cumbrous to be kept up at all rigidly, and Plato repeatedly allows himself to drop for convenience into direct reproduction of the conversation. So far as this scheme goes, however, the Parmenides does not stand alone; we have an almost exact counterpart in the Symposium, with the exception that there the speaker who relates what he had heard about the famous dinner in honour of Agathon's victory is himself a known and named person, and that his story has come to him at only one remove, so that the formula reduces to " Aristodemus told me that Socrates, or Aristophanes, spoke as follows." The full singularity of the scheme adopted for the Parmenides only becomes manifest from a rather fuller examination of the imaginary circumstances of the recitation. The speaker who relates Antiphon's account of 236 A. E. TAYLOE.
Pythodoriis' account of the interview between the three famous philosophers is indeed named, but beyond his mere name we learn no more of him than that he belongs to a group of citizens of Clazomenae who take a keen interest in philosophy (/id\a (j>i\6a-o(f>oi, 126S). Where, or to whom, he is speaking we are not told. The scene is certainly not in or near Athens, and to judge from the way in which the word oiicoffep, in his opening
sentence, is explained by the addition «'« K\a%o/j,eva>v, it is not Downloaded from in Clazomenae. We are really entitled to say no more than that the story of the meeting of Socrates with the Eleatic philosophers is related somewhere by a person interested in philosophy to a like-minded audience. This complete silence http://aristotelian.oxfordjournals.org/ about the place and the personnel is a thing unparalleled in the rest of Plato's dialogues. In the case of directly dramatic dialogues, the mere presence of Socrates himself provides sufficient indication of place. Even in a work which avoids all more specific references, like the Philebus, we are at least sure that we are to imagine ourselves in Athens or its immediate neighbourhood. The Theaetetus is supposed to be read aloud long after the conversation which it professes to record, but the opening discourse between Euclides and Terpsion is intended to by guest on June 9, 2016 make it quite clear when and where and in what circumstances the reading takes place. So in the Phaedo Plato is quite careful to direct our attention to the point that Phaedo's narrative of the master's last day on earth is delivered some little while after the event before the Pythagorean community of Phlius. With reported dialogues the case is much the same. Apollodorus in the Symposium, for example, expressly explains that his recollection of Aristodemus' narrative is just and vigorous because he had rehearsed the whole only a day or two before {irpm-qv) in conversation with a friend as he walked from his home in Phalerum to the city. In the Republic, Socrates repeats a conversation in which he had been the central figure only the day before, and we are told just where it had been held, in the house of Poleinarchus in the Peiraeus; in the r
PARMENIDES, ZENO, AND SOCRATES. 237
Protagoras he has only just left the circle in the house of Callias when he meets the friend to whom he relates the events of the day. Even in the Laws what we may call the stage directions are perfectly clear and distinct. The Sophistes and Politicus, indeed, so far as their contents go, have nothing to indicate time and place, but both are carefully attached to the Theaetetus in such a way as to date them immediately after the
riling of the accusation against Socrates in the spring of the Downloaded from year 399. That the immediate speaker in the Parmenides should be, as he is, quite uncharacterized, and should be speaking no one knows where and to no one knows whom, is quite against Plato's usual practice, and the departure from http://aristotelian.oxfordjournals.org/ custom has, therefore, presumably a reason. Still, if we learn little about Cephalus, the one definite thing that we do learn is significant enough. We are expressly told that he and his friends made the journey from Clazomenae to Athens for no other purpose than to learn from Plato's younger half-brother, Antiphon, the details of the conversa tion between Socrates and the Eleatics {trdpeifil y iir' avrb TOVTO, Serj(70fi€vo<; vfiwv, 126a, and the more express statement
of 1266 just below). This conversation, we must remember, by guest on June 9, 2016 is supposed to have been held when Socrates, who was born in or shortly before 470 B.C., was still "exceedingly young" (aHow long after 399 Cephalus is supposed to be speaking cannot perhaps be decided. Antiphon is now no longer a fieipaKiov but a young man, but, in the absence of any positive knowledge about the date of his birth, we can draw no inferences from this. The important point is simply that the journey of Oephalus to Athens must be supposed ,to happen not less than half-a-century after the meeting of the three
philosophers, and quite possibly a number of years later. Downloaded from What may we reasonably infer from Plato's assumption of this story as the basis for his dialogue ? First of all, I think it is clear that Professor Burnet is right (Phaedo, p. xxiii) in calling attention to Plato's habit of laying stress on the fact that he could not have been personally present at some of http://aristotelian.oxfordjournals.org/ the scenes which he describes. Thus the device of making Apollodorus repeat at second-hand from Aristodemus the incidents of the Symposium serves to remind us that Plato, who was a mere boy at the time of Agathon's tragic victory, could not have been present at its celebration, and is not proposing to speak as an eye-witness. Similarly, the insistence in the Parmenides on the point that there is now only one person living who can satisfy the curiosity of Cephalus, and by guest on June 9, 2016 that he himself had got his knowledge, when a mere lad, from a much older man who is now dead, is an effective device for warning us that the scene to be described belongs to a very remote past, of which Plato could himself have no direct knowledge. And we may suspect that one reason for the pains which he has taken to explain how the narrative was passed on by Pythodorus to Antiphon and by Antiphon to Cephalus is to make it clear that it has been derived from sources entirely independent of himself. To the reader this means, of course, that Plato is declining to pledge, his personal credit for the historical accuracy of all the details. If we find the Eleatic philosophers apparently conducting their dialectic with a special view to fourth-century controversies between Plato and his contemporaries—well, Plato has as good as told PARMENIDES, ZENO, AND SOCRATES. 239 us that he is not responsible for the accuracy of the narrative. He was not there to hear what Parmenides and Zeno actually said, and the version he puts before us makes no profession to come in any way from Socrates. It is what Antiphon pro fessed to have learned from Pythodorus; we might be interested to know whether Socrates would have confirmed it on all points, but . . . Socrates is unfortunately no more,
and, even for what Pythodorus said, we have only the Downloaded from recollection of one much younger man whose testimony cannot be subjected to any process of control, and must be taken for what it is worth. In no other dialogue has Plato been at such elaborate pains to make it quite clear that he has left himself free to colour his account of a conversation in the http://aristotelian.oxfordjournals.org/ distant past with an eye to the philosophical situation in the present. But there is another and even more important inference suggested by the opening narrative of the dialogue which, so far as I know, has never yet been pointed out with.sufficient plainness. The initial assumption of the story about Cephalus. and his visit to Athens is that the meeting of Socrates with the famous Eleatics was not merely an historical fact—that it by guest on June 9, 2016 was so seems to be now the current view of most writers on the history of early Greek philosophy—but that it was an event of absolutely first-rate importance. It is taken for granted that the conversation of the three philosophers was so notable that half-a-century or more afterwards it was remembered as something of remarkable interest by the friends of Cephalus at Clazomenae, who, indeed, sent to Athens for the express purpose of getting the true account of what had passed from the one person on earth who could supply it. Of course, I am not suggesting here that it is necessary to suppose that the mission of Cephalus to Athens is an historical fact. It may very possibly be no more than an artistic fiction on the part of Plato. The really important point is that Plato should have thought the story, true or false, sufficiently 240 A. E. TAYLOR. plausible to make use of it as he does. It implies at the very least that the philosophers of Clazomenae took the same sort of interest in Socrates and his doings which the Phaedo attests for the Pythagoreans of Thebes and Phlius and the Theaetetus for the philosophers of Megara. Nor would it be hard to account for the existence of this interest. When all the available evidence for the dates in the life of Anaxagoras are carefully compared, it seems almost certain that the prosecution which Downloaded from terminated that philosopher's 30 years of residence in Athens must have occurred somewhere about 450 B.C., in spite of the general agreement of modern historians in favour of placing the event nearly twenty years later. This explains among http://aristotelian.oxfordjournals.org/ other things why in the Phaedo the influence of Anaxagoras on Socrates is represented as exerted partly at second-hand, partly through his book, and nothing is said of any personal intercourse between the two men, why again in the Greater ffippias Socrates is made to contrast Anaxagoras as one of the " ancients" with the men of his own time, why the doxo- graphic tradition, which goes back to Theophrastus, always mentions not Anaxagoras himself but his successor, Archelaus, as the teacher of Socrates, and finally how Anaxagoras was by guest on June 9, 2016 able, between his disappearance from Athens and his death in the opening years of the Peloponnesian War, to organise a philosophical school in Ionia, which appears to have been still in existence in the time of Epicurus. It also explains the interest of the philosophers at Clazomenae in Socrates. For Clazomenae was the native city of Anaxagoras himself, and though all the accounts agree in naming Lampsacus as the actual centre from which he propagated his philosophy after his enforced retirement from Athens, we may be sure, even if the history of Epicureanism did not prove the point, that science continued to be studied in Ionia generally, and that the fame of a brilliant pupil of Anaxagoras' successor, Archelaus, would be sure to spread to the birthplace of Anaxagoras himself. A meeting of Socrates with the great PAKMENIDES, ZENO, AND SOCKATES. 241
Eleatics would be memorable as marking the beginning of the process by which the science of the Ionian East and the Italian West were for the first time brought together at the only place which, for historical reasons, was adapted to serve as a general clearing-house for Greek speculations—the Athens which was already becoming the great political and commercial centre of the civilisation of the Mediterranean
basin. Hence the naturalness of the fiction, if it is a fiction, Downloaded from that even after more than half-a-century the event should have been so vividly recollected that the scientific men of Clazomenae sent a special deputation to recover a detailed account of it from the only living man who was in a position http://aristotelian.oxfordjournals.org/ to supply one. It should also be borne in mind that there are special reasons why it is humanly certain that a young man of philo sophical genius living in the middle of the fifth century, and already feeling dissatisfied, as we are told in the Phaedo Socrates was dissatisfied, with the current Ionian views about science, would make a point of being introduced to the most famous representatives of Western ideas. In the Parmenides
itself all that we are told by way of explanation of the presence by guest on June 9, 2016 r of Parmenides and Zeno in Athens is that they had come to | visit the Panathenaic festival. To understand the full meaning I of this we need to recur to information supplied partly by the I poem of Parmenides himself, partly by statements made in the [ Platonic Corpus and elsewhere about Zeno. Our thanks for i • I the preservation of the eschatological proem to the poem of I Parmenides are due to Sextus Empiricus, who inserted the l whole of it in the first of his treatises " against the dogmatists " (Sext. Adv. mathematicos, VII, 111). The recent re-examina tion of the manuscripts by Mutschmann for his still incom pleted edition of Sextus, shows that according to the best text Parmenides began his verses with an invocation to the divinity v) Ka-ra iravv aaTrj epei, elSora (f>a>Ta, " who guides the man who knows through all cities." This means, of course, that 242 A. E. TAYLOR.
Parmenides himself was in the habit of travelling from city to city and giving epideictic displays of his philosophy. Like the evidence, which goes back to Isocrates, for the actual education of Pericles by Anaxagoras, the allusion shows how far it is from being true that there was in the middle of the fifth century any hard and fast line of distinction between the man of science and the so-called " sophist" who undertook the
" education of men " as a profession. We must not, of course, Downloaded from suppose that Parmenides made nothing by his epideixeis any more than that Anaxagoras derived no personal advantages from his position as instructor to Pericles. If Protagoras came to be popularly regarded as the inventor of the sophistic http://aristotelian.oxfordjournals.org/ profession, we must remember both that according to the account of Plato he must have been in the field at least twenty years at the date of the visit of Parmenides and Zeno to Athens, and that the special novelty of his programme was not that he was paid for his services but that he substituted the art of political success for science as the subject of his instruc tions. About Zeno the case is even clearer. It is quite beyond
reasonable doubt that Zeno not only taught for pay but that by guest on June 9, 2016 he must have settled in Athens and practised his calling there for some considerable time. This is explicity stated in a dialogue, the First Alcibiades, which may possibly be Platonic, and is at any rate shown by its style and contents to be a fourth-century Academic work little if anything later in composition than the latter years of Plato's life. We are there expressly told that two well known public men of the fifth century, Pythodorus son of Isolochus—and it is manifestly he, as Proclus saw, who is the Pythodorus of our dialogue—and Callias the son of Calliades, Socrates' commander, who fell honourably before the walls of Potidaea, paid him 40 minse each for his instructions. Zeno's permanent residence in Athens is equally implied by Plutarch's story that Pericles had been one of his hearers, and by the well known allusions PAEMENIDES, ZENO, AND SOCRATES. 243 of Aristotle to dialogues in which Zeno and Protagoras figured as discussing problems connected with the notion of the infinitesimal. In fact, it is precisely this professional activity from which Zeno derived the name of "' the sophist." Writers who wish to distinguish Zeno of Elea from Zeno of Cittium and other persons of the same not unusual name call him o o-o^)i