THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY SPECIAL NUMBER JULY 1962

Studies in Voting Behaviour II An Industrial Labour Constituency: Kanpur Paul R Brass KANPUR, with a population of little over 5 per cent according to the of the river to the central-western 947,000 according to the 1961 1951 census. A large proportion of and south-western portions of the city; these areas comprise three of census, is the largest city in Uttar industrial and manual labour comes the five Assembly constituencies. Pradesh and one of the major indus­ from the Muslims and the Scheduled Here also are concentrated a large trial cities in the Indian Union. Castes. Among caste Hindus, Brah­ proportion of the minority commu­ Second only to Bombay as a textile mins predominate, with Banias, Tha- kurs and Rajputs, Kayasthas, and nities and "depressed classes" of centre, Kanpur has also a wide Kanpur—Muslims, Scheduled Castes, variety of large and small factories Khatris following in descending order. Banias and Khatris, of and refugees. Industrial labour forms in almost every sphere of industrial course, provide a large proportion of an important part of a fourth of the production — the most important in the shopkeeping and trading class, five Assembly constituencies also — ordnance, leather goods, iron and but no generalizations can be made the central-east constituency, the steel, chemicals, metal products about other castes. The caste com­ heart of the city, containing the engineering, and food and tobacco. position of the majority community central business section. This is a In 1953, there were 273 factories in is not relevant to the present analy­ mixed constituency, partly Industrial, Kanpur, providing employment to sts, since most of the castes arc partly business; here also, Muslims 08,832 workers; the textile industry spread over the city and do not do. form a large percentage of the total provided the bulk of the industrial ruinate any particular geographical population, both of industrial worker? employment, 28 mills providing em­ area; only some Khatris and some and businessmen (shopkeepers and 1 ployment to 51,084 workers. In the Thakurs live in geographically com­ wholesale dealers). The last As­ earning population of the city, indus­ pact areas. The same is more or less sembly constituency, in the south. trial workers constitute the largest true of the Scheduled Castes, but eastern section of the city, is also a category, accounting for 22.25 per there are large concentrations of mixed constituency, but of a diffe­ rent sort. This constituency ex­ cent of the total workforce. Manual Scheduled Castes in a number of in­ tends from the eastern business sec­ workers in general, both industrial dustrial areas of the city. The Mus­ tion of Kanpur out into the country­ and non-industrial account for 30.02 lim population of the city is partially side, including a large number of per cent of the earning population scattered; but, in many areas, Mus­ villages of Kanpur tehail which are The next largest category of earners lims are in an overwhelming majo­ included within the limits of the Kan­ — 20.64 per cent — are those en­ rity and in others they constitute a pur Municipal Corporation. This gaged in trade and commerce — 13.43 very large minority. Kanpur has constituency is, thus, a primarily non- also a highly localized population of per cent as petty traders and haw­ industrial, partly urban business, and Sindhi and Punjabi refugees in two kers and 6,57 per cent "with a con­ partly rural constituency. siderable business turnover". Also or three areas of the city. included in the commercial popula­ Kanpur City, with its extended My concern in this article will be tion of the city are the middlemen area, forms one discrete electoral with the Parliamentary contest in (2.48 per cent) and the shop assis- unit, comprising one Parliamentary Kanpur City. However, to gain a tants (4.95 per cent). Other im­ and five Assembly constituencies. better understanding of the motiva­ portant economic categories in the The city is further divided into tions of groups of voters in Kanpur city are the white collar workers — thirty-six wards for Corporation elec­ and of the interrelationship between scribes, typists, and stenographers— tions. Below the wards are the vari­ the Parliamentary and Assembly con­ tests, references to the Assembly (8.81 per cent), the liberal profes­ ous mohallas or chaks, each with its contests will also be necessary. Al­ sions (5.16 per cent), artisans (11.92 own special character and most domi­ though it is true, as one local poli­ per cent), and the "executive, mana­ nated by one or another of the im­ tical leader in Kanpur said to me, gerial, and technical" class (2.59 portant sections of the population of 2 that five Assembly constituencies dc per cent). the city — labourers, shopkeepers not make a Parliamentary consti­ wholesale dealers, the educated Composition of Electorate tuency and that the Parliamentary middle class, Hindus, Muslims Sche- constituency has a personality of its Ethnically, the population of the duled Castes, or refugees. city is predominantly Hindu, although own, it is still impossible to under­ Muslims constitute a large minority, Parliamentary Constituency Has stand the nature of the forces :at work in the Parliamentary contest with­ with over 20 per cent of the popula­ a Separate Personality out knowing what is going on in the tion. Scheduled Castes are only a Kanpur lies on the southern bank Assembly contests. Moreover, to the of the Ganges River. The main con­ 1 extent that the Parliamentary con­ D N Majumdar, "Social Contours centrations of factories and indus­ of an Industrial City : Social Sur­ test develops a character of its own vey of Kanpur, 1954-56", Asia Pub trial workers stretch from the the behaviour of various groups of lishing House, Bombay, 1960, pp northern part of the city on the bank voters will vary in the two election 51-52, 2 contests. Ibid , pp 111-114. s Ibid, p 67. 1111 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY SPECIAL NUMBER JULY 1962

Has Seen Five Contests Raja Ram Shastri on a P S P ticket a Communist sympathizer, voted That the Parliamentary consti­ and Sant Singh Yusuf on the Com: consistently with the Communists in tuency in Kanpur City has developed munist ticket — the Congress set up Parliament, and participated in walk­ a "personality" of its own cannot be one of the leading cloth merchants outs only with the Communist group denied. The city has seen Ave Parlia­ of Kanpur, an active and important in the House. Banerji's sympathies mentary contests since the first gene, Congress leader of Kanpur, but one were not unknown in 1957, but his ral election in 1952 — three general with no record of work in the labour persistent association with the Com­ elections and two bye-elections, The movement. Although there were munists in Parliament and, on the history of these five elections has four candidates in this bye-election, other side, the growth of virulent given the Parliamentary contest a the fourth received an insignificant anti-Communist feeling as a result of number of votes; for practical pur­ character of its own, setting loose the Chinese aggression signalled the poses, the contest was a triangular forces which do not operate at all in end of opposition unity in this last one. The runner-up was Raja Ram the Assembly contests. For reasons election in Kanpur City. Banerji Shastri, the P S P candidate, who which will be explained below, the was opposed by nine candidates — polled 32.1 per cent of the total vote; Parliamentary contest has, in the last both the P S P and the Socialist can­ three elections — the second bye- the Communist candidate, Sant Singh didates from the labour movement, — election and the 1957 and 1962 gene­ Yusuf, polled 22.1 per cent. To­ and was left with the support only ral elections — resulted in a thorough.. gether, the two defeated candidates of the Communists. Banerji's Con­ going polarization of the Congress polled 55.2 per cent of the total vote. gress opponent was Vijay Kumar and anti-Congress sentiment, with The first bye-election taught the and an associate of Bhagat Singh. disastrous results for the Congress leftist opposition a lesson. In the This polarization was maintained in second by-election (caused by the Sinha, an old revolutionary of Kanpur the 1962 election despite the same resignation of the Congress M P), sinha had been out of politics and out fragmentation of opposition forces Raja Ram Shantri ran again on the of Kanpur for over fifteen years and in the Parliamentary contest as in P S P ticket, with Communist sup­ was brought into Kanpur to contest the Assembly contests, where no port this time, and defeated the Con­ against Banerji largely on the recom­ polarization has yet developed. One gress candidate, Chail Bihari Dixit mendation of one of the important of the important things that has to Kantak. by 14,000 votes. The Con- factional leaders of the City Con­ be explained is how this polarization gress candidate in this bye-election gress. Despite the breakdown of has developed in the Parliamentary also was not from the labour move­ opposition unity in this election and contest in isolation from the opposite ment and had contested the 1952 the existence of ten candidates in tendencies in the Assembly contests election as an Independent, running the field, the contest became from A glance at Table 1, which gives third. The opposition alliance was the beginning a straight fight, in the results of the five Parliamentary maintained during the 1957 election, which Banerji achieved an impressive contests and the percentage of votes with the Communists, the P S P, the victory, unexpected in its propor­ Socialists, and some disgruntled Con­ polled by the Congress and the main tions — polling the highest number gressmen supporting S M Banerji. opposition candidate, will give an in­ of votes and one of the largest majo­ who ran as an Independent. Banerji dication of the development of this rities in Parliamentary elections in was then the leader of the Defence polarization. Although there has the whole of the State.4 been a decline in the percentage of Employees' Union in Kanpur and had the total vote polled by the two main been dismissed from Government 4 Banerji polled a majority vote In candidates since the second bye- employment in 1956 for participating the constituency as a whole and in election, none of the other four candi­ in a strike while in Government em­ all five of the component Assembly dates polled significantly in 1957 and ployment. Despite the fact that the constituencies. In the Assembly only the Jan Sangh candidate polled Congress put up a candidate with contests, no party received a ma­ significantly (7.86 per cent) in the experience in the labour movement jority vote in any constituency. 1962 election, although not enough to this time, its percentage of the total The Congress lost one Assembly distract attention from the main con­ vote declined still further. seat for the first time—to a Com­ test and not enough to retain his Congress Candidate: Wrong Choice munist in the City South consti­ security deposit. Although S M Banerji ran as an tuency, who won with a small plu­ Independent, he openly calls himself In the 1952 election, the Congress rality in a triangular contest. candidate was the late Hariharnath Shastri, one of the early leaders of the labour movement in Kanpur and a respected and popular figure in Kanpur politics. With the death of Hariharnath Shastri, the Congress lost a very popular Parliamentary candidate and a great deal of its hold over the labour vote in Kanpur. The Congress hold on the labour vote was seriously weakened In the first bye-election, when, against two strong opposition labour leaders — 1112 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY SPECIAL NUMBER JULY 1962

Banerji could not have won this In addition to this advantage, that Banerji was a Communist and election without the support of the Banerji had a real advantage in on its rebuttal. Banerji mentioned Communists, but the Communists speaking ability over Sinha. Ba­ the charges against him in every could not have won this seat with- nerji is quite an impressive and elo­ speech and put himself in the same out Banerji. The Communists put up quent speaker and holds his audience position as Krishna Menon in Bom­ only three Assembly candidates in in rapt attention. Sinha, by contrast, bay. He argued that these people Kanpur and won only one Assembly is a very poor speaker and failed to who were saying that he and Menon seat In the Assembly constituency hold his audiences. Banerji invari­ were Communists were really them­ in which the Communist candidate ably drew larger and more attentive selves; pro-American. Against the was successful, Banerji outpolled the audiences throughout the campaign. charges that a vote for him would supporting Communist candidate by be a vote for more Chinese aggres­ Banerji had the additional advan­ 14,000 votes. Although Banerji had sion, Banerji claimed that his young tages of a well-nursed constituency some workers from the Bank and son would be the first to go to the and a reputation for accessibility to .Defence Employees' unions and front in any war with China. his constituents. As an example of a number of educated, middle class There is no way of measuring the his accessibility, both his opponents people, who are leftist independents, impact of this kind' of "issue" on the and his supporters pointed to the pro­ he had no real organisation of his outoome of the campaign except digious number of certificates he had own; his campaign was completely through public opinion surveys. Given signed in his five years as an MP in the hands of the Communist Party. Banerji's popularity, it is likely, as There are a wide variety of applica­ What Banerji brought with him in one local Communist said to me, that tions, including applications for stu­ the contest was the admiration of the charge against Banerji had little dent concessions, forms certifying most industrial workers, particularly effect on the campaign, but helped that a man is a member of a Sche­ in the ordnance factories, but not ex­ the Communist Party in general, since duled Caste and is entitled to what­ clusively, for his service to the labour the people would reason that if Ba­ ever privileges are being requested, movement in the city; the attraction nerji was a Communist, then the attestation certificates for jobs, appli­ of a powerful personality; excellent Communists must be very nice peo­ cations for the allotment of houses, oratory; a record of hard work and ple. Among the leftist, but anti- and the like, which can he signed Vigorous opposition in the Parlia­ Communist, independents from the only by an MLA, an MLC, an ment, as well as accessibility to his educated middle class, some rejected MP or a gazetted officer. Banerji's constituents; and last, but not least, the charge as Congress propaganda; detractors argued that he had no the image of previous success others argued that even if Banerji scruples about signing these appli- against the Congress, which drew to were a Communist, the need for an cations and never bothered' to inquire him all those from all walks of life effective opposition to the Congress into the accuracy of their contents. who have become discontented with was so great that they would vote His supporters claimed that he sign­ Congress policies or Congress admi­ for him anyway. ed such applications without charging nistration or both for widely differ- any fees, as others are alleged to Crack in Congress Organisation ent reasons and who want to see an have done. In either case, both his effective opposition in Parliament as During the campaign, many in the supporters and his opponents agreed a check on Congress rule. Congress camp were expecting a on the great number of such applica­ close contest in which the massive Candidates and the Campaign tions which Banerji had signed and Congress organisation and its finan­ In an urban Parliamentary con­ on the advantage which this gave cial resources, combined with the stituency, the personality and the him in the campaign. breakdown of opposition unity, would oratory of the candidate are impor­ neutralize Banerji's admitted popula­ tant factors. Banerji clearly had the The China Issue rity, leaving the decision to the "float­ edge throughout the campaign in ing" voter. The organization remains One apparent disadvantage which both respects. Banerji has been active massive and its financial resources Banerji faced in the campaign was in the labour movement in Kanpur infinite in Kanpur City, but most of the allegation against him that he since 1946, particularly amongst ord­ its resources were concentrated in the was a "chupa hua" or crypto-Com- nance workers, bank employees, and Assembly contests. It was even munist. In the early part of the to some extent textile workers. He charged that the dominant group campaign, Banerji; and his supporters has been to jail twice since Independ­ was only lukewarm in its support tried to emphasize the need for a ence for his participation in strikes for Sinha, considered a nominee of strong opposition to the Congress to and he was dismissed from Govern­ the opposing group. In contrast, the watch over the administration and to ment employment for his participation Communists concentrated most of check corruption and they pointed in the famous 80 days' textile work­ their energies on Banerji and hoped to Banerji's record in Parliament in ers' strike of 1955 in Kanpur. In that one or two of their Assembly this regard. The Congress speech- contrast, Vijay Kumar Sinha, al­ candidates might come in on Baner. makers answered by accusing Banerji though born in Kanpur and associat­ ji's coattails. of being over-critical and neglecting ed with the revolutionary movement the real progress the country had Neither the Congress nor the and its leaders there in the late made under the Plans. However, Communists were short of workers. 1920'a, has never been part of local gradually the speeches, pamphlets, If the Communists had fewer work­ politics and had been out of Kanpur and posters began to concentrate ers, they made up for the difference and out of politics since his release more and more on the accusation in numbers by the intensity of their from prison In 1945. 1113 SPECIAL NUMBER JULY 1962 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY

1114 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY SPECIAL NUMBER JULY 1962

campaigning. The Banerji camp was Disunited Opposition: No Handicap strongholds. A really effective elec­ pinched for funds, but managed to The breakdown of opposition unity toral pact of this sort, whether for­ maintain at least a visible equality was considered still another disad­ mal or tacit, will reveal itself in the with the Congress in posters and vantage for Banerji. In 1957, Ba­ election results. One or two of these pamphlets: the Congress did have nerji had the support of the Com­ pacta were quite effective in 1957 in twelve cars to the Banerji camp's munists, the Socialists, the P S P restricted areas; but, in 1982, Baner­ five and probably had more loud­ and several Independent3. In some ji's support crosscut the support of speakers, but these disadvantages of the Assembly constituencies, he almost all Assembly candidates. Any were made up by the diffe­ had the support of more than one benefits derived from such pacts rences in the allocation of candidate. Banerji was accused of were certainly mostly one way, that resources between the Parliamen­ double-dealing in this respect in 1957. is, the benefit was to the Assembly tary and Assembly contests by the However, an astute Assembly can­ candidate who attached himself to Congress and the Communists. Suf­ didate, or his workers, do not have Banerji's coat-tails and not vice- ficient publicity is an essential ele­ to have an electoral pact or expect versa. ment in this kind of constituency reciprocal support, to ask for one especially for an Independent candi­ vote for himself and one vote for a Analysis of the Vote date who must make his symbol popular Parliamentary candidate. This Muslims known, and Banerji had sufficient is the Indian version of the coat- The Congress and the Banerji publicity. tail phenomenon and it cuts across workers knew throughout the cam­ party lines. It would be too much paign where their strengths and Some argued that despite Baner­ to expect of an energetic worker, weaknesses lay. Banerji was known ji's successful meetings and proces­ canvassing for an Assembly to have support among labourers ge­ sions, despite his posters and pam­ candidate and observing a nerally and among Muslims and Sche­ phlets, the whole campaign would trend in favour of a popular duled Castes in particular, who make fall apart on polling day because of Parliamentary candidate, not to up the bulk of the industrial labour the inability of the Banerji camp to try to cash in on the Parliamen­ force of the city. In fact, Banerji's put up "shamianas" or tents, outside tary candidate's popularity in this greatest strength was in the Mus­ every polling booth, with workers to way. A similar strategy is what the lim majority areas, among all eco­ help fill out the voter's registration General Secretary of the Kanpur nomic classes of Muslims. Table 2 card and, at the same time, give him P S P called "pirating". The compares the vote for Banerji and the final and crucial push in the P S P Secretary's charge was that the Congress in some of the Muslim right direction. The Banerji camp Communist workers in the two con­ majority areas of the city (selected did lack the resources to pur up these stituencies where the Communists at random), Banerji polled well tents in most polling booths, but had no candidate, were soliciting above his average in the city as a the intelligence and subitely of the votes for the P S P Assembly can­ whole in these areas; his poll in Be- urban voter was underestimated. On didates and then asking for a second gamganj, Anwarganj, Talak Mahal, polling day, the Congress tents were, vote for Banerji. and Butcher Khana in 1962 were in most places, the busiest; but, ob­ How much of this pirating went on among his best in the city. viously, a very large number of vot­ is not known, but it was not needed, Despite an already very high poll ers accepted the help of the Congress since Banerji outpolled both these in most of the Muslim majority areas workers and voted for Banerji. P S P candidates even in their in 1957, Banerji's vote increased

1115 SPECIAL NUMBER JULY 1962 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY

sharply from 1957 to 1962. In only during the tensions of pre-partition sive elections suggests not only that three areas In the sample did Ba­ days. the Congress is losing ground, but ­­­ji's vote decline and in only one that the Industrial labour force is Labour area did it decline significantly; the capable of greater unity, Banerji's Congress vote declined in all but one It is not surprising that an active popularity is a great asset to the of these areas. The Muslim vote and popular labour leader should be Communist Party in Kanpur and local has been the subject of a great deal able to sweep the polls in most of Communists hope that they will be of speculation since Independence, the predominantly labour areas able to translate their electoral suc­ particularly in U P where the Mus­ against a non-labour candidate, as cess this year into real organiza­ lim League had a very strong base. Banerji did in the labour areas of tional strength in the city's trade The Communist Party in Kanpur Kanpur (Table 3). What is more union movement. still has a firm base of support in important is the question to what the Muslim areas, which it owes extent Banerji's success in the la­ The Congress has been digging its largely to its pro-Pakistan stand in bour areas reflects only his person- own grave with the labour vote by the late '80's and early '40's. How­ nal popularity or a real Congress failing to put up labour candidates ever, in most of the Muslim areas weakness in the labour areas of the in the elections. Traditionally, with Where Banerji's vote increased in city. Banerji polled 50 per cent or the exception of the two bye-elec­ 1962, the Communist vote in the As­ better in all eleven areas in the sam­ tions, INTUC leaders have been given sembly contests declined; nowhere ple in 1962 and in all but two in the Parliamentary ticket and one did the Communist vote or that of 1957. The Congress candidate in Assembly ticket; this year, INTUC any other party approach Banerji's 1962 was not able to poll above 36 was given neither. A Congress poll in the Muslim areas. per cent in any of these areas; in labour worker was being considered 1957, even with a labour candidate, for one of the Assembly seats, but A number of campaign workers for the Congress polled a majority in fell a victim to the factional quarrels both the Congress and for Banerji only one of these areas. of the City Congress. Both groups gave a simple formula to describe the In general, the Congress position in expressed the desire to give one voting tendencies of Muslims in the the major labour colonies is poor, ticket to a Congress labour worker city. The formula is that if the but no party has the influence which - as long as the ticket given fell Congress alone puts up a Muslim Banerji has personally in the labour within the domain of the opposite candidate, Muslims will voce for the areas. The trade union movement as factional group. Neither group was Congress; if a leftist party alone puts a whole is quite weak in Kanpur, willing to give ground, with the re­ up a Muslim candidate, then Mus­ largely as a result of inter-party sult that INTUC was completely un­ lims will vote for the leftist; if both struggling and manoeuvring for represented this year. The selection the Congress and a leftist party put position. Every industry suffers from of candidates created considerable up Muslim candidates, then the Mus­ triple to sextuple unionism and every discontent among Congress labour lim vote will be split; finally, if major political party, except the Jan workers: Sinha's poor poll and the there is no Muslim candidate at all, Sangh, has some following among loss of the City South Assembly Con­ Muslims will vote leftist. The im­ the labourers. Banerji's success in stituency to a Communist are at plication of the formula is that Mus­ mobilizing the labour vote generally least partially attributable to the lims have a tendency both for bloc to him in two successive elections and non-cooperation of many Congress voting for candidates of the commu­ the Congress defeat in three succes­ labour workers in the campaign. nity and for leftist candidates gene­ rally, in about equal proportions. The formula reflects more accurately the voting in the Assembly contests in Kanpur than in the Parliamentary contest. In the Parliamentary con­ test, the only Muslim was the Social­ ist candidate, who polled insignifi­ cantly everywhere in the city, includ­ ing the Muslim areas. It should not be assumed that leftism took prece­ dence over communal voting in the Parliamentary contest. There is cer­ tainly a core of genuine leftism in the Muslim vote for Banerji, since many of the Muslims in the city are factory labourers living in some of the worst slum areas of the city; hut this alone does not explain the high poll for Banerji. The alleged leftism of the Muslim voter is largely an expression of traditional anti- Congress sentiment which grew up 1116 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY SPECIAL NUMBER JULY 1962

Scheduled Castes that Banerji was engaging in decep­ nantly Hindu commercial and trading Scheduled Castes constitute a high tion, which was considered worse areas of the city — particularly in percentage of the industrial labour than an open avowal of Communism. areas like Generalganj, where the big force and are a large minority in To these people, the Kanpur election wholesale cloth merchants are most of the important labour colonies was a miniature North Bombay and located; in Hatia, a centre for steel — particularly in the Khalasi Line, Banerji and Krishna Menon were trunks and utensils; in Collectorganj, in the Juhi Hamirpur Road area, in lumped together as hidden Commu­ a grain, cotton, and oilseeds market Gwaltoli, Lakshmi Purwa, and nists, (Table 5). In the Generalganj area, Banerji's vote declined rather sharp­ Purana Kanpur. Only in Colonelganj, Thus, within the educated middle ly from his 1957 poll. Banerji's drop however, are Scheduled Castes in a class, there was a real conflict be­ had nothing to do with any of the majority. The vote for Banerji in tween the desire of most to see an issues in the campaign, but reflected this area increased from 43 to 56 per effective opposition to the Congress purely organizational differences be-, cent and for Sinha, declined from 52 and the dislike of most for Commu­ tween the 1957 and 1962 campaigns. to 36 per cent (Table 3), The vote nists and their sympathizers. A In the Generalganj Ward (Chaks 48, in one chak does not provide suffi­ comparison of the vote for Banerji 49, 51-57) — the big wholesale cloth cient evidence to distinguish the and the Congress in 1957 and 1962, market of Kanpur — Banerji's vote Scheduled Caste vote from the labour however, indicates that most opted declined from over 50 per cent to just vote in general, but most Congress for effective opposition. The results over 40 per cent of the vote polled workers felt that the Scheduled of the poll in the middle class resi­ there in the two elections. However, Castes, particularly the Chamars dential areas are given in Table 4. were not with the Congress. Banerji's high poll in 1957 was due Commercial Middle Class entirely to a particularly effective The Republican Party, which is the Banerji's worst poll and Sinha's pact with one of the Independent political expression of militant anti- best generally was in the predomi- candidates for the Assembly in this Congress sentiment among the Sche­ duled Castes, put up Scheduled Caste candidates in two Assembly consti­ tuencies. The Republican candidates polled poorly in both constituencies, but had pockets of strength in areas where Scheduled Castes are concen­ trated. In the Colonelganj Chak No

103f the Scheduled Caste candidate outpolled all other Assembly candi­ dates, with 38 per cent of the vote against 33 per cent for the Congress candidate; in the Parliamentary con­ test in this chak, Banerji polled 56 per cent against 36 per cent for the Congress. A highly splintered As­ sembly vote was transformed into a majority vote for Banerji in the Parliamentary contest. With the Scheduled Castes, as with the Mus­ lims, the vote for Banerji was an expression of anti-Congress sentiment which, in the Assembly contests, found only a parochial outlet. Professional Middle Class Among the educated, professional middle classes in Kanpur, the issues of the campaign had most importance. It was among these people that the question of Banerji's affiliations with the Communist Party was most hotly debated. To many, the idea that Banerji might really be a chupa hua Communist was unpleasant, but there was a strong feeling that the need for an effective opposition to the Congress was so great that Banerji should be given the benefit of the doubt. Among others, anti-Banerjj feeling was virulent and some argued 1117 SPECIAL NUMBER JULY 1962 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY constituency (V), who had his strong­ Kaushal Puri, but in the Assembly grievances and "personal hardships, hold in the Generalganj area, which contest there was a three-way split which resulted not from mistaken he now represents in the Corpora­ among the Communists (35 per cent), Congress policies, but from inefficient tion. In some of the polling stations the Congress (30 per cent), and the or corrupt administration. Jan Sangh (29 per cent). A splin­ in this ward, the pact was incredibly A Personal Victory tered vote in the Assembly contest effective — so much so that there Banerji's success was largely a per­ became a majority vote for Banerji were differences of less than ten votes sonal success; in his work in the in the Parliamentary contest; and and in some cases only four or rive city's labour movement and in his again, parochial and communal sen­ votes between the poll for Banerj'i five years in Parliament, he has timents failed to make themselves and that for his ally. created an image of himself as a felt in the larger constituency. In the Although Banerji's vote declined in hardworking and accessible repre­ entire Parliamentary contest, it was the Generalganj area, the Congress sentative from whom anyone in the only in the middle class areas of vote did not increase in the same pro­ city with a grievance might expect Govind Nagar that the polarization portion; and, in Filkhana, where to receive sympathetic attention and seriously broke down. Banerji increased his vote only slight­ active consideration. One of the ly, the Congress vote look a sharp Conclusion major points in his campaign drop. In both these areas, the Jan As a result partly of a poor selec­ speeches against the Congress candi­ Sangh made up the difference. The tion of candidates (at least tacti­ date was that the latter had been out commercial middle class is the pillar cally) against two popular labour of Kanpur for fifteen years and that of conservatism and traditional workers, in successive Parliamentary there was no guarantee of his being values in North Indian cities and elections in Kanpur City the Con­ in Kanpur if he were elected. It was Kanpur is no exception. Even here, gress party has suffered increasingly this image of himself as an accessible however, the Congress did not poll heavy defeats. The Congress in Kan­ and a sympathetic politician that remarkably well; in only one of these pur City, as elsewhere in U P, is drew to him those at the bottom of areas did Sinha poll a majority vote. partially paralyzed by factional poli­ the economic and status ladder of the Although the Jan Sangh had some tics. In this kind of situation, a tac­ community — labourers in general strength in these areas, the Jan tically rational selection of candidates and Muslims and Scheduled Castes in Sangh candidate failed to distract is prevented by the conflicting claims particular. attention significantly from the two of factional groups, which must be Despite the heavy defeat of the main candidates in the Parliamentary accommodated if the Congress is to Congress in the Parliamentary elec­ contest even here. function at all. In Kanpur INTUC tion in Kanpur, the Congress is still Refugees is an important force in neither group the strongest force in the city, Both in the Congress and thus had no say Kanpur City has a small, but high­ the Communists and the Jan Sangh in the selection. ly localized, population of Sindhi and have a base in the city as well. The Punjabi (mostly Hindu, but some It would be a mistake, however, to moderate left declined sharply as a Sikh) refugees, concentrated pri­ attribute the loss of this Parliamen­ force in the city's politico, both in marily in the Govind Nagar and tary seat only or primarily to orga­ the Parliamentary and the Assembly Kaushal Puri areas in the Kanpur nizational factors, There was a constituencies. No party now has City II constituency. It wan only in strong feeling, particularly among the kind of influence over the com­ these two areas and particularly in the educated middle classes, that the munity as a whole that Banerji has the middle class areas of Govind need for effective opposition to the as an individual. Banerji's victory Nagar that the Jan Sangh was able Congress was acute; Banerji's record represents less a victory for the Com­ to make a real show of strength in of hard and vigorous criticism in munist Party than a defeat for the the Parliamentary contest, although Parliament overshadowed the allega­ Congress. However, Banerji's vic­ much less so than in the Assembly tion against him that he was a Com­ tory has not altered the basic dis­ contest. The details of the poll in munist. Although this issue of the unity, which remains the dominant the refugee areas in the Parliamen­ need for effective opposition to the aspect of party politics in Kanpur tary contest are given in Table 6. Congress had a real impact on the City — in the form of factionalism In Kaushal Puri, where the refugees campaign, Banerji made no frontal in the Congress, in a fragmented op­ are predominantly factory labourers, assault on Congress policies; he talk­ position, and in a splintered labour Banerji polled better than 50 per cent ed in his speeches about individual movement. of the vote; but, in the middle class areas of Govind Nagar, the vote was split three ways. The Jan Sangh appeal for the refugees is obvious,) it is in these areas that the Jan Sangh has its cadres of RSS workers. But, again, as with the Scheduled Caste and Muslim labourers, the voting be­ haviour of the Hindu refugees in the labour areas was different in the Parliamentary contest; Banerji polled better than 50 per cent of the vote in 1118