DOCSLIB.ORG

Ciclos De Protesta Y Referéndums Por La Independencia. Oportunidades

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Ciclos De Protesta Y Referéndums Por La Independencia. Oportunidades Revista Internacional de Sociología RIS vol. 77 (4), e142, octubre-diciembre, 2019, ISSN-L:0034-9712 https://doi.org/10.3989/ris.2019.77.4.19.005 PROTEST CYCLES AND CICLOS DE PROTESTA Y REFERENDUMS FOR REFERÉNDUMS POR LA INDEPENDENCE. CLOSED INDEPENDENCIA. OPORTUNIDADES OPPORTUNITIES AND THE PATH CERRADAS Y EL CAMINO DE LA OF RADICALIZATION IN CATALONIA RADICALIZACIÓN EN CATALUÑA Donatella Della Porta Scuola Normale Superiore (Florence, Italy) [email protected] ORCID iD: http://orcid.org/0000-0002-5239-8773 Francis O’Connor Peace Research Institute (Frankfurt, Germany) [email protected] ORCID iD: http://orcid.org/0000-0002-6891-770X Martín Portos Scuola Normale Superiore (Florence, Italy) [email protected] ORCID iD: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1714-6383 Cómo citar este artículo / Citation: Della Porta, D., F. Copyright: © 2019 CSIC. This is an open-access article O’Connor and M. Portos. 2019. “Protest cycles and referen- distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons dums for independence. Closed opportunities and the path of Attribution 4.0 International (CC BY 4.0) License. radicalization in Catalonia”. Revista Internacional de Sociología 77(4):e142. https://doi.org/10.3989/ris.2019.77.4.19.005 Received: 10/12/2018. Accepted: 21/10/2019 Published online: 29/11/2019 Abstract Resumen This article seeks to understand the trajectory of radicalization En este artículo desarrollamos un marco interpretativo para in the Catalan ‘procés’. Regardless of their formal legal comprender la trayectoria de radicalización en el “procés” ca- standing, referendum campaigns are distinct political talán. Independientemente del estatus legal del referéndum opportunities which also generate further opportunities. en cuestión, las campañas de referéndum son capaces de Contrary to what some theories of protest would predict, crear, y de hecho son en sí mismas, oportunidades políticas. when political opportunities are closed down at national En contraste con las predicciones desde las teorías de los level, and repression toughens, violent escalation leading ciclos de protesta, cuando se cierran las oportunidades a ni- to fragmentation and ultimately demobilization does not vel nacional y la represión se intensifica, no necesariamente necessarily ensue, at least in the short term. As the Catalan se desarrolla un proceso de radicalización que contribuye al ‘procés’ illustrates between the mid-2000s and late-2018, declive del ciclo, al menos a corto plazo. Como el caso catalán the combination of mechanisms such as appropriation ilustra entre mediados de los años 2000 y finales de 2018, of opportunities, downward scale shift and movement varios mecanismos pueden mediar este proceso, incluyendo convergence can mitigate escalation processes. A dense la apropiación de oportunidades políticas, el cambio de escala network of local and grassroots assemblies displaced the hacia abajo y la convergencia del movimiento. Una densa red previously dominant, major civil society organizations that de asambleas locales de base reemplaza en el a las gran- led mass protests, especially during the 2012-2015 ‘diadas’. des organizaciones de la sociedad civil que hasta entonces, These grassroots actors prioritized the organization of y especialmente durante las diadas entre 2012 y 2015, ha- dissent through more direct, more disruptive, but mostly bían liderado la movilización social. Aunque estas asambleas peaceful forms of action. This in turn facilitated movement ciudadanas han abrazado repertorios de acción más direc- convergence, based upon solidarization, as it opened up local tos y disruptivos, estos han sido mayoritariamente pacíficos. spaces where the activists from across the spectrum could Asimismo, este reemplazo ha favorecido la convergencia del mobilize together, pre-empting a clear violent escalation and movimiento, abriendo espacios donde activistas de un amplio the emergence of violent splinter groups till late 2018. espectro pueden movilizarse conjuntamente, y evitando de este modo una escalada violenta y la emergencia de grupos escindidos violentos (al menos hasta finales de 2018). Keywords Palabras Clave Policing of protest; Secessionism; Referendums; Downward Vigilancia de protestas; Secesionismo; Referéndums; Cambio scale shift; Movement convergence. descendente de escala; Convergencia de movimientos. 2 . DONATELLA DELLA PORTA, FRANCIS O’CONNOR AND MARTÍN PORTOS 1. Introduction movement’s surprisingly constrained repertoire with limited violence— at least until late 2018— can be Although the waves of new states emergent af- explained by three mechanisms: the appropriation of ter World War I, the de-colonization period and the local opportunities, the downward scale shift of mobi- breakdown of the Soviet Union, have declined in in- lization and movement convergence as produced by tensity (Haklai 2015, 462), a steady trickle of non- solidarization processes. state nations continue to assert demands for col- lective self-determination in vastly differing political We develop our argument by looking at the tra- contexts, from Scotland and Catalonia to New Cale- jectory of radicalization during the Catalan procés. donia and Bougainville (della Porta, O’Connor and Empirical data from semi-structured interviews and Portos 2019). Referendums have been increasingly descriptive statistics will be used throughout for il- 1 used to put forward and validate such claims to self- lustrative purposes. First we summarize the liter- determination. Recent research has demonstrated ature on cycles of contention in social movement that referendums are not simply an elite-designed, studies, singling out expectations about the radical- technical procedure involving one single act of mass ization of forms of action. The article proceeds to engagement on the day of the actual vote (della Por- provide a contextual background of the case, ad- ta, O’Connor, Portos and Subirats 2017a). Rather, dressing the onset and consolidation of the cycle of several referendums have been induced and/or ap- protest for independence in Catalonia, and outlining propriated by social movements in many heterog- the limited violent escalation throughout the cycle of enous contexts, beyond states with constitutionally contention. In the subsequent section, we introduce enshrined rights for citizen-initiated referendums, like and illustrate how the identified mechanisms inter- Italy, or states with deep rooted traditions of direct play and have contributed to the patterns of radical- democracy such as Switzerland. ization observed in Catalonia. Irrespective of their legal status (institutionally en- dorsed, legally binding or symbolic), referendums 2. Radicalization and cycles of have become epicentres of contestation in broader protest cycles of contention. Instead of mere devices that institutional actors use to retrospectively legitimize Social movement studies have suggested that technocratic decisions, “referendums from below” forms of protest tend to change during periods of build upon the participatory and grassroots process- intense contention, as protest events cluster in time es that foster— and conversely, are fostered by— and space; cycle, waves, campaigns and tides are years of civil society mobilization that pre-date the ac- concepts developed in order to define “a punctu- tual vote (della Porta et al. 2017a, 2017b; della Porta ated history of heightened challenges and relative et al. 2019). As instances of heightened contention, stability” (Beissinger 2002, 16). Protest includes referendums from below can provoke repression by non-routinized, unconventional ways of affecting incumbent powerholders, triggering processes of political, social, and cultural processes. They can radicalization, understood as escalation via an inter- be more or less radical in nature, ranging from more active process from nonviolent to increasingly violent conventional petitioning to more conflictual block- repertoires of action over time (Bosi and Malthaner ades, and potentially, episodes of violence (della 2015; della Porta 2018; Malthaner 2018). Violent Porta 2018). A protest cycle is characterized as “a tactics— defined as physical damage to people and phase of heightened conflict and contention across property— are more likely to be deployed by actors the social system that includes: a rapid diffusion of in cases where claims for self-determination are collective action from more mobilised to less mo- blocked by the prohibition of institutionally binding bilised sectors; a quickened pace of innovation in referendums. Catalonia presents some of the con- the forms of contention; new or transformed col- ditions often considered as propitious for a violent lective action frames; a combination of organized escalation. With the crucial support of regional and and unorganised participation; and sequences of local-level institutional allies, a prolonged cycle of intensified inter-actions between challengers and contention beginning in the early 2000s, developed authorities which can end in reform, repression and into a mass movement. During the process, claims sometimes revolution” (Tarrow 1994, 153). Cycles escalated towards increasing support for indepen- have been assumed to develop through some spe- dence; and as political opportunities at the national cific sequences in their rise, peak and decline as level closed down, repression and political polariza- mobilization unfolds “from institutional conflict to en- tion intensified. While there was an increase in the thusiastic peak to ultimate
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Claiming Independence in 140 Characters. Uses of Metaphor in the Construction of Scottish and Catalan Political Discourses on Twitter
    CLAIMING INDEPENDENCE IN 140 CHARACTERS. USES OF METAPHOR IN THE CONSTRUCTION OF SCOTTISH AND CATALAN POLITICAL DISCOURSES ON TWITTER Carlota Maria Moragas Fernández ADVERTIMENT. L'accés als continguts d'aquesta tesi doctoral i la seva utilització ha de respectar els drets de la persona autora. Pot ser utilitzada per a consulta o estudi personal, així com en activitats o materials d'investigació i docència en els termes establerts a l'art. 32 del Text Refós de la Llei de Propietat Intel·lectual (RDL 1/1996). Per altres utilitzacions es requereix l'autorització prèvia i expressa de la persona autora. En qualsevol cas, en la utilització dels seus continguts caldrà indicar de forma clara el nom i cognoms de la persona autora i el títol de la tesi doctoral. No s'autoritza la seva reproducció o altres formes d'explotació efectuades amb finalitats de lucre ni la seva comunicació pública des d'un lloc aliè al servei TDX. Tampoc s'autoritza la presentació del seu contingut en una finestra o marc aliè a TDX (framing). Aquesta reserva de drets afecta tant als continguts de la tesi com als seus resums i índexs. ADVERTENCIA. El acceso a los contenidos de esta tesis doctoral y su utilización debe respetar los derechos de la persona autora. Puede ser utilizada para consulta o estudio personal, así como en actividades o materiales de investigación y docencia en los términos establecidos en el art. 32 del Texto Refundido de la Ley de Propiedad Intelectual (RDL 1/1996). Para otros usos se requiere la autorización previa y expresa de la persona autora.
    [Show full text]
  • EL PROCÉS SOBIRANISTA I L'esquerra INDEPENDENTISTA Publicació D’Endavant­OSAN: La Barraqueta C
    ENDAVANT OSAN endavant.org EL PROCÉS SOBIRANISTA I L'ESQUERRA INDEPENDENTISTA PublicaciÓ d’Endavant­OSAN: La Barraqueta C. Tordera, 30 (08012 Barcelona) RacÓ de la Corbella C. Maldonado, 46 (46001 ValÈncia) Ateneu Popular de Palma C. MissiÓ, 19 (07011 Palma) Contacte: [email protected] 1 EL PROCÉS SOBIRANISTA I L'ESQUERRA INDEPENDENTISTA El procÉs sobiranista i l'esquerra independentista Els objectius fonamentals de l'esquerra independentista 3 D'on ve l'actual procÉs sobiranista? 4 Quines sÓn les caracterÍstiques de l'independentisme majoritari avui en dia? 7 El paper de les elits econÒmiques 9 Perspectives de canvi social 12 El procÉs sobiranista i els PaÏsos Catalans 14 Objectius, etapes i lÍnies d'actuaciÓ en els propers mesos 17 endavant.org 2 Els objectius fonamentals de l'esquerra independentista L'objectiu final de l'esquerra independentista És la independÈncia, el socialisme i el feminisme als PaÏsos Catalans. És a dir, la constituciÓ d'un estat independent que englobi el conjunt de la naciÓ catalana i la construcciÓ d'una societat socialista i fe­ minista. Qualsevol actuaciÓ polÍtica, des de la intervenciÓ en una lluita conjuntural fins a les estratÈgies polÍtiques ­nacionals o territorials­, ha d'anar encaminada a l'acumulaciÓ de forces per a poder assolir aquest objectiu final que És la raÓ de ser del nostre moviment. Per tant, la mobilitzaciÓ independentista que actualment viu el Principat de Catalu­ nya, tambÉ cal que la inserim en aquesta mateixa lÒgica d'analitzar­la i intervenir­hi polÍticament amb l'objectiu d'acumular forces i avanÇar cap a la consecuciÓ del nos­ tre projecte polÍtic.
    [Show full text]
  • Acts of Dissent Against 'Mass Tourism' in Barcelona[Version 1; Peer
    Open Research Europe Open Research Europe 2021, 1:66 Last updated: 30 SEP 2021 RESEARCH ARTICLE A summer of phobias: media discourses on ‘radical’ acts of dissent against ‘mass tourism’ in Barcelona [version 1; peer review: 2 approved, 1 approved with reservations] Alexander Araya López Department of Linguistics and Comparative Cultural Studies, Ca' Foscari University of Venice, Venezia, Venezia, 30123, Italy v1 First published: 10 Jun 2021, 1:66 Open Peer Review https://doi.org/10.12688/openreseurope.13253.1 Latest published: 10 Jun 2021, 1:66 https://doi.org/10.12688/openreseurope.13253.1 Reviewer Status Invited Reviewers Abstract In the summer of 2017, the young group Arran coordinated a series of 1 2 3 protests in Barcelona and other Spanish cities to denounce the negative effects of global mass tourism. These acts of dissent fueled a version 1 heated public debate in both Spanish and international press, mainly 10 Jun 2021 report report report due to the ‘radical’ tactics employed by the demonstrators. Following the narratives about these protest acts across a diversity of media 1. Freya Higgins-Desbiolles , University of outlets, this article identifies the complex power struggles between the different actors involved in the discussion on the benefits and South Australia, Adelaide, Australia externalities of global mass tourism, offering an extensive analysis of the political uses of the term ‘turismofobia’ (tourismphobia) and a 2. Neil Hughes , University of Nottingham, revisited interpretation of the notion of the ‘protest paradigm’. This Nottingham, UK qualitative analysis was based on more than 700 media texts (including news articles, op eds and editorials) collected through the 3.
    [Show full text]
  • Bulls and Donkeys. National Identity and Symbols in Catalonia and Spain
    9TH ANNUAL JOAN GILI MEMORIAL LECTURE Miquel Strubell i Trueta Bulls and donkeys. National identity and symbols in Catalonia and Spain The Anglo-Catalan Society 2008 2 Bulls and donkeys. National identity and symbols in Catalonia and Spain 9TH ANNUAL JOAN GILI MEMORIAL LECTURE Miquel Strubell i Trueta Bulls and donkeys. National identity and symbols in Catalonia and Spain The Anglo-Catalan Society 2008 2 3 The Annual Joan Gili Memorial Lecture Bulls and donkeys. National identity and symbols in Catalonia and 1 Spain In this paper, after an initial discussion about what identity means and how to measure it, I intend to review some studies and events in Spain in which identity issues arise. The conclusion will be reached that identities in Spain, in regard to people’s relationship with Spain itself and with Catalonia, are by no means shared, and the level of both stereotyping and prejudice, on the one hand, and of collective insecurity (even “self-hatred”) on the other, are, I claim, higher than in consolidated nation-states of western Europe, with the partial exceptions of the United Kingdom and Belgium. Let me from the outset say how honoured I am, in having been invited to deliver this paper, to follow in the footsteps of such outstanding Catalan academics as Mercè Ibarz, Antoni Segura, Joan F. Mira, Marta Pessarrodona, Miquel Berga … and those before them. The idea of dedicating what up till then had been the Fundació Congrés de Cultura lectures to the memory of Joan Gili (Barcelona 1907 - Oxford 1998) was an inspiration. Unlike some earlier Memorial lecturers, however, I was fortunate enough to have a special personal relationship with him and, of course, with his wife Elizabeth.
    [Show full text]
  • Ich Country Would You Place This Point?
    THE RISE OF EUROPE'S LITTLE NATIONS BY DAVID T. GIES t their outset at least, the 1992 lieved an advertisement, designed and paid Summer Olympics in Barcelona for by the Generalitat, the governing body of appeared to be organized by Catalonia, that appeared in several interna- people who had nationalism, not tional magazines. This provocative piece of sports, foremost in mind. Consider the curious self-promotion located Barcelona in Catalonia, fact that the three official languages of the "a country in Spain," the copy read, "wit11 its games were English, French, and Catalan. own culture, language, and identity." In case Why Catalan and not Spanish? Because Olym- readers missed the point, the advertisement pic Committee rules allow for the use of Eng- depicted the "country" of Catalonia in sharply lish, French, and the language of the country colored relief on an otherwise borderless map hosting the games. More to the point, the or- of Europe. ganizers had no doubt that Catalan was the The advertisement was only part of a language of their country. campaign by the Catalan organizers of the But Catalonia a count;y? Yes, if one be- Olympic Games to inform the world of their ICH COUNTRY WOULD YOU PLACE THIS POINT? 70 WQ WINTER 1994 independence from the Spanish state-the cartoonists. In the first block of the cartoon, the very state that had contributed nearly 70 per- question, "In which country would you place cent of the funding for the games. To be sure, this point," was reproduced as in the original. the Spanish language was heard throughout In the second block, the point, Barcelona, is the games, but the Catalan national anthem revealed to be a livid boil on the backside of played before the Spanish anthem as the Spain's president, Felipe Gonzhlez.
    [Show full text]
  • Terrorismo Y Autonomía. El Caso Balear (1989-1991)
    Terrorismo y autonomía. El caso balear (1989-1991) Miquel Amengual Joan Pau Jordà Presentación Desde la muerte del general Franco y la instauración de la democracia, en las Islas Baleares se han dado diversos episodios de violencia protagonizados tanto por grupos de ultraderecha como por organizaciones independentistas. Sin embargo, el único grupo armado que realizó sus actividades recibiendo cierto apoyo estable fue la organización armada catalana Terra Lliure (TL). Esta organización, que desarrolló sus acciones en las Islas a lo largo de 1989, contó con un entramado de organizaciones más o menos extenso que, en Mallorca y Eivissa, apoyaba la lucha armada. La comunicación que aquí presentamos, busca analizar las causas del surgimiento de la violencia armada en Baleares centrándose en la evolución del independentismo radical en las Islas. Para la realización de esta investigación hemos recorrido a una metodología mixta. Por un lado hemos realizado un vaciado bibliográfico sobre las organizaciones y la violencia terrorista desde la transición hasta los años noventa (Muñoz, 1982; Aulestia 2005) y sobre Terra Lliure y su contexto histórico (Fernández, 1985; Vilaregut 2004; Buch 2007). Por otro lado, hemos trabajado con fuentes primarias, como archivos de prensa (Diario de Mallorca, Diario 16 y Diario Baleares/Diari de Balears), documentación de la época, como atestados y documentación judicial vinculadas a la organización Terra Lliure, así como su boletín interno, Alerta, y diversos panfletos de propaganda pertenecientes a diferentes grupos de extrema izquierda (como la Liga Comunista Revolucionaària (LCR), la organización juvenil Maulets o el Moviment en Defensa de la Terra (MDT)). Finalmente, hemos realizado una entrevista a Macià Manera, activista independentista mallorquín vinculado a TL.
    [Show full text]
  • Those Who Came and Those Who Left the Territorial Politics of Migration
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Cadmus, EUI Research Repository Department of Political and Social Sciences Those who came and those who left The Territorial Politics of Migration in Scotland and Catalonia Jean-Thomas Arrighi de Casanova Thesis submitted for assessment with a view to obtaining the degree of Doctor of Political and Social Sciences of the European University Institute Florence, February 2012 EUROPEAN UNIVERSITY INSTITUTE Department of Political and Social Sciences Those who came and those who left The Territorial Politics of Migration in Scotland and Catalonia Jean-Thomas Arrighi de Casanova Thesis submitted for assessment with a view to obtaining the degree of Doctor of Political and Social Sciences of the European University Institute Examining Board: Prof. Rainer Bauböck, EUI (Supervisor) Prof. Michael Keating, EUI (Co-supervisor) Dr Nicola McEwen, University of Edinburgh Prof. Andreas Wimmer, UCLA © 2012, Jean-Thomas Arrighi de Casanova No part of this thesis may be copied, reproduced or transmitted without prior permission of the author ABSTRACT Whilst minority nationalism and migration have been intensely studied in relative isolation from one another, research examining their mutual relationship is still scarce. This dissertation aims to fill this gap in the literature by exploring how migration politics are being fought over not only across society but also across territory in two well-researched cases of protracted nationalist mobilisation, Catalonia and Scotland. It meets three objectives: First, it introduces a theoretical framework accounting for sub-state elites’ and administrations’ boundary-making strategies in relation to immigrants and emigrants.
    [Show full text]
  • Symposium: 2017: a Year of Popular Decisions
    SYMPOSIUM: 2017: A YEAR OF POPULAR DECISIONS THE 2017 TURKISH CONSTITUTIONAL REFERENDUM: DOMESTIC AND TRANSNATIONAL IMPLICATIONS Ayca Arkilic Victoria University of Wellington [email protected] Introduction On 16 April 2017, Turks cast their vote in a nationwide referendum that introduced significant changes to the current constitution, which has been in use since 1982. Even though the 1982 constitution has been amended 18 times in the past 35 years, the scheduled changes will have the most dramatic impact on the Turkish political system. This article will first provide an overview of the proposed amendments to the 1982 constitution. It will then discuss the repercussions of the referendum results for Turkey and the rest of Europe. The Proposed Constitutional Changes Since its birth from the ashes of the Ottoman Empire, the modern Turkish state has had four constitutions: The Constitution of 1921, The Constitution of 1924, The Constitution of 1961, and The Constitution of 1982.1 Drafted by a military junta in the aftermath of the 1980 coup, the 1982 constitution forms the basis of Turkey’s current legal framework. The 1982 constitution has already been amended 18 times, 3 times by popular vote and 15 times through legislative action. In fact, 117 of the 177 articles are no longer in their original form.2 If constitutional amendment is not a novel 1 For more information on these constitutions, please see: https://global.tbmm.gov.tr/index.php/en/yd/icerik/12 2 Sinan Ekim and Kemal Kirişçi, “The Turkish constitutional referendum, explained,” Brookings Institute, April 13, 2017. Available at: https://www.brookings.edu/blog/order-from-chaos/2017/04/13/the-turkish- constitutional-referendum-explained/ 56 phenomenon for Turkey, why has the April 2017 referendum sparked controversy? The 2017 package advised 18 groundbreaking changes, including the replacement of the current parliamentary system, under which Turkey’s president plays only a symbolic role, with a presidential system.
    [Show full text]
  • The Spanish Government and Subsequently Suspended by the Constitutional Court Until It Ruled on the Issue
    CatalExit a Matrix Game about the 2017 Spanish constitutional crisis by Tim Price. Introduction This is a Matrix Game intended to explore the issues and options surrounding the 2017 Spanish constitutional crisis, in the run up to Regional Elections on 21 December 17 to appoint a new Catalan Parliament following the suspension of the previous Parliament. It is the product of only a few hours exploratory game design taken from the Connections Netherlands 2017 conference on 14 Nov 2017. Background The 2017 Spanish constitutional crisis, also known as the Catalan crisis, is an ongoing political conflict between the Government of Spain and the Government of Catalonia under President Carles Puigdemont—the legal government of Catalonia until 28 October 2017—over the issue of Catalan independence, starting after a law intending to allow a Catalan independence referendum was denounced by the Spanish government and subsequently suspended by the Constitutional Court until it ruled on the issue. The events have been described as "one of the worst political crises in modern Spanish history". Puigdemont's government announced that neither central Spanish authorities nor the courts would halt their plans and that it intended to hold the vote anyway, sparking a legal backlash that quickly spread from the Spanish and Catalan governments to Catalan municipalities—as local mayors were urged by the Generalitat to provide logistical support and help for the electoral process to be carried out—as well as to the Constitutional Court, the High Court of Justice of Catalonia and state prosecutors. By 15 September, as pro-Catalan independence parties began their referendum campaigns, the Spanish government had launched an all-out legal offensive to thwart the upcoming vote, including threats of a financial takeover of much of the Catalan budget, police seizing pro-referendum posters, pamphlets and leaflets which had been regarded as illegal and criminal investigations ordered on the over 700 local mayors who had publicly agreed to help stage the referendum.
    [Show full text]
  • Legalizing Secession: the Catalan Case
    E-journal promoted by the Campus for Peace, Universitat Oberta de Catalunya http://journal-of-conflictology.uoc.edu ARTICLE Legalizing Secession: The Catalan Case Lluís Pérez and Marc Sanjaume Submitted: July 2013 Accepted: September 2013 Published: November 2013 Abstract In this article we review the main theories of secession from a normative point of view, relating them to the debate on the constitutionalization of secession and the Catalan case in particular. Our conclusion is that secession conflicts are complex because several issues related to justice and democracy are involved. For the Catalan case, we defend the idea of adopting a constitutional or (quasi-)constitutional approach as a peaceful and reasonable way to handle the secessionist debate. This would take into account what authors such as Norman or Sunstein have suggested in their analyses. Liberal democracies are able to consider secession as a way of solving territorial disputes, which need to be approached from a pragmatic and reasonable point of view. Keywords ascriptivism, Catalonia, constitution, independence, plebiscitarianism, Quebec, rationality, reasonableness, remedialism, right to decide, secession, self-determination 1. INTRODUCTION: A systems to explain what, or what should, happen, in hu- man affairs. Toulmin rejects the idea that the challenges of REASONABLE APPROACH our unpredictable societies can be confronted only from TO SECESSION inflexible and abstract theoretical positions; instead, he ar- gues for the need to handle this task with a down-to-earth In his book Return to Reason (2003), Stephen Toulmin reasoned way of thinking, which could take into account described two ways of using human reason. The first is the unavoidable complexity of human societies.
    [Show full text]
  • GOBIERNO DE ESPAÑA Joint Crisis: Spanish Constitutional Crisis (2017) Chaired by Reyna Dixit
    GOBIERNO DE ESPAÑA Joint Crisis: Spanish Constitutional Crisis (2017) Chaired by Reyna Dixit Session XXIII Gobierno de España Joint Crisis: Spanish Constitutional Crisis of 2017 Topic A: Addressing Public Corruption Topic B: Establishing a Unified Spain Committee Overview there has long been a separatist movement within Catalonia, whose calls for an The Kingdom of Spain is a multi- independence referendum grow stronger by faceted nation rich in history and culture. the day. Spain has several linguistic groups, and each In addition to regional tensions, the group holds pride in their unique heritage. Spanish government is infamous for public Although Castilian Spanish is the official corruption. Those among the accused range and most widely-spoken language, other in importance from mayors to top business significant languages include Catalan, leaders to Princess Cristina herself.5 Given Galician, Basque, and Aranese.1 Spain’s already dire economic situation, the Spain has a total of 17 autonomous graft cannot continue to flourish, lest the regions, each with its own rich history, public loses even more confidence in the culture, and even language variation.2 All of institutions of the country. these regions are united under various This committee takes place on classical institutions of Spain: the Catholic October 1, 2017. These issues cannot be Church, the government and Prime postponed, and the committee must Minister, and above all, the Spanish Crown. immediately decide how and when to act to As one notably prolific region of unify the country and restore discipline to its Spain, Catalonia contributes a large portion public institutions. of Spain’s economy and development.3 In Note: This guide will reference events addition to having its own language and that take place after the October 27, 2017, culture, the region also controls its own Catalonian independence referendum to policing force and other general government provide delegates with context.
    [Show full text]
  • Master-Thesis-Gjelsten.Pdf
    Contestation or accommodation? Catalan and Basque sub-nationalist movements compared Cristina Gjelsten Master’s thesis in Peace and Conflict Studies Department of Political Science UNIVERSITY OF OSLO Spring 2020 Supervisor: Marcus Buck Word count: 31.078 Contestation or accommodation? Catalan and Basque sub-nationalist movements compared I © Cristina Gjelsten 2020 Contestation or accommodation? Cristina Gjelsten http://www.duo.uio.no Word count: 31.078 II Abstract Nationalist conflicts are a recurrent source of concern for disparate countries, Spain is one of them. Despite sharing the same statewide context, the Catalan and Basque sub-nationalist movements have evolved quite differently in the last years. Whereas Catalonia has reached an unprecedented increase of secessionism in roughly the last decade, the Basque Country has in the same timeframe experienced the easing of its sub-nationalist demands. Connecting with the broader field of nationalist movements, this thesis aims to fill a gap by analyzing this relatively unexplored dimension of contrasting the political momentums of Catalan and Basque sub-nationalism. To this end, this thesis provides more nuanced understanding of the processes and conditions (causal mechanisms) behind these differing political outcomes. Thus, the research question asks which conditions fueled the escalation of Catalan secessionist aspirations, and conversely, eased such demands in the Basque Country in the timeframe 2009-2019. The basis for this study is an eclectic theoretical framework which connects broader theory on nationalism with top-down and bottom-up approaches, social movements and non-violence theories. For that, I have combined comparative analysis with process tracing. In doing so, I take Richard Gillespie’s concepts of accommodation and contestation towards the central state and apply them by dividing the Basque and Catalan trajectories into phases.
    [Show full text]