Exploring the Ideology of India's Bharatiya Janata Party
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Language, Culture, and National Identity
Language, Culture, and National Identity BY ERIC HOBSBAWM LANGUAGE, culture, and national identity is the ·title of my pa per, but its central subject is the situation of languages in cul tures, written or spoken languages still being the main medium of these. More specifically, my subject is "multiculturalism" in sofar as this depends on language. "Nations" come into it, since in the states in which we all live political decisions about how and where languages are used for public purposes (for example, in schools) are crucial. And these states are today commonly iden tified with "nations" as in the term United Nations. This is a dan gerous confusion. So let me begin with a few words about it. Since there are hardly any colonies left, practically all of us today live in independent and sovereign states. With the rarest exceptions, even exiles and refugees live in states, though not their own. It is fairly easy to get agreement about what constitutes such a state, at any rate the modern model of it, which has become the template for all new independent political entities since the late eighteenth century. It is a territory, preferably coherent and demarcated by frontier lines from its neighbors, within which all citizens without exception come under the exclusive rule of the territorial government and the rules under which it operates. Against this there is no appeal, except by authoritarian of that government; for even the superiority of European Community law over national law was established only by the decision of the constituent SOCIAL RESEARCH, Vol. -
Introduction
© Copyright, Princeton University Press. No part of this book may be distributed, posted, or reproduced in any form by digital or mechanical means without prior written permission of the publisher. Introduction The Invention of an Ethnic Nationalism he Hindu nationalist movement started to monopolize the front pages of Indian newspapers in the 1990s when the political T party that represented it in the political arena, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP—which translates roughly as Indian People’s Party), rose to power. From 2 seats in the Lok Sabha, the lower house of the Indian parliament, the BJP increased its tally to 88 in 1989, 120 in 1991, 161 in 1996—at which time it became the largest party in that assembly—and to 178 in 1998. At that point it was in a position to form a coalition government, an achievement it repeated after the 1999 mid-term elections. For the first time in Indian history, Hindu nationalism had managed to take over power. The BJP and its allies remained in office for five full years, until 2004. The general public discovered Hindu nationalism in operation over these years. But it had of course already been active in Indian politics and society for decades; in fact, this ism is one of the oldest ideological streams in India. It took concrete shape in the 1920s and even harks back to more nascent shapes in the nineteenth century. As a movement, too, Hindu nationalism is heir to a long tradition. Its main incarnation today, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS—or the National Volunteer Corps), was founded in 1925, soon after the first Indian communist party, and before the first Indian socialist party. -
Hindutva and Anti-Muslim Communal Violence in India Under the Bharatiya Janata Party (1990-2010) Elaisha Nandrajog Claremont Mckenna College
Claremont Colleges Scholarship @ Claremont CMC Senior Theses CMC Student Scholarship 2010 Hindutva and Anti-Muslim Communal Violence in India Under the Bharatiya Janata Party (1990-2010) Elaisha Nandrajog Claremont McKenna College Recommended Citation Nandrajog, Elaisha, "Hindutva and Anti-Muslim Communal Violence in India Under the Bharatiya Janata Party (1990-2010)" (2010). CMC Senior Theses. Paper 219. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/219 This Open Access Senior Thesis is brought to you by Scholarship@Claremont. It has been accepted for inclusion in this collection by an authorized administrator. For more information, please contact [email protected]. CLAREMONT McKENNA COLLEGE HINDUTVA AND ANTI-MUSLIM COMMUNAL VIOLENCE IN INDIA UNDER THE BHARATIYA JANATA PARTY (1990-2010) SUBMITTED TO PROFESSOR RODERIC CAMP AND PROFESSOR GASTÓN ESPINOSA AND DEAN GREGORY HESS BY ELAISHA NANDRAJOG FOR SENIOR THESIS (Spring 2010) APRIL 26, 2010 2 CONTENTS Preface 02 List of Abbreviations 03 Timeline 04 Introduction 07 Chapter 1 13 Origins of Hindutva Chapter 2 41 Setting the Stage: Precursors to the Bharatiya Janata Party Chapter 3 60 Bharat : The India of the Bharatiya Janata Party Chapter 4 97 Mosque or Temple? The Babri Masjid-Ramjanmabhoomi Dispute Chapter 5 122 Modi and his Muslims: The Gujarat Carnage Chapter 6 151 Legalizing Communalism: Prevention of Terrorist Activities Act (2002) Conclusion 166 Appendix 180 Glossary 185 Bibliography 188 3 PREFACE This thesis assesses the manner in which India’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has emerged as the political face of Hindutva, or Hindu ethno-cultural nationalism. The insights of scholars like Christophe Jaffrelot, Ashish Nandy, Thomas Blom Hansen, Ram Puniyani, Badri Narayan, and Chetan Bhatt have been instrumental in furthering my understanding of the manifold elements of Hindutva ideology. -
Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) – Sangh Parivar – Christians – Punjab
Refugee Review Tribunal AUSTRALIA RRT RESEARCH RESPONSE Research Response Number: IND34592 Country: India Date: 2 April 2009 Keywords: India – Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) – Sangh Parivar – Christians – Punjab This response was prepared by the Research & Information Services Section of the Refugee Review Tribunal (RRT) after researching publicly accessible information currently available to the RRT within time constraints. This response is not, and does not purport to be, conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. This research response may not, under any circumstance, be cited in a decision or any other document. Anyone wishing to use this information may only cite the primary source material contained herein. Questions 1. What is the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and the Hindu Sangh Parivar? 2. What anti-Christian activities have they been involved in, in Punjab, over the past couple of years? RESPONSE 1. What is the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and the Hindu Sangh Parivar? An RRT research response dated 13 February 2009 provides information on the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and the Sangh Parivar (RRT Research & Information 2009, Research Response IND34298, 13 February (Question 1) – Attachment 1). The documents referred to in the research response include a research paper dated 2 May 2007 by the International Affairs and Defence Section of the UK Parliament House of Commons Library which indicates that: The BJP [Bharatiya Janata Party] is the political wing of the Sangh Parivar, a group of Hindu nationalist organisations which includes the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), a national volunteer organisation, and the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP), an organisation of Hindu monks. -
The Gupta Empire: an Indian Golden Age the Gupta Empire, Which Ruled
The Gupta Empire: An Indian Golden Age The Gupta Empire, which ruled the Indian subcontinent from 320 to 550 AD, ushered in a golden age of Indian civilization. It will forever be remembered as the period during which literature, science, and the arts flourished in India as never before. Beginnings of the Guptas Since the fall of the Mauryan Empire in the second century BC, India had remained divided. For 500 years, India was a patchwork of independent kingdoms. During the late third century, the powerful Gupta family gained control of the local kingship of Magadha (modern-day eastern India and Bengal). The Gupta Empire is generally held to have begun in 320 AD, when Chandragupta I (not to be confused with Chandragupta Maurya, who founded the Mauryan Empire), the third king of the dynasty, ascended the throne. He soon began conquering neighboring regions. His son, Samudragupta (often called Samudragupta the Great) founded a new capital city, Pataliputra, and began a conquest of the entire subcontinent. Samudragupta conquered most of India, though in the more distant regions he reinstalled local kings in exchange for their loyalty. Samudragupta was also a great patron of the arts. He was a poet and a musician, and he brought great writers, philosophers, and artists to his court. Unlike the Mauryan kings after Ashoka, who were Buddhists, Samudragupta was a devoted worshipper of the Hindu gods. Nonetheless, he did not reject Buddhism, but invited Buddhists to be part of his court and allowed the religion to spread in his realm. Chandragupta II and the Flourishing of Culture Samudragupta was briefly succeeded by his eldest son Ramagupta, whose reign was short. -
Varieties of American Popular Nationalism.” American Sociological Review 81(5):949-980
Bonikowski, Bart, and Paul DiMaggio. 2016. “Varieties of American Popular Nationalism.” American Sociological Review 81(5):949-980. Publisher’s version: http://asr.sagepub.com/content/81/5/949 Varieties of American Popular Nationalism Bart Bonikowski Harvard University Paul DiMaggio New York University Abstract Despite the relevance of nationalism for politics and intergroup relations, sociologists have devoted surprisingly little attention to the phenomenon in the United States, and historians and political psychologists who do study the United States have limited their focus to specific forms of nationalist sentiment: ethnocultural or civic nationalism, patriotism, or national pride. This article innovates, first, by examining an unusually broad set of measures (from the 2004 GSS) tapping national identification, ethnocultural and civic criteria for national membership, domain- specific national pride, and invidious comparisons to other nations, thus providing a fuller depiction of Americans’ national self-understanding. Second, we use latent class analysis to explore heterogeneity, partitioning the sample into classes characterized by distinctive patterns of attitudes. Conventional distinctions between ethnocultural and civic nationalism describe just about half of the U.S. population and do not account for the unexpectedly low levels of national pride found among respondents who hold restrictive definitions of American nationhood. A subset of primarily younger and well-educated Americans lacks any strong form of patriotic sentiment; a larger class, primarily older and less well educated, embraces every form of nationalist sentiment. Controlling for sociodemographic characteristics and partisan identification, these classes vary significantly in attitudes toward ethnic minorities, immigration, and national sovereignty. Finally, using comparable data from 1996 and 2012, we find structural continuity and distributional change in national sentiments over a period marked by terrorist attacks, war, economic crisis, and political contention. -
Name Dr. Vishesh Kumar Gupta Name in Publications Dr. Vishesh Gupta Father's Name Late Shri Hargulal Gupta Mother's Name
Name Dr. Vishesh Kumar Gupta Name in Dr. Vishesh Gupta Publications Father’s Name Late Shri Hargulal Gupta Mother’s Smt. Vidya Wati Name Date of Birth 20th April 1956 Marital Status Married Spouse Name Dr. Sushma Gupta Address 2/ 125, Buddhi Vihar, Awas Vikas Colony, Delhi Road, Moradabad-244103 (UP) India (Permanent) Address Maharaja Harishchandra P. G. College, Moradabad-244001 (UP) India (Office) Email [email protected] [email protected] Contact 09412245301 Numbers Academic Qualification: M. A. (Sociology), Ph. D. Area of Specialization Sociology of Community Development Theory and Methods in Indian Sociology Sociology of Leisure, Sports and Tourism Research Name of Specialization University Status Year Title of Thesis Degree Degree Doctorate MJP Awarded 1989 The Process of Institutionalization of Rohilkhand Sikhs Shrines-with Special University Reference to Prominent Sikh Shrines Bareilly in Delhi Present Employment Employer Status of Present Date of Contract / Nature of Work Place Institution Designation Appointm Permanent ent Manager Maharaja Associate Permanent Teaching and Guiding Moradabad Harishchandra Professor the students at the UG P. G. College, , PG and Research Moradabad Level Quasi Govt. Previous Position Held Post Held Place Nature of Work Contract / Permanent / Deputation OSD / State Liaison Officer Higher UP Secretariat, State Level NSS Deputation Education (NSS Cell) Vidhan Bhawan, Structure Promotion, From 14-12-2006 to 15- Lucknow Improvement and Career 12-2008 Guiding Programme Coordinator, National -
Rahul Sagar, Hindu Nationalists and the Cold
Chapter Ten Hindu Nationalists and the Cold War Rahul Sagar It is generally accepted that during the Cold War divergences between “hope and reality” rendered India and America “estranged democracies.”1 Te pre- cise nature of the Indo- American relationship during these decades remains a subject of fruitful study. For instance, Rudra Chaudhuri has argued that the Cold War’s many crises actually prompted India and the United States to “forge” a more nuanced relationship than scholars have realized.2 Tis chapter does not join this discussion. It examines a diferent side of the story. Rather than study the workings of the Congress Party–afliated political and bureaucratic elite in power during the Cold War, it focuses on the principal Opposition—the ideas and policies of the Hindu Mahasabha, the Jan Sangh, and the Bharatiya Janata Party (bJP), which have championed the cause of Hindu nationalism. Te Cold War–era policies of these parties have not been studied carefully thus far. A common assumption is that these parties had little to say about international afairs or that, to the extent that they had something to say, their outlook was resolutely militant. Tis chapter corrects this misperception. It shows that these parties’ policies alternated between being attracted to and being repulsed by the West. Distaste for communism and commitment to democracy drove them to seek friendship with the West, while resentment at U.S. eforts to contain India as well as fears about ma- terialism and Westernization prompted them to demand that the West be kept at a safe distance. 229 false sTarTs Surprisingly little has been written about the diversity of Indian views on international relations in the Cold War era. -
Pandit Deendayal Upadhyaya
Pandit Deendayal Upadhyaya Who is Deendayal Upadhyaya? \n\n \n Deendayal Upadhyaya was born in a poor family in Nagla Chandrabhaan village near Mathura, UP, on 25 September, 1916. \n As a child, Deendayal had to face the profound grief of several deaths in the family. Deendayal moved from place to place and completed his masters degree. He was introduced to RSS and became a full timer in the late 1930s. \n Deendayal was a prolific writer and a successful editor. He wrote a number of books including Samrat Chandragupt and Jagatguru Shankaracharya, and an analysis of the Five Year plans in India. \n He was deputed to work in the Jana Sangh by Shri Golwalkar when the party was founded in 1951 by Dr Syama Prasad Mukherjee. From then till 1967 he remained the Jana Sangh All India General Secretary. \n It was during this time that he propounded the political philosophy of Integral Humanism. It is now 50 years since the Jana Sangh adopted Integral Humanism as its political-economic manifesto. \n Deendayal Upadhyaya died on February 11, 1968 under mysterious circumstances at the age 52. The murder of Pandit Deendayal still remains unresolved. \n \n\n What are some of his ideals? \n\n \n The concept of Integral Humanism he propounded envisages remedies for the post-globalisation maladies of the world. \n Upadhyaya conceived a classless, casteless and conflict-free social order. He stressed on the ancient Indian wisdom of oneness of the human kind. \n For him, the brotherhood of a shared, common heritage was central to political activism. -
Globalization and the Ideologies of Postnationalism and Hybridity
It's All Within Your Reach: Globalization and the Ideologies of Postnationalism and Hybridity Kanishka Chowdhury ". there was an extra festival on the calendar, a new myth to celebrate, because a nation which had never previously existed was about to win its freedom, catapulting us into a world which, although it had five thousand years of history, although it had invented the game of chess and traded with Middle Kingdom Egypt, was nevertheless quite imaginary; into a mythical land, a country which would never exist except by the efforts of a phenomenal collective will--except in a dream we all agreed to dream . a collective fiction in which anything was possible, a fable rivaled only by the two other mighty fantasies: money and God." (Salman Rushdie, Midnight's Children, 129-130) "What is this thing--a nation--that is so powerful it can make songs, attract sacrifice and so exclusive it drives into hiding the complex and skeptical ideas which would serve it best." (Eavan Boland, Object Lessons, 69) As an oil company, we can't always pick and choose the places where we go to find this often elusive energy source. In search of this fossil fuel, we have to go where the dinosaurs died. That sometimes means jungle heat, arctic cold or stormy seas. The good news is, if we're successful, many developing nations find themselves better off than if we just stayed at home." (Mobil A15) Copyright © 2002 by Kanishka Chowdhury and Cultural Logic, ISSN 1097-3087 Chowdhury 2 Welcome to the Brave New Globalized World! Let me offer a couple of scenarios.1 The first is of Planet Reebok, a planet with no rules; a planet where the "roam" button on your cellular phone allows infinite access--but not really. -
The Grip of Nationalism on Corporate Law
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Indiana University Bloomington Maurer School of Law Indiana Law Journal Volume 95 Issue 2 Article 5 4-15-2020 The Grip of Nationalism on Corporate Law Mariana Pargendler [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://www.repository.law.indiana.edu/ilj Part of the Agency Commons, Law and Economics Commons, Law and Politics Commons, and the Law and Society Commons Recommended Citation Pargendler, Mariana (2020) "The Grip of Nationalism on Corporate Law," Indiana Law Journal: Vol. 95 : Iss. 2 , Article 5. Available at: https://www.repository.law.indiana.edu/ilj/vol95/iss2/5 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law School Journals at Digital Repository @ Maurer Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Indiana Law Journal by an authorized editor of Digital Repository @ Maurer Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Grip of Nationalism on Corporate Law MARIANA PARGENDLER* INTRODUCTION After decades of increased economic integration, nationalistic sentiment and protectionist policies are back in vogue, raising questions about the future of globalization. This tension is not new, but it matters. Countries have long adopted different and changing attitudes towards free trade or the protection of local industries, with significant economic and social repercussions. The current resurgence of nationalist impulses in the face of globalization may well be “the struggle of our time.”1 -
India's 2019 National Election and Implications for U.S. Interests
India’s 2019 National Election and Implications for U.S. Interests June 28, 2019 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R45807 SUMMARY R45807 India’s 2019 National Election and Implications June 28, 2019 for U.S. Interests K. Alan Kronstadt India, a federal republic and the world’s most populous democracy, held elections to seat a new Specialist in South Asian lower house of parliament in April and May of 2019. Estimates suggest that more than two-thirds Affairs of the country’s nearly 900 million eligible voters participated. The 545-seat Lok Sabha (People’s House) is seated every five years, and the results saw a return to power of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who was chief minister of the west Indian state of Gujarat from 2001 to 2014. Modi’s party won decisively—it now holds 56% of Lok Sabha seats and Modi became the first Indian leader to win consecutive majorities since Indira Gandhi in 1971. The United States and India have been pursuing an expansive strategic partnership since 2005. The Trump Administration and many in the U.S. Congress welcomed Modi’s return to power for another five-year term. Successive U.S. Presidents have deemed India’s growing power and influence a boon to U.S. interests in Asia and globally, not least in the context of balancing against China’s increasing assertiveness. India is often called a preeminent actor in the Trump Administration’s strategy for a “free and open Indo-Pacific.” Yet there are potential stumbling blocks to continued development of the partnership.