Hindu Nationalist Views on Rural Development: a Case Study of the Deendayal Research Institute's Chitrakoot Project1

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■Article■ Hindu Nationalist Views on Rural Development: A Case Study of the Deendayal Research Institute's Chitrakoot Project1

●

Eri Kakuta

Introduction The BJP (Bharatiya Janata Party), which espouses the ideology of `Hindu nationalism' , has achieved political ascendance since the 1980s, and is currently the most powerful political party in India. Issues of change and continuity in Indian development policy throughout the rise of the BJP tenure and the Hindu nationalist movement have been extensively discussed. For example, Desai [1994: 10], in analysing the economic policy of the BJP, argues that though each political party has unique economic policies, BJP and left-wing party policies are similar in that they have changed over time, sometimes in contradictory ways.2) Hansen [1998: 309], who has focused on the changing and conflict- ridden notion of 'economic nationalism' of the Hindu nationalists known as Swadeshi, points out that their mixing of anti-consumerism with a quest for a unitary state seems 'to be informed by a paradoxical yearn- ing back to the heyday of the Nehruvian state (minus socialism)'. This was 'a state which rested on a solid societal hegemony and was able to assert itself in an international context while protecting the national economy and national culture of India'. Both studies suggest that com-

角田恵里 Eri Kakuta, The Japan Foundation Asia Center, Intellectual Exchange Di-

vision. Subject: Development Studies. Articles: None. HinduNationalist Views on Rural Development 81

promises between competitive forces within the Hindu nationalist movement have ultimately fostered a conservative approach, which suggests that the rise of Hindu nationalism will not bring about any new developments, at least at the level of national economic policy. However , it must be pointed out that while these previous studies refer to the Hindu nationalist discourse on development through analyses of changes and continuity identifiable within the rise of the greater Hindu nationalist movement, they have not necessarily paid sufficient attention to the discourse itself. In order to understand a long-term view of policy transitions or continuities resulting from the rise of Hindu nationalism, a systematic structural analysis of the Hindu nationalist discourse on development is required. Some attempts that partly fulfill such a requirement have already been made. For example, Kondo [forthcoming] attempts a comprehensive understanding of Hindu nationalist discourse (though not particularly of development issues) through a systematic survey of propaganda documents produced by the Sangh Parivar.3 Nakajima [2002] approaches Hindu nationalism through detailed participatory observation of various RSS (Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh) activities at the grass-roots level, including research on development and social services activities based in Delhi, Ayodhya and their suburbs. These theoretical and empirical studies certainly contribute to a systematic understanding of the Hindu nationalist discourse. However, neither of them pays particular attention to Hindu nationalist views on development, and both lack information on activities in rural areas. A study highlighting these two aspects will provide a more comprehensive understanding of the relationship between Hindu nationalism and development, especially the process of 'indirect' political mobilisation that is employed through constant in-depth inculcation of ideology in the people involved in development projects, an under-researched area compared with direct mobilisations that are extensively carried out through activities such as electoral and propaganda campaigns. This article aims to contribute to bridging this gap in research through a discursive examination of the practices and member testimonies of a Hindu nationalist organisation working in a rural area , in the interest of providing a perspective with which to answer the question as to whether or not any change in Indian rural development policy will 82 Journalof the JapaneseAssociation for SouthAsian Studies, 15, 2003 take place in the context of rising Hindu nationalism. The Deendayal Research Institute (DRI) is the only think tank within the Sangh Parivar that specialises in rural development. A case study of this organisation will provide substantial evidence to meet the objectives of this article. To investigate the DRI, I undertook an extensive fieldwork investigation at one of its main rural development sites, known as the Chitrakoot Project. In addition to research and advocacy activities, the DRI has engaged in the planning and implementation of several rural development projects in North and West India since its foundation in 1972.4) Since 1992, the DRI has primarily concentrated its efforts on the propagation of the rural development model established in Chitrakoot. A case study of the DRI with a special focus on this particular project will illuminate the most vivid and up-to-date aspects of the organisation's rural development activities. In order to fulfill this article's objective, I will do the following. I will first provide a brief profile of the DRI. I will then introduce rural development models and practices of the DRI in Chitrakoot and highlight some of the project's salient features. Based on information given in the earlier section and some additional evidence with a particular focus on the narratives of the DRI members, I will analyse the Chitrakoot Project in the third section. The analysis in this section will demonstrate that the Project is characterised by identifiable ideological orientations. Based on the findings in the second and third sections, I will discuss possible implications of the DRI model when it is seen both as a model rural development project and as the representative of the way in which the DRI as an agent of the Sangh Parivar influences the process of political mobilisation. Finally, I will conclude by summarising Hindu nationalist views on rural development drawn from my case study.

1. Profile of the DRI The DRI is one of the eight primary organisations of the Sangh Parivar, as listed in the Seva-Disha-1995, a document that provides a statistical outline of the group's service projects and associated activities, published by the Seva Vibhag (Service Section) of the RSS.5) The Hindu Nationalist Views on Rural Development 83 fact that the DRI shares the ideology of Hindutva (Hindu-ness) with the other major organisations within the Sangh Parivar can be judged from its origin, development and philosophical influences and its ideological and organisational affiliation with the Sangh Parivar. The evolution of the DRI is closely related to political developments in India in the 1970s. The Gandhian movement of Jaya Prakashnarayan (known as 'JP') emerged in 1972 as a response to the government of Indira Gandhi's Congress Party's inability 'to carry out its promises and confront the economic crisis' which led to a rapid decline in its popularity [Jaffrelot 1996: 255]. From 1974, the Bharatya Jana Sangh (the '13JS'), the forerunner of the BJP, formed with the intention of entering mainstream politics, began to take solid shape. The BJS increased its political power by merging its populist-activist strategy with that of the JP movement, which shared a 'concern for political decentralisation and reshaping society' [Ibid.] with the Hindu nationalists. The Deendayal Research Institute, or DRI, named after Deendayal Upadhyaya (an RSS pracharak6) and former Jana Sangh leader), was founded in Delhi in 1972, as a research institute of the Sangh Parivar, just before the convergence of the activist wing of the BJS and the JP movement. As the ideological convergence of the two movements pro- ceeded, the DRI became a platform for advocating the 'decentralisation of economic and political power',7 an ideal that was subsequently set down in the constitution of the Janata Party in 1977 [Jaffrelot 1996: 283]. The origin and development of the DRI indicate that the organisation was heavily influenced by the political trends of the time. The early DRI aimed to develop research activities and advocate its own ideology, and sought to put its ideals into practice, primarily through development projects and social services. Advocacy was carried out through the publication of a journal called Manthan8 that featured many articles on the fundamental ideology that underscores DRI activities, principally that of 'Integral Humanism' advocated by Deendayal Upadhyaya.9) The journal also featured discussions of other philosophies, including that of such figures as V.D. Savarkar (author of a basic text on Hindutva), K.B. Hedgewar (founder of the RSS), M.S. Golwalkar (second sarsanghchalak, or Chief of the RSS, known as 84 Journalof the JapaneseAssociation for SouthAsian Studies, 15, 2003

`Guruji') and S . Vivekananda (founder of the Ramakrishna Order and proponent of Vedanta).10) The DRI's self-proclaimed Gandhian influence should be viewed with caution. While the DRI approves of Gandhi's ideas on rural development, specifically 'rural industrialisation', 'decentralisation of the decision-making process', 'ecological concerns', 'a simple and mod- est life' and Swadeshi,11) it heavily condemns his belief in absolute non-violence, that which does not allow for any kind of revenge, or violence even for the sake of self-protection. The DRI also firmly rejects Gandhi's stance on minorities, especially his inclusive view of Muslims.12) The DRI's communalistic stance was evident in its campaigns to disseminate the idea of 'the Muslim Other', which were organised in response to a series of conversions to Islam in South India in early 1981.13) Apart from research and advocacy activities, the early DRI was involved in the provision of short-term social services in emergency situations. When a disastrous cyclone and tidal wave hit the coastal areas of Andhra Pradesh in November 1977, the DRI implemented a Cyclone Relief Project [Jain 1978; Seshadri 1988: 210-1], and when the Bhopal Gas Tragedy (Madhya Pradesh) occurred in 1984, the Delhi unit of the DRI, in collaboration with the VHP (Vishwa Hindu Parishad), a religious wing of the Sangh Parivar, sent mobile medical vans to the disaster areas [Seshadri 1988: 216-7]. Since 1978, the Institute has concentrated on the creation of distinc- tively Indian yet universally applicable model rural development projects, overseen by Nana Deshmukh, an RSS pracharak, formerly one of the three general secretaries of the Janata Party.") The organisation has continuously expanded its activity sites, especially in the North and West of India, and has set up four field offices, in Gonda (Uttar Pradesh), Beed, Nagpur (Maharashtra) and Chitrakoot on the border of Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh.15) Since 1992, the centre of its activities shifted from Gonda to Chitrakoot.

2. The DRI Rural Development Model 2.1 Objectives and Methods The ultimate goal of the DRI, underlain by the fundamental phi- Hindu NationalistViews on Rural Development 85 losophies described earlier, is 'social reconstruction through total development'. This can be accomplished, the DRI believes, through the translation of the philosophy of Integral Humanism into practice as social activism and the implementation of rural development programmes. The DRI leadership explains that their rural development model in Chitrakoot consists of four aspects: Self-reliance (Swavalamban), Education (Shiksha), Health (Swasthya) and Good Behaviour (Sadachar). The DRI first implemented this model in Chitrakoot and applied it to the surrounding villages with the majority of the population belonging to the Scheduled Caste (SC) or Scheduled Tribes (ST). The DRI sets up its aim to realise the application in villages located within a fifty kilometre radius of the centre of Chitrakoot, involving a total of over five hundred communities.16) The DRI's concern with health is apparent in the following sub- projects: medical services at the J.R.D. Tata Foundation for Research in Ayurveda and Yoga Sciences (which the DRI people call `Arogyadham');17) an Ayurvedic medical pharmacy; the development and husbandry of Indian cows, the milk of which is said to be essential for the improvement of nutrition and economic conditions; and health programmes for villagers. Four central projects demonstrate the DRI education model: 1) Several educational institutions, including one el- ementary and junior high school for children living mainly in Chitrakoot, and three boarding schools for the Scheduled Castes (SC) and the Scheduled Tribes (ST) in the surrounding villages. A primary school is being planned at present. 2) The Educational Research Centre (ERC), 3) gurukuls,18) and 4) a Children's Park. For the purpose of promoting Self-reliance, two projects are run. One is the Krishi Vigyan Kendra (KVK: Agricultural Science Centre) and the other is the Udyamita Vidyapeeth (UV: Training Centre for Entrepreneurship). The DRI holds that the life of Lord Ram exemplifies its ideal of Good Behaviour, and seeks to instil this model through a project known as 'Ram Darshan'. This is a well-furnished museum in the 'modern' Hindu Panchiwati (five temples) architectural style, in which the story of the Ramayana, condensed and boldly interpreted by the founder of the DRI, is chro- nologically exhibited in a series of paintings, reliefs and dioramas. This site indicates that setting a rural development model in Chitrakoot may have a special meaning; Chitrakoot is a town widely believed by 86 Journalof the JapaneseAssociation for SouthAsian Studies, 15, 2003

Hindus, especially Ram worshippers, to be the precise location where Lord Ram spent eleven years in exile from his kingdom. Furthermore, DRI members reveal that they believe that the founder Upadhyaya truly followed and practiced Ram's way of life. Chitrakoot is therefore a most effective base for advocating the DRI's rural development model. At the village level, a number of Samaj Shilpi Swasthya Dampatis or Parivars (social worker couples or families) are posted by the DRI at communities for five-year terms to facilitate rural development. At the time of my research, seventeen Dampatis or Parivars (hereafter the term `Dampati' shall be used to refer to both) were in the field.19) Other than acting to facilitate essential rural development models initiated in Chitrakoot in villages in their charge, the Dampatis are respon- sible for providing practical support, such as negotiating with government officers or village leaders, and assisting villagers with personal problems. Examination of the way in which the DRI translates Integral Hu- manism into rural development models and practices leads to the identification of two key ideals: the 'Indian Way of modernisation' and the `Third Way of development' .

2.2 The Indian Way of Modernisation The DRI enthusiastically promotes a particular vision of modernisation, which it defines as a development that preserves 'Indian culture' without the incursion of western content. This idea conforms to the slogan 'Modernisation without Westernisation', which is widely propagated by Hindu nationalists. This was adopted from a lecture originally given by T.B. Thengadi [1984], an influential ideologue on economic and labour issues and founder of the Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh, an RSS-affiliated trade union.20) What exactly do these terms mean? The DRI tends to interpret notions of 'modern (isation)', `westernisation' and 'Indian -ness' (a term which appears in its discourse in the context of Indian tradition, culture and values), in particular ways. The DRI's emphasis on science and technology is the key to understanding their interpretation of modernisation. DRI members tend to speak of these terms in order to highlight the 'modern'. For example, when DRI workers discuss their aims of achieving the modernisation HinduNationalist Views on RuralDevelopment 87 of agriculture, they initially mention the promotion of agricultural technology implemented by the KVK project. In the same way, when the workers discuss one of their primary goals, that of teaching tribal people how to live 'a modern life', they emphasise the ERC project that promotes a 'scientific' explanation of natural phenomena, in con- trast to traditional explanations, superstitions and other indigenous be- liefs. Both modernisation of agriculture and a modern way of life are, according to the DRI, prerequisites to attaining the ultimate objective of the 'modernisation' of India, and science and technology appear to be vital means of each aspect of modernisation. Despite the DRI's constant emphasis on Indian culture, the 'science' and 'technology' that they promote is not exclusively Indian, but rather includes elements derived from western sources. The DRI founder and workers admit that what the DRI promotes is not 'a blind accept- ance of western technology' but 'a selective introduction of western technology if necessary', ultimately aiming 'to use western technology in order to promote Indian culture' [Interview with the founder, Chitrakoot, 13 July 2001]. For example, in Arogyadham, German, US and Japanese high-tech machinery is used to identify herbal plants mentioned in Ayurvedic texts. Generally speaking, western science seems to be employed by the DRI as a benchmark to assert the effectiveness or worthiness of phenomena of Indian origin. A doctor at Arogyadham was eager to tell me that they were 'aiming at propagating the medical effectiveness of Ayurvedic medicine verified by our experiment in this laboratory to the world' [Ibid.]. It should be noted that the DRI's statements regarding the adoption of western innovations are not always consistent. Its selective use of western technology and science, which is allegedly to be employed based on its effectiveness in promoting Indian culture, results in con- fusion. For example, when I asked the founder about his vision of rural life in the future, he declared that 'villagers will have at least one air-conditioner in each house'. In addition, I observed that the kitchen in the DRI office in Chitrakoot is furnished with nothing but western- style appliances.21) One cannot help questioning whether the introduction of such blatantly western commodities is helpful in promoting indigenous Indian culture. It is conceivable, if one is to believe what the organisation purports, that the DRI accepts only that which it 88 Journalof the JapaneseAssociation for SouthAsian Studies, 15, 2003 deems 'good' for the people of Indian nation, and does not necessarily limit itself to that which exclusively serves to promote Indian culture. From an outsider's point of view, it seems that the DRI has no clear policy on this matter, yet for DRI members there exists a policy that is far from contradictory. The DRI's stated goal is to translate the philosophy of Integral Humanism into practice, within which 'culture' and 'nation' are connected and integrated. In this context, what vital for the promotion of 'culture' automaticaly contributes to the development of 'nation'. Furthermore, 'realism' is a trait emphasised within this as 'the forte of our (nation-building) programme', which seeks to eliminate 'doctrinaire obtuseness'.22) It can be inferred that the DRI founder's statements that emphasize 'achieving a minimum living standard' and 'introducing a flexible approach according to time and space' reflect a pragmatic approach promoted in the philosophy, and the `minimum' standard perceived by the DRI may also change in accor - dance with time and circumstance. What then is this notion of 'Indian culture' or 'Indian-ness' that the DRI seeks to promote? Examination of the notion of 'westernisation' put forth by DRI activists reveals that their sense of that which is Indian is a mirror (or inverted) image of what they perceive as 'western'. Specifically, 'Indian-ness' is an essence that has been lost in the process of the dissemination of imported western culture. The founder of the DRI, in a propaganda document on the Chitrakoot Project, begins by explaining the evils of colonialism and westernisation. Ac- cording to him, westernisation has brought about individualism, mate- rialism and an ethic of unbridled consumerism, and has resulted in consequences such as environmental degradation, the uneven distribution of wealth and corrupt power-seeking in politics. In order to rem- edy these problems, the DRI believes that negative western developments must be replaced with institutions available in India, namely communitarianism, religiosity, ritualism or spirituality, naturalism, the cooperative and happy nature of village organisation or Ram Rajya (the Rule of Ram) and the return of the central role of families.23) The specific elements of 'Indian culture' and essential 'Indian-ness' that are romanticised, often excessively, by DRI people are clearly drawn from what they promote as Good Behaviour, one of the four components of the Chitrakoot Project. When asked for an exact defini- HinduNationalist Views on RuralDevelopment 89 tion of Good Behaviour, members pointed to an emphasis of the practice of dharma and yoga. For example, a Dampati husband in Patna Kala said that 'to form a religious village is one of the important aims of the DRI, which is juxtaposed to education, health and self-reliance'. When asked what he meant by 'forming a religious village', he told me that the aim was 'to create samaj (society) guided by dharma. Dharma promotes a sense of respect and spiritual and moral values. Without dharma, men and society both become lifeless' [Interview, Patna Kala, 21 July 2001]. In addition to dharma, Good Behaviour also includes the worship of the Hindu pantheon and the rejection of indigenous deities in DRI project localities. Homogenized worship practices promoted through DRI activities convince villagers to construct or renovate temples of primary deities such as Hanuman and Shiva. At the same time the veneration of local objects of worship is discouraged through an emphasis on commonalities between indigenous and mainstream Hindu traditions, thus amalgamating the former into the latter.24) Other 'good habits' promoted by DRI members are mothers fasting for the health of sons25) and vegetarianism. In promoting Good Behaviour, the DRI makes effective use of the teachings of Gayatri Parivar (Gayatri Family), a new religious movement with strong ties to the VHP that promotes Brahman traditions, customs and rituals.26) In the field I witnessed the influence of this teaching in the narratives of the DRI members, specifically in their promotion of the chanting of Gayatri mantra, as well as in the performance of Gayatri yajna (Vedic fire sacrifice), 'Hindu' weddings, the adoption of a 'Hindu' name giving ceremony to ST/SC children, and the extreme emphasis on scientific justifications of putatively Indian cultural elements.27)The influence of Gayatri Parivar's teaching was also observable in DRI members' aversion to inter-caste marriage. Furthermore, Sanskrit language is also an important element of that which constitutes the DRI's understanding of 'good' Indian culture. The DRI's enthusiasm in promoting the teaching of Sanskrit in its own schools is an obvious example. This enthusiasm can also be seen in the language of propaganda documents published by the DRI. Hindi words originating in Urdu are never used, and uncommon Sanskrit words tend to be strategically placed, in a linguistic mode called 'pure 90 Journalof the JapaneseAssociation for SouthAsian Studies, 15, 2003

Hindi' by DRI people. Having explained the DRI's conceptions of Indian culture, I should emphasise that there are certain elements that are generally considered to be 'cultural' or 'traditional' in an Indian context that are not considered to be so by the DRI. Traditions with negative connotations for the DRI involve many ST and SC customs and practices, including superstitions such as belief in ghosts, 'black' magic, worship of indigenous gods and popular rituals such as animal sacrifice, child marriage and purdha, as well as tendencies such as resistance to new technology due to the lack of education, unsanitary practices and the inefficient use of time and perceived SC and ST 'laziness'.") These are all perceived as backward influences to be avoided, eradicated, modernised or otherwise ameliorated through DRI rural development projects. The DRI's view of 'Indian culture' appears to converge with interpretations of Sanskrit culture, which seem to be the guiding force distinguishing the 'Indian-ness' that the DRI values.29) In addition to this, the DRI determines conceptions of good (progressive) versus bad (backward) in relation to whether practices are in conflict with scientific advances, or whether they have become obstacles to the 'modernisation' process. For example, medicines based on local or tribal knowledge that have proven effective, such as madaar to reduce fever and headache and chana (chickpeas) applied to burned skin, are welcomed [Interview with ERC staff, Chitrakoot, 6 July 2001]. On the other hand, customs such as purdha are criticised as obstacles preventing women from organising self-employment activities [Interview with Dampati, Patna Kala, 21 July 2001]. Through an examination of the meaning and practical manifesta- tions of the terms 'modernisation' and 'Indian culture' as expressed by DRI members, it is evident that while the DRI aims at modernisation employing a selective introduction of western technology and science, the group also, explicitly or implicitly, encourages a process of cultural assimilation in which Sanskrit culture subsumes the traditions of the lower castes, Untouchables and tribals.30) The DRI notion of modernisation without westernisation is exem- plified in the following DRI member narrative [Interview with the Dampati husband, Dehraha. 1 August 2001 (words in parentheses added by the author)], HinduNationalist Views on Rural Development 91

We have never learned the effectiveness of medical plants from tribal people. We usually come to know them from newspaper articles or in the book of Ayurveda. We subsequently explained to the (tribal) people about the particular plants and asked them to collect them. Then we take them to the Arogyadham (an Ayurvedic hospital) so that their effectiveness can be tested in the scientific laboratory.

2.3 The Third Way •\ Fostering the Integral Man Hansen and Desai have shown that the fundamental development philosophy of the Sangh Parivar emphases a Third Way of development, which, though theoretically undefined, is said to be not based on either western liberalism or Marxism. The DRI also takes this approach and, in the context of rural development, principally refers to the Integrated Rural Development Approach advocated by M.K.

Gandhi, and receives support from institutions such as the Khadi and

Village Industries Commission (KVIC) in its management and training programmes for small-scale industries. Extensive KVIC model experiments in India have demonstrated that this approach is not effective in responding to issues brought about by rapid economic transitions

in villages. The DRI also recognises this and proposes alternative solu-

tions within its development model, such as 'a restricted form of market economy or liberalisation' and 'a balanced economy in import and

export between cities and villages'. However, 'restricted' and 'balanced'

remain undefined, along with the overarching Third Way of development. It is notable that this lack of clear terminology is apparently not

a serious concern for the DRI.

Whether the projects themselves are effective in increasing agricul-

tural productivity and alleviating poverty and social inequality is also

not a major concern for the DRI. What, then, is the DRI's primary

goal? The answer seems to hinge on a careful examination of the concept of 'integral' in rural development. The current usage of the

term 'integral' by the World Bank and other development agencies

emphasises the effectiveness of synergism resulting from the integra-

tion of all aspects of development, such as education, health and in-

come. Agencies such as the World Bank were the primary driving

forces behind the promotion of the integrated rural development ap- 92 Journal of the Japanese Association for South Asian Studies, 15, 2003

proach of the late 1970s, originally influenced by the Gandhian model

of rural development appropriated by the Indian government in the

early 1970s. For example, it is believed that the success of education

and health sub-projects, resulting in measurable skill development and

increased agricultural knowledge, leads to a corresponding increase in

agricultural productivity [Johnston and Clark 1982: 242]. I do not

deny that the DRI's project functions are based on this logic to a

certain extent. However, a practical emphasis is not apparent. The

underlying purpose of the integration of DRI sub-projects is rather

the goal of fostering the Integral Man •\ the idealised DRI member, a

man whose body, mind, intellect and soul are well-balanced. It is in

the pursuit of this ideal that the integration of all the sub-projects is

necessary [DRI n.d.: (c)]. In addition, according to the DRI, Integral

Man is selfless, imbued with the spirit of social service, charity, hu-

manity and affection. It is thus believed that if all were to become

Integral Men, problems of poverty and inequality will automatically

be solved. Following this logic, integrated rural development projects

do not necessarily seek to increase agricultural productivity or alleviate

poverty and inequality, but instead serve to cultivate an idealized soci-

ety of Integral Men.

Based on such a project objective and assessment criteria, what ap-

proach does the DRI rural development model take toward vital issues

such as caste, class, land distribution, and gender? In interview, the

founder entirely rejected the idea of a transfer in power from the

socio-economically advantaged to disadvantaged groups: 'People who

are poor would like to gain power over the rich. This is wrong. It is a

cause of problems' [Interview, Chitrakoot, 12 July 2001]. The General

Secretary displayed a strong aversion to the notion of class struggle. 'I

hate Marxism! They [Marxists] always talk about the bigger and the

smaller or the upper and the lower, labour relations and so on. What- ever they categorise, all should be one!' [Interview, Chitrakoot, 3 Au- gust 2001].

If the DRI leadership holds these views, it naturally follows that the

DRI's rural development activities are manifest only as gradual changes in caste hierarchy and as moderate ameliorations of economic inequality through the promotion of charitable and ethical activities. This is verified by the following examples. HinduNationalist Views on RuralDevelopment 93

I will begin with a case that demonstrates the relative lack of change. In the course of my fieldwork I came across several Dampati couples who had rarely entered the village sectors where Untouchable people resided. For example, the Dampatis in Barua, investigated when they had all but completed a five-year contract in the village, had entered the Untouchable area only a few times, according to mostly female villager informants. I was told that 'they (the Dampati) once came to distribute vegetable seeds so that we could grow them. They came to see the school they built. But that's it!' Some of them said that 'vegetable seeds are kept untouched in my house, as we do not know what to do with them'. Others complained that 'we contributed labour to building the school, but we did not get paid at all. Actually we do not need the school built by them so much. The water problem is more serious, but all the projects have gone to the other parts of this village' [Interview, 8 August 2001]. The response of the Dampati husband to the villagers' statements was as follows: 'We organised shramdaan, vol- unteer work, so that their school could be built. As to a water project, we could not bring projects to the SC and ST segments, as the water level there is too low. We need more funding to do so'. Whether his response was true or false, these interviews indicate that the Dampati was neither successful in gaining the trust and cooperation of the villagers, nor were they particularly helpful to the most disadvantaged people in the village. Dampatis unsupportive of villagers, however, did not seem to be exposed to any severe criticism from the DRI author- ity. Indeed, the couple discussed here were permitted to continue working for the DRI after their five-year contract, and have in fact earned the admiration of the organization for remaining in a remote village for such a long period. Thus, though this may be an extreme example, what apparently matters most to the DRI is that something, or perhaps anything has been done in the villages, rather than specific details as to what has been accomplished. Even in cases where Dampati are more engaged in working for the improvement of life for the vulnerable and disadvantaged, their activities are generally oriented toward marginal changes, fundamentally driven by the ethic of charity. The problem of caste division is ad- dressed through an annual event the DRI proudly calls 'eating to- gether'. The stated aim of this yearly shared meal is the eradication of 94 Journalof the JapaneseAssociation for SouthAsian Studies, 15, 2003 the stigma of association with the Untouchable class. In response to the question as to whether this once-yearly event was sufficient to achieve this goal, the Dampati in Patna Kala answered that 'it would bring some change to the mentality and awareness of the people if it is repeated two or three times' [Interview with a Dampati husband, Patna Kala, 22 July 2001]. Similar occurrences are found in the course of activities related to class and land issues. The rural development activities of the UV and KVK are inherently conservative, in that they concentrate on the organisation of self-help groups for self-employed income-generating activities and the implementation of agricultural extensions that depend on technology, while completely side-stepping crucial issues surrounding land ownership and use [DRI 1998: 2001]. DRI members rarely mention land issues, and make dubious statements when they do. For example, the only advisor to planning in rural development of the DRI, currently a member of the European Union Technical Team, stated that there were no land issues involved with his project. Ac- cording to this advisor, this was because 'most farmers here (in villages where the DRI is involved) are marginal farmers. There are no big landowners' [Interview, 5 August 2001]. However, I heard from a tribal agricultural labourer in Dehraha (one of the villages where the DRI is involved) that one of the reasons for their poverty was the lack of land and proper land rights. According to this woman, one half of the dividends from agricultural production went to landlords living in cities. A Dampati husband working in this area disagreed with this, and emphasised that poverty among tribal people was not a product of conflict with landlords, but was caused by laziness, lack of education and poor health of the tribal people themselves. Regarding gender issues, though a DRI propaganda document stresses the equality of men and women, nothing is written on actual methods for change. The DRI's view on women is already discernable from the message put forth at Ram Darshan, where Sita, model wife, is a pe- ripheral figure in the Ramayana. Through observation and examination of DRI activities and member narratives, one notices that women are viewed only as participants in self-employment activities or as beneficiaries of nutritional programmes involving children. Thus, the DRI approach to women in its rural development is limited to an Hindu Nationalist Views on Rural Development 95 `efficiency' or 'welfare' ap proach, where women are seen as objects to be used for the improvement of a family's economic situation , or to be protected and cared for as recipients of development benefits. In other words, women are not viewed as subjects who facilitate change themselves, or as active agents of any kind within society.") An examination of the approach that DRI rural development model takes toward vital issues such as caste, class, land distribution , and gender shows that practical application of the model can be generally characterized as 'reformist'. Reformism here denotes an aim at gradual improvement in socio-economic conditions without necessitating fundamental changes in pre-existing socio-economic structures and legal systems. The primary problem in this approach, from the point of view of those promoting more radical socio-economic change, is that it does not facilitate a power transfer from the advantaged to the disadvantaged. When the DRI's approach to rural development is judged by the extent to which villagers are satisfied by this approach , the effectiveness of the DRI's activities remain in question. Villager views of the DRI are a subject that warrants further investigation.32) However , it is evident that consideration of villagers' views is not of great concern at least to the DRI. Instead, what appear to be of paramount importance , at the current stage, are the development of DRI workers into Integral Men and the incorporation of as many possible candidates into their activities, rather than improvements in efficiency and developments that the project itself can bring to targeted groups.

3. Ideological Orientations An examination of the rural development approach and its idealized manifestation of Integral Humanism leads to the identification of two main features: cultural assimilation and reformism. These development project features are criticised by those who take a more radical approach and view the DRI approach as too conservative in its reticence to challenge power relationships and knowledge, class, caste or gender hierarchies. However, such criticisms do not seem to reach the DRI leadership and its members. This section seeks to provide an explanation for this gap by throwing light on some fundamental ideological 96 Journalof the JapaneseAssociation for SouthAsian Studies, 15, 2003 orientations: Brahmanism, Organicism, and Paternalism. They are in- disputably shared by the DRI leadership and members, and sustain and justify the conservative features of development projects. Brahmanism provides the foundation of the mentality of most DRI leaders and members. The term 'Brahmanism' in this article is used in two senses. First is the legitimisation of the caste system that main- tains a hierarchical structure with the Brahman caste at the pinnacle, and the exploitation that this belief system sanctions [Kondo forthcoming]. This forms the basis of what Lele [1995] calls 'pedagogical violence'. Second, Brahmanism is also understood to be a process that authorises Sanskrit culture selected out of a plurality of 'Hindu' cultures [Thapar 1985; Kondo forthcoming],33) namely a process of cultural assimilation. While various examples of DRI activities that pro- claim the superiority of Sanskrit culture have already been discussed, practices that serve to legitimise caste culture and a social order that privileges the DRI are also discernable in the group's activities. Issues brought about by the caste system and caste discrimination are of no small concern for the DRI, and the group has focused on the SC and ST in its rural development programmes. However, it is unlikely that DRI programmes seek to eradicate various problems caused by caste system as their ultimate objective. For example, annual inter- caste meals nominally organised for the eradication of caste has an emphasis in its aim on the promotion of feelings of national unity and integration through eradication of divisions fomented by caste. More- over, the group implies that the base of this unity is Sanskrit culture or Brahman tradition. These programmes thus function essentially to promote the process of cultural assimilation. Furthermore, the DRI's concern with caste does not necessarily mean that it opposes the caste system itself. In addition, the DRI's approach assumes that the system can be reduced to a simple division of labour based on an extended `organicise view of society (discussed later in this section).34) According to the DRI, were all people Integral Men living a dharmic life, a way of living believed to be embodied in Bharatiya Sanskriti in Indian philosophy (more recently defined as Integral Humanism), 'the greatest disadvantage of the caste system, namely exploitative relationships, would theoretically not occur' [In- terview with the founder, Chitrakoot, 3 August 2001]. HinduNationalist Views on Rural Development 97

Put more obviously, DRI members are guardians of the caste system. One DRI member demonstrated an extreme aversion to inter- caste marriage, saying 'we should keep our marriage within the same caste like we protect the pure breeds of cows!' [Interview with a doctor in charge of Rural Health Programme , en route to Nandi-Tora, 26 July 2001].35) As these examples show, the DRI's extreme concern with the promotion of the unity of caste and nation based on Sanskrit culture and Brahman tradition is the very process that perpetuates the dominance of the upper castes and the middle class. However , when one engages with DRI members actively propagating social welfare , it is apparent that the DRI members are not autocrats , but rather play the role of `benevolent rulers' . In order to understand this aspect, it is crucial to focus on the organicist ideology of the DRI members. The founder's commitment to rural development and social services is unquestionable, as is his selfless devotion to the underprivileged . These qualities are difficult to empirically demonstrate, yet testimonies to his loving personality are vivid, and the number of people who described to me their reverence for him and his work are many.36) He repeatedly said to me that 'human beings can never be happy while others are suffering'.37) Most DRI members are similarly selfless and dedicated to their work. A doctor in charge of the Rural Health Programme, also a committed RS S worker , did not hesitate to express great satisfaction with his everyday activities, which is completely de- voted to social work, saying 'I can be happy only by doing service' [Interview with a doctor in charge of Rural Health Programme, Nandi- Toro, 26 July 2001]. When asked the reason why he joined the DRI , a Dampati husband in Dehraha answered, 'to do something for the nation, and for society, and to establish my individuality also' [Interview with a Dampati husband, Dehraha, 1 August 2001] . Time spent with DRI members creates a clear impression of the monumental decision made by Dampatis who abandon comfortable urban lives to endure a village existence almost entirely deprived of modern amenities . One of the Dampatis with whom I stayed for several days lived in a shack without windows or blinds where we slept exposed to the elements .") Social workers said, with a touch of cynicism, 'we did not care about the RSS ideology before joining the DRI, but we started to believe it . 98 Journalof the JapaneseAssociation for SouthAsian Studies, 15, 2003

As you know, we need something that we can depend on to justify our difficult life. Otherwise, how can we overcome these hardships in this remote village?'39) The `organicist view of society', an important component of Integral Humanism inherent in Hindu nationalist views of development, resonates amongst serious DRI workers most strongly. An `organicisf mentality is one which promotes a feeling of society and nation as an extension of one's own being. As a result of this philosophy, the caregiver views his or her subjects as if they were parts of his or her body. This ideology ensures the commitment of DRI members, and is relied upon to justify their continuing endur- ance of the privations they experience. This organic view of the society shares a strong affinity with the notion of dharma. This was affirmed by a Dampati husband, who stated that a religious (dharmic) person of a high moral calibre 'can feel others and their condition of exploitation' [Interview with a Dampati husband, Patna Kala, 21 July 2001]. The DRI workers' tireless efforts in social work seem to be considered by them to be identical to a search for an ideal dharmic way of life. In that way, ideological orientations of Brahmanism and organicism are effectively interlinked. It should be noted that the link between Brahmanism and organicism evident in the DRI members' mentality tends to manifest as a paternalistic attitude. The members are wont to perceive their charges as lower or more socio-economically backward than themselves, and thus feel obliged to uplift and 'civilise' them. This disposition, almost identical to the notion of 'charity'," is evident in the narratives of the DRI members.41) For example, in the course of my conversations with members of the DRI, I could discern an underlying belief that while they were sincere in caring for the wellbeing of others through following a dharmic way of life, they perceived tribal people as being distinctly different from themselves. For example, a Dampati husband in Dehraha said, 'Tribal society is relatively egalitarian, which is good. But they think only about their own lives. They have to think about families, others and the nation!' [Interview with a Dampati husband, 9 August 2001]. The paternalistic attitude of the DRI members can be inferred also from the fact that the DRI's propaganda documents are replete with such loaded terms as 'imbibe', 'inculcate', 'impart' and 'instil'. Accord- HinduNationalist Views on Rural Development 99 ing to these documents, the DRI is successful in passing down its ideology [Dev (ed): n.d.]. In this context, knowledge is habitually trans- ferred from high to low within the socio-economic hierarchy. A specific development vision and approach is imposed on the villagers by the DRI. Based on this stance, the rural development activities by the DRI may not satisfactorily meet the recipients' needs if the project beneficiaries do not share the DRI's development vision. However, this does not seem to be an issue for the DRI members.42) Through an examination of the practices and narratives of the DRI members, the interrelated ideological underpinnings of Brahmanism, organicism and paternalism have been identified. These ideological orientations justify different aspects of hierarchical structures that are associated with knowledge, class, caste and gender, and these orientations appear in the DRI development model in the form of cultural assimilation and reformism.

4. Implications of the DRI Model The analysis of the DRI's rural development model and its practices suggests that in its motivations and aims, its approach is distinct when compared to other prominent rural development approaches in India and elsewhere. However, when viewed exclusively in the context of rural development projects, the question arises as to whether DRI features and ideological orientations are peculiar to this organisation's rural development approach. These ideologies may not in fact radically differ from those underlying other rural development approaches in India. I raise this hypothesis for the following reasons. Firstly, it can be argued that the Brahmanism, paternalism and organicism identified in the narratives of the DRI members are not unique, considering the fact that these ideological orientations also serve as the foundation of many dominant rural development approaches that have arisen in post-Independence India. These ideologies, perhaps better referred to as mentalities, are widely shared by many In- dian nationalists, most broadly among the middle classes. For example, the organicist ideology is in fact not espoused solely by the RS S, but is also shared by nationalists in general, and may even find support among some leftist nationalists, though it has effectively been disseminated 100 Journal of the Japanese Association for South Asian Studies, 15, 2003 through incorporation and articulation within Integral Humanism. Rural development approaches based on the three ideological onentations, not exclusively those initiated by Hindu nationalists, have been greatly criticised, especially by radical leftists, for their failure to reduce the socio-economic deprivation of the lowest strata of society and for their maintenance of the hierarchical dominance of the upper echelons of society over the lowest. Still, they remain the dominant approaches to rural development even today.43) Secondly, if Brahmanism, paternalism and organicism are ideals shared by traditional Indian nationalists and the middle class, any concrete approaches derived from them may also resonate. For example, the DRI's aspiration for modernisation without westernisation is characterised by an eclectic stance that includes an 'introduction of foreign elements with control' bereft of distinct guidelines as to what is to be introduced. This DRI policy cannot clearly be distinguished from that of approaches taken by numerous governmental and non- governmental organisations that consider some sorts of cultural priori- ties in rural development activities. Many have taken an eclectic stance to the pros and cons of cultural assimilation debated after Indepen- dence, and ultimately the assimilation process has been promoted by the Indian state as a means of serving its nation-building project44) Furthermore, the Third Way propagated by the DRI, in the ab- sence of a theoretical structure, has in practice ended up as reformism, and as a result does not present a new perspective. The reformist approach to rural development has been greatly criticised, especially by advocates of land reform, the dalit movements, and different caste- based mobilisations in India. Debate on this criticism has largely been exhausted [Breman 1991; Omvet 1993; Brass 1997; Kothari 1997]. Pre- sented in this context, the apparently distinctive aspects of the DRI's views on rural development may not actually be unique. Illumination of the widespread nature of the features and ideological orientations of the DRI's rural development project suggests that it may not be entirely appropriate to level criticism exclusively at Hindu nationalist views on development, particularly if the DRI represents a fair proportion of those views. Unless one pays attention to the ideological orientations that have underpinned Indian experiences of rural development approaches after Independence, fundamental solutions to Hindu Nationalist Views on Rural Development 101 present problems in the country will not be discovered. Given this observation, an answer to my central research inquiry, namely 'what are the possible changes in rural development policy brought on by the rise of Hindu nationalism?' would be that no outstanding change is discernable. Nevertheless, a re-examination of the DRI's rural development activities' relationship with the political and electoral agenda of the Sangh Parivar reveals a different picture of the influence of this organisation within Indian society. In order to outline the extent of this influence, a separate research model must be established to answer, for example, questions regarding the effect of DRI development activities on the political mobilisation of the Sangh Parivar, and changes in DRI's activities in accordance with political gains and losses of the B JP. Al- though this paper has focused only on official and recent DRI activities and agenda, a thorough examination of informal activities that the DRI members have been implementing apart from those of a publicised agenda, and of a substantial historical analysis of the DRI will reveal the more precise position of the DRI within the Sangh Parivar and lead to these continued investigations. Examples of activities not overtly announced by the DRI but put into practice by social workers in villages include the promotion of 'Hindutva education'45) through the introduction of textbooks published by Sarasvati Shishu Mandir (an RSS-affiliated educational network) at DRI model schools, and enforcement of the Hindu Code of Conduct advocated by the VHP as one of its programmes to standardise Hinduism. This Code encourages villagers to worship Surya (the Sun deity) every morning, to grow tulsi (a plant believed to have religious significance and medicinal qualities),46) and to regularly visit temples. Another example is the motivation behind establishing the Centre for the Research and Development of Indian Cows (CRSIC), which seems to have been influenced by the Sangh Parivar's aim of the 'Protection of the Cow Clan' long promoted by the RSS and the VHP.47) Through the CRSIC programme, the DRI leadership publicly advertises the nutritional and economic benefits of protecting cows, rather than treating the cow as a national symbol or treating cow veneration as Good Behaviour, though this latter understanding is more popular among DRI insiders. These examples of the DRI's unpublicised activities 102 Journal of the Japanese Association for South Asian Studies, 15, 2003 show its simple relationship with agendas of other RSS-related organisations. In addition, it is not an exaggeration to state that the DRI rural development activities undertaken by individual members, especially Dampatis, cannot function without the presence of various Sangh-related organisations. This becomes evident after a short time spent with village-based Dampatis; their lives and activities have drawn great inspiration from sister organisations of the RSS.48) However, this strong association between DRI and other RSS-related organisations does not come to the front in the DRI's official discourse. In fact the DRI leadership overtly rejects its organisational links to the RSS-VHP-B JP political alliance, perhaps in order to publicise its own image as 'non-communal' and 'non-political' organisation.49) How- ever, a historical analysis of the DRI also provides enough information to suggest that the early DRI as an agent of the Sangh Parivar certainly embodied political and communal characteristics, and the earlier DRI official agenda was directly influenced by the Sangh Parivar itself. Despite similarities between the DRI official approach and other more secular rural development models, it is undeniable that the DRI is unable to escape from its own innate communalism. This is evident not only from the fact that the individual members of the DRI see more commonality than difference between the DRI and RSS-VHP- BJP agendas50) but also the fact that they are unhesitant in expressing communalistic sentiments in their testimonies, and in demonstrating antagonistic feelings toward Muslims and Christians and their activities.51) Thus, communal tendencies within the DRI may potentially arise depending on the political situation in India. How this may affect rural development models and practices of the DRI in the future is an important subject warranting further exploration.

Conclusion I have attempted to describe the features of the rural development approach of the DRI, an organisation founded on the ideals of Integral Humanism, a philosophy shared by many Hindu nationalists. I have also identified ideological orientations underlying and justifying the activities of this group. The DRI's primary ideals are manifest in its central aims. One of these is the 'Indian Way of modernisation', which Hindu Nationalist Views on Rural Development 103 aims at the modernisation of India through a selective introduction of western science and technology that is not to threaten or override indigenous 'Indian' cultural institutions and traditions; the translation of this aim into practice ultimately encourages the process of cultural assimilation inside the country. Another ideological symbol is the 'Third. Way of development', based neither in western liberalism nor Marx- ism, in which the DRI, within rural development, basically accepts market liberalisation while insisting on its control by Integral Man, rather than a socialist state. The actual approach taken by the DRI has become reformist, or conservative, and is unlikely to bring about dras- tic change in power relationships or hierarchical structures embedded in class, land, caste and gender. The rural development model and DRI activities are sustained and justified by identifiable ideological orientations: Brahmanism, organicism and paternalism, which seem to be organically interlinked within the belief structures of individual DRI members. DRI's ideals are distinctive from those of mainstream rural development approaches. However, analysis of DRI rural development projects, whose success is typically assessed by the degree to which poverty and inequality are alleviated, establishes the hypothesis that DRI's ideological orientations may in fact not radically differ from those that underlie prevalent rural development approaches in India. In this sense, if the DRI model to some extent exemplifies the essence of Hindu nationalist development ideology, a rise in Hindu nationalism will be unlikely to result in substantial changes in development policy. Fur- ther research on a historical analysis of the DRI and the relationship between the DRI's unofficial activities and the Sangh Parivar's strategy of mobilisation for electoral and communal politics may present a different conclusion.

Acknowledgements I would like to thank Dr. Masakazu Tanaka and Mr. Mitsuhiro Kondo for their valuable comments and suggestions. I also wish to express my gratitude to Mr. Levi McLaughlin for his support in refin- ing my writing. 104 Journal of the Japanese Association for South Asian Studies, 15, 2003

Notes 1) Material for this article is drawn from the author's thesis [Kakuta 2002], which was submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Philosophy in Development Studies at the University of Oxford. 2) Despite contradictions and changes in party economic policies, certain trends are observable in each government. Under Nehru, the basic Congress Party policy was leftist, while the Janata Party took a Gandhian-right stance. The economic policy of the Congress under Indira and Rajiv Gandhi has become neo-liberal oriented. 3) The Sangh Parivar is a term that refers to the RSS family of organisations and their affiliates. The RSS (Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh), the largest force behind the contemporary Hindu nationalist movement, consists of countless organisations and claims that thousands of Hindu figures and lay members are extensively involved in many aspects of the movement. The BJP is known to be a political wing of the Sangh Parivar, and its policy has been greatly influenced by the RSS and its related organisations. 4) Bhatt [2001: 114] states that the DRI was formed in 1991, but 1972 noted in Jaffrelot [1996: 284] is the actual year of its inception. 5) According to this document [Rao 1995: 8-9], the other seven organisations are Seva Vibhag, RSS, Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram (VKA: Welfare Association for Tribal Peoples), Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP: World Hindu Council), Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP: All India Students Council), Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh (BMS: an RSS-affiliated trade union) and Vidya Bharati (VB: an RSS-affiliated educational association). 6) A pracharak is 'a propagandist and full-time RSS worker' [Jaffrelot 1996: xx]. 7) Constitution of the Janata Party [New Delhi: Janata Party, 29 April 1977: 1, cited in Jaffrelot 1996: 283]. 8) Manthan exchanges articles and information with the Organiser, a mouthpiece of the RSS. Since April 2000, the DRI has entered a new phase, and responsibility for Manthan has shifted to a separate organisation called the Research and Devel- opment Foundation for Integral Humanism. 9) Integral Humanism is an ideology greatly influenced by M.S. Golwarkar's organicist views, and incorporates a version of M. K. Gandhi's discourse. Hansen [1998] argues that Integral Humanism served as the ideological foundation for a broad populist mobilisation strategy of the Jana Sangh in the 1950s and 1960s and for the BJP in the first half of the 1980s. However, some notions possibly derived from this ideology have also been identified in an official document on the 1992 economic policy of the BJP [Kondo 2002; see also Swain 2001: 140-41]. 10) Portraits, figurines and statues of these personages (other than D. Upadhyaya and M.K. Gandhi) can be seen in many places in the DRI compound [Observation, Delhi; Chitrakoot; Gonda, 1998; 2001]. Ideals espoused by these thinkers are frequently referred to in DRI publications. 11) Interview with the founder, 13 July 2001, and with the General Secretary, 3 August 2001. 12) A 'selective reference and appropriation of Gandhi's discourse' [Hansen 1998] Hindu Nationalist Views on Rural Development 105

and 'ideological hijacking [Fox 1987]', which are prevalent in the current Hindu nationalist discourse, are also evident in the DRI's stance on Gandhi. 13) See Manthan [February 1983, May 1983] for the DRI's stance on this issue. 14) In 1974 Deshmukh was also general secretary of the Lok Sangharsh Samiti, an alliance formed against the regime of Indira Gandhi [Kondo 2003; see also Noorani 2001: 32-33]. He recently became a member of the Rajya Sabha (Upper House), upon the recommendation of the Indian President [Interview with a sub-project manager, 5 August 2001, Chitrakoot]. 15) For details of the projects in each site, see DRI [n.d. (e), (h)] and Seshadri [1988: 228-229]. 16) Interviews with the manager of Gramodaya Resource Centre, Chitrakoot, July- August 2001. For details of each component of the Chitrakoot Project, see DRI [n.d.: (a), (b), (c), (d), (f), (g), (i)]. For concrete methods of project management, including institutional structure, membership and funding sources, see Kakuta [2002: 32-38]. 17) Arogya literally means 'free from disease' and Dhammeans 'home'. 18) This gurukul project was initiated to 're-establish the sense of family feeling and reawaken the sense of social obligation'. Through this scheme, four gurukuls are to be set up to house ninety girls, and six gurukuls for about one hundred and twenty boys. Each of these will also house a resident scholar, who is to be the guru, and his wife. A housekeeper and farm overseer will also be important members of these institutions, which are to take the form of one vast family [DRI n.d. (i)]. 19) Out of seventeen village postings, the Dampatis I interviewed were residing in the following nine villages: 1) Kelhora, 2) Patna Kala, 3) Dehraha, 4) Barua, 5) Padraudi, 6) Kuchalam, 7) Nandi-Tora, 8) Bacchran and 9) Arjunpur. 20) Japan, China under Mao and Biafra are described by Thengadi as historical examples that India should follow [Kondo 2002]. The DRI founder also mentioned Japan as an example of a nation which has modernised while simulta- neously retaining its own culture in its rural development. Yet at the same time he decried a perceived gradual degradation of family bonds. The founder told me: 'when I visited the countryside in Japan a few years ago, I found that children in Japan are not willing to take care of their parents at home when they grow up, but are now sending them to retirement homes' [Interview with the founder, Chitrakoot, 13 July 2001]. 21) Within the Arogyadham campus, I also observed well-furnished health cottages, simple in design yet at the four-star hotel level of furnishing and cleanliness that featured attached VIP helipads, among other distinctly 'western' adaptations. 22) According to Upadhyaya, realism is also 'the measure of our achievement' and 'the touchstone of an ideal' [Upadhyaya 1965 in Swarup 1992: 16]. 23) Interview with the founder, Chitrakoot, 13 July 2001. See also Manthan [Octo- ber-December 1999]. 24) A Dampati husband in Dehraha asserted that all tribal gods can be described as mainstream Hindu deities. He said, 'a tribal god called Garamuki (Horse Month God) worshipped by the Mawasi people in Dehraha is another form of Durga, as 106 Journal of the Japanese Association for South Asian Studies, 15, 2003

it is shown in Sarvagar Ashram thirty kilometres from here'. He continued, 'Devi dai is actually Durga, and Bharan baba is Shankar. They are all written in the old

Sanskrit text, for example, the Vedas. Ordinary uneducated people just do not know these things'. The Dampati wife proudly told me, 'Previously, Mawasi

families were not worshipping gods. They did not even have a picture of gods in their houses. Instead, they were worshipping Jot, wheat that symbolises Durga.

They worship it at home for nine days in March and October, hoping for good

production of grain. But we tried to convince them to worship Durga instead and now they are doing so' [Interview with the Dampati, Dehraha, 10 August 2001].

25) According to the Dampati wife in Dehraha, 'this is a Hindu custom and tribal

people were not practising it before I taught them to do so' [Dehraha, 10 August 2001]. 26) Gayatri Parivar was founded by a Brahman guru and his wife. It was named after

the gayatri mantra, once exclusively the possession of upper-caste Hindu men. See McKean [1996: 45-53] for details.

27) In Bacchran, a Dampati husband was proud of his role in helping Untouchables marry through a Hindu ceremony guided by the Gayatri Parivar [Interview with

a Dampati, Bacchran, 1 August 2001]. The Dampatis in Patna Kala told me that they 'give children proper Hindu names like Saraswati and Sena •c You know,

tribal people sometimes do not have names' [Patna Kala, 21 July 2001]. 28) Interview with a Dampati wife [Dehraha, 9 August 2001], an Arogyadham re-

search fellow [Chitrakoot, 18 July 2001], a Dampati couple [Patna Kala, 21-22

July 2001], and the KVK manager [Ganiva, 2 August 2001]. 29) The Dampati in Dehraha stressed the importance of sanskriti in many situations, a term they translated as 'civilisation' or 'culture' [Interview, Dehraha, 1 August

2001].

30) It is debatable as to whether there are any autonomous cultures that are clearly distinct from Sanskrit culture in places where the DRI has undertaken activities,

and, because of this, there remain unanswered questions. If the process of cultural assimilation has been taking place in the villages where the DRI has been in-

volved, to what extent has the DRI directly influenced this process, and if the

DRI has played a vital role in cultural assimilation, to what extent have they used coercive tactics? An answer to these questions cannot be found unless one investi-

gates village life and the villagers' experiences in depth, yet the most probable explanation is that the DRI has been playing a key role in transforming village

culture in subtle rather than forceful ways. The lower castes, Untouchables and

tribals sometimes accept Sanskrit culture as positive. This is evident from the fact that new religions such as Gayatri Parivar, despite their origins in Brahmanism

and Sanskrit culture, are definitely attracting lower-caste village people as con- verts, as they allow for universal participation. It is thus possible to view the DRI

as an agent that uses and facilitates such processes as the emulation of Brahman norms, a trend known otherwise as 'Sanskritisation'. It should also be noted that

in some cases people are attracted to Sanskrit culture or Brahmanical conventions for the reason that they are the key to economic and social upward mobility, and

that cultural assimilation runs parallel to Brahaman hierarchical norms. For a Hindu Nationalist Views on Rural Development 107

different perspective that argues for the autonomy of people involved in the process of `Sanskritisaiton', see Ilaiah [1996]. 31) This is a finding exclusively drawn from the case of the DRI. For a more substantial discussion on Hindu nationalist views on gender, refer to Chacchi [1989], Basu et al. [1993], Jeffery and Basu [1998] and Deshpande [2001]. 32) The Dampati in Arjunpur claimed that villagers lauded them as 'a beacon', 'century builders', 'society builders' and 'Ram and Sita' [Interview with Dampati, 30 July 2001]. There is, however, no strong evidence to show that villagers truly speak of DRI representatives in such glowing terms. However, a journalist who reported a villager's comment about the Dampati wrote, 'They have taught us how to live a meaningful life. Be it hygiene, education, agriculture or even prac- ticing religion. We won't let them go away ever' [Kumar 2001: 92]. This suggests the veracity of the Dampati claims. I also repeatedly heard similar comments from a villager in Dehraha about the Dampati [10 August 2001], indicating that at least some villagers have a positive impression. 33) The term 'Brahmanism' in this context is used in a broad sense, not to indicate particular philosophies such as Sanatana Dharma or reformist thoughts of the 19th century, but as a notion that encompasses all ideologies (including those of M. K. Gandhi), which are shared generally by the middle classes. 34) 'Caste systems should be seen in an organic way' [Interview, Patna Kala, 21 July 2001]. 35) This statement should be taken seriously, as discourse on the protection of pure- bred cows is often used metaphorically in emphasising the necessity of maintain- ing the purity of one's own caste and prohibiting inter-caste marriage. According to one sub-project manager, 'cross-breeding makes a cow and bullocks weak, thus pure or separate breeding need to be promoted first and then developed for higher quality'. 36) A quote from the founder's writings (in Hindi) hung on a board on the side of his office desk in Arogyadham: 'I live not for myself, but for people in sorrow and poverty' [Translated by a DRI staff member, 18 July 2001]. 37) Emphasising the complementary relationship between rich and poor, the founder also said, 'The poor can be happy by receiving donations from the rich. At the same time, the rich can become happy by giving to the poor' [Chitrakoot, 13 July 2001]. 38) Only seventeen of fifty initially selected Dampatis remained on contract in 2001. Most resigned due to unfamiliarity with village life [Interview with a Dampati husband, Patna Kala, 21 July 2001]. A uniform three thousand rupee monthly stipend is provided for each Dampati family for living expenses. However, there are large differences in living conditions between villages. See Kakuta [2002: 102]. 39) Among other sources of commitment the DRI members rely on are the charisma of the founder and their pride in his political power. 40) The notion of charity espoused by the DRI may be closely linked to the Brahman consciousness solidified through the historical process of religious reforms within Hinduism. 41) For example, when the Dampati in Patna Kala spoke about the reasons for pov- 108 Journal of the Japanese Association for South Asian Studies, 15, 2003

erty in their village, the husband said, 'the villagers always stick to their own lives and do not care about other people's problems. They do not want to change their lifestyle. In addition, they have no education or good health. Thus we need to help them' [Interview with a Dampati husband, Patna Kala, 22 July 2001]. The DRI staff of the ERC, in explaining difficulties that they face in carrying out their activities, said that 'village people's ideas are traditional, fixed, and their mind is firmly set, so they do not learn new things quickly, but they are slowly learning through our programme' [Interview with a staff member of the ERC, Chitrakoot, 16 July 2001]. However, the tendency to openly call tribal people 'backward' and 'people to be civilised (through the introduction of Sanskriti, or Aryana)' is less obvious in the 2001 fieldwork than in the pilot research of 1998. The reason for this change is not clear. 42) Problems caused by paternalistic attitudes toward development projects are much debated in a large body of literature dealing with the participatory paradigm in development studies. See, for example, Chambers [1983; 1997]. 43) For example, caste-based mobilisations inspired by Gandhian philosophies that also purport an organic view on caste belong to this category under criticism. 44) See Sundar [1997] especially for debates on the case of tribals. 45) The RSS has continuously pushed educational reform that promotes what is termed `Hindutva education' [Ogawa 2000: 50] through the establishment of educational institutions such as the Vidya Bharati and an affiliated network of private schools run by the Sangh Parivar. In these schools, a special curriculum that includes yoga, Sanskrit and 'ethical education' (naitik shiksha) is followed, and specially published textbooks are used, allegedly written with the intention of building a 'strong nation' [Ogawa 2000: 46-52; Kesari 199 cited in Benei 2001: 197]. Since the B JP came to power in Delhi in 1997, the RSS has also demanded that the central government issue guidelines to all academic institutions making it mandatory to display photographs of 'national heroes', including Hindutva ideo- logues such as V.D. Savarkar [Benei 2001: 197]. For the DRI's official stance on educational policy, see Department of Culture and Deendayal Research Institute [2001]. 46) The Dampati in Padraudi organised a `Tulsi Planting Competition' to raise awareness of the importance of growing tulsi among villagers [Interview, 12 August 2001]. 47) For details on the CRSIC, see DRI [n.d. (f)]. For detailed ideas and activities of the RSS and VHP regarding this matter, see RSS [2000]. 48) Some Dampatis practice and organise shakha in their villages and even participate in RSS training camps. During my fieldwork I came across DRI relationships with the following organisations affiliated with the Sangh Parivar: Swadeshi Jagaran Manch (a nationwide organisation established to promote the ideal of Swadeshi and economic nationalism, as one of the sister organisations of the RSS), Surya Foundation (an organisation that provides training programmes in which patriotic songs, yoga, military exercises and even the cultivation of mental attitudes suitable for future political leaders are taught) [Surya Roshi Sandesh, October-December 2000], the Sewa Vibhag (RSS Service Section), Seva Bharati (Service of India), Hindu Nationalist Views on Rural Development 109

Taru Bharat Sangh (a sister organisation of the RSS specialising in irrigation and water tank projects), and Sayamitraananda, the founder of Bharat Mata Temple in Rishikesh and Samanvaya Parivar (Family of Harmony) who is also a core member of the VHP. For details on these new religious organisations and Sayamitraananda's relationship with the VHP, see McKean [1996], among others. 49) Although the General Secretary of the DRI admitted the dependency of the organisation on the Sangh Parivar in the area of human resources, he claimed that 'there is no formal relationship between the DRI and the VHP, the BJP or any other group' [Interview with the General Secretary, Chitrakoot, 12 July 2001].

For a detailed discussion of whether or not the DRI is a political and communal organisation, see Kakuta [2002: 26-39].

50) The Dampati husband in Dehraha claimed that 'The aims of the DRI and the RSS are the same, namely to serve the poor, vulnerable, weak people or lower

castes. The only thing that makes them different is shakhas, which the DRI does not include in its aims' [Interview, 8 August 2001]. The Dampati husband in

Kuchalam also made a similar statement [Interview, 1 August 2001]. Another member, an organising secretary (second to the General Secretary) said, 'We do

not distinguish between the DRI and the RSS! The RSS and the DRI are one

family sharing the same visions and goals. People who joined the DRI are already RSS men' [Chitrakoot, 10 August 2001].

51) DRI members called Muslims outsiders, invaders and separatists on different occasions, and tend to assume that conversion is the fundamental motivation of

Christian initiatives in rural development [Interviews with the founder, Chitrakoot, 13 July 2001; Manager of Gramodaya Resource Centre, Chitrakoot, 13 July 2001,

and with husbands of Dampati couples, Patna Kala, 21 July 2001; Bacchran, 31

July 2001].

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