DOCSLIB.ORG

Peace by Piece:Addressing Sudan’S Conflicts an International Review of Peace Initiatives

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Peace by Piece:Addressing Sudan’S Conflicts an International Review of Peace Initiatives Accord18.Cover 04 11/12/06 22:52 Page 1 Issue 18 2006 A ccor d 18 Conciliation Resources Peace by piece:addressing Sudan’s conflicts an international review of peace initiatives The signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) on 9 January 2005 was hailed by some as the dawn of a new era for Sudan. However, Sudan has a number of interlocking conflicts that cannot be fully addressed by a bilateral agreement.The CPA is just one part – if a very significant one – of a piecemeal approach to resolving Sudan’s conflicts that has produced separate agreements for Darfur and eastern Sudan. It is unclear if these can fit together as the jigsaw pieces of a comprehensive peace – or what pieces are still missing. The Sudanese conflict and peace processes Peace by piece: addressing Sudan’s conflicts is a study of a work in progress. It looks back at the process that led to the CPA,identifying what difficult issues were tackled and how, and what decisions were deferred. It asks which constituencies, interests and issues were excluded from the process, and suggests that future initiatives must be more inclusive and better coordinated if they are to help build a lasting peace. Produced in partnership with Concordis International and featuring contributors from different sides of Sudan’s conflicts, this issue of Accord presents perspectives on the process that led to the CPA, examines the difficulties in reaching an agreement on Darfur and includes accounts of other peacemaking initiatives. It also contains detailed information on peace agreements, profiles of key actors and a chronology. Conciliation Resources and the Accord series Conciliation Resources (CR) is an international non-governmental organization that supports people working to prevent violence, promote justice and transform armed conflict.CR’s Accord projects aim to inform and strengthen peace processes,providing a unique resource on conflict and peacemaking.Working collaboratively with locally based organizations,we document peace processes,increase understanding and promote learning from past and comparable peacemaking experiences. “… we use your publications as part of our briefing materials for Norwegian personnel undertaking international assignments in the field of democracy and human rights in various parts of the world.” Kristin Høgdahl,Norwegian Institute of Human Rights “Resource material such as Accord is of great help for those of us Peace by piece working in this field.” Conciliation Resources Ambassador Bethuel Kiplagat,Africa Peace Forum Addressing Sudan’s conflicts The full text of all issues in the Accord series can be found on the Conciliation Resources website at http://www.c-r.org £17.00 Issue Editors Mark Simmons and Peter Dixon Accord 18_43 13/12/06 13:31 Page 1 Peace by piece Addressing Sudan’s conflicts Issue Editors: Mark Simmons and Peter Dixon Conciliation Resources London 2006 Accord 18_43 13/12/06 13:31 Page 2 Acknowledgements Accord Series Editor Aaron Griffiths Issue Editors Mark Simmons and Peter Dixon Director of Policy, Communications and Comparative Learning Celia McKeon Communications Manager Sarah Wheeler Events and Marketing Officer Georgina Burns Executive Director Andy Carl Conciliation Resources would like to extend grateful thanks to our authors, peer readers, photographers, translators and all those who contributed to consultation and analysis in the process of putting this publication together, especially: Mark Bradbury, Hassan Abdel Ati, Maha Abu Shama, Amira Yousif Abu Tawilla, Yahia Adam Abdalla, Daniel Awet Akot, Mona Ayoub, Atta el-Battahani, Luka Biong Deng, Omer Egemi, Bjoern Eser, El-Tayib Haj Ateya, Caroline Gullick, Musab Hayatli, Tim Hayden-Smith, Fink Haysom, Cirino Hiteng Ofuho, Tim and Jo Holmes, Julian Hottinger, Mohamed Mukhtar Hussein, Anne Itto, Douglas Johnson, Tania Kaiser, Sayed el-Khatib, Marv Koop, as-Sadiq al-Mahdi, Taj es-Sir Mahjoub, Jason Matus, Michael Medley, Mohamed Osman al-Mirghani, Hafiz Mohamed, Paul Murphy, Laurie Nathan, Sara Pantuliano, Suleiman Rahhal, John Ryle and the Rift Valley Institute, Ahmed Saeed, Catherine Simmons, Lazaro Sumbeiywo, Alfred Taban, Jostein Tellnes, Alex de Waal and Ngele Waweru Ali. The publication was made possible thanks to the financial support of the UK Department for International Development (DFID), the Swiss Federal Department of Foreign Affairs and the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (SIDA). Published by Conciliation Resources 173 Upper Street London N1 1RG United Kingdom Telephone +44 (0)20 7359 7728 Fax +44 (0)20 7359 4081 Email [email protected] Website http://www.c-r.org © Conciliation Resources 2006 Permission is granted for reproduction and use of these materials for educational purposes. Please acknowledge your source when using the materials and notify Conciliation Resources. UK charity registration number 1055436 ISSN 1365-0742 ISBN 1-905805-01-2 Front cover: Sudanese reflected in a pool of rain water, September 2005. Source: Reuters/David Mwangi Accord 18_43 13/12/06 13:31 Page 3 Acronyms 4 Map 5 Introduction 6 Mark Simmons and Peter Dixon A complex web: politics and conflict in Sudan 10 Atta el-Battahani Land and conflict in Sudan 14 Mona Ayoub Major Sudanese peace processes and agreements 16 The IGAD peace process and the Comprehensive Peace Agreement Contents Negotiating peace: the road to Naivasha 18 Mohamed el-Mukhtar Hussein Negotiating peace: restarting a moribund process 20 Cirino Hiteng Ofuho The mediator’s perspective 22 An interview with General Lazaro Sumbeiywo Reflecting on the IGAD peace process 28 An interview with Nicholas (Fink) Haysom A summary of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement 32 The three areas: a template for regional agreements 34 Jason Matus The unexpected deal: oil and the IGAD process 38 Jostein Tellnes Planning for reconstruction: the Joint Assessment Mission 42 Taj es-Sir Mahjoub Peace for everyone? The Darfur Peace Agreement: expectations unfulfilled 46 Julian Thomas Hottinger Failings of the DPA 50 Laurie Nathan The DPA and its national context 51 Alex de Waal A summary of the DPA and ESPA 52 Land and the peace processes 54 Omer Egemi Guests at the table? The role of women in peace processes 56 Anne Itto The role of track two initiatives 60 Peter Dixon and Mark Simmons The delicate practice of supporting grassroots peacebuilding in southern Sudan 64 Paul Murphy Untapped potential: civil society and the search for peace 68 Hassan Abdel Ati Hopes for the future: the case of Sudanese refugees in Uganda 72 Tania Kaiser The limitations of bilateral governance 74 As-Sadiq al-Mahdi The imperative of decentralization 76 Daniel Awet Akot Key texts and agreements 78 Profiles 82 Glossary 89 Chronology 90 Further reading 99 Accord Series 100 About Conciliation Resources and Concordis International 102 Order form 103 Contents 3 Accord 18_43 13/12/06 13:31 Page 4 Acronyms ABC Abyei Boundaries Commission NRF National Redemption Front AEC Assessment and Evaluation Commission NSCC New Sudan Council of Churches AMIS African Union Mission in Sudan NSP National Strategic Plan AU African Union OLS Operation Lifeline Sudan CPA Comprehensive Peace Agreement PDF Popular Defence Force DDDC Darfur-Darfur Dialogue and Consultation PNC Popular National Congress DoP Declaration of Principles SAF Sudan Alliance Forces (NDA) or Sudanese DPA Darfur Peace Agreement Armed Forces (government) DRDF Darfur Reconstruction and SANU Sudan African National Union Development Fund SCC Sudan Council of Churches DUP Democratic Unionist Party SCP Sudan Communist Party EDF Equatoria Defence Force SLM/A Sudanese Liberation Movement/Army EF Eastern Front SPDF Sudan People’s Democratic Front ELI Egyptian-Libyan Initiative SPF Sudan Peace Fund ESPA Eastern Sudan Peace Agreement SPLM/A Sudan People’s Liberation Movement/Army GNU Government of National Unity SRRA Southern Sudan Relief and GoS Government of Sudan Rehabilitation Agency GoSS Government of Southern Sudan SSDF South Sudan Defence Forces ICC International Criminal Court SSIG South Sudan Independence Group ICF Islamic Charter Front SSIM/A Southern Sudan Independence IDP Internally Displaced Person Movement/Army IGAD Intergovernmental Authority SSLM South Sudan Liberation Movement on Development* SSU Sudanese Socialist Union IGADD Intergovernmental Authority on SSUM/A South Sudan Unity Movement/Army Drought and Development* TDRA Transitional Darfur Regional Authority IMF International Monetary Fund TMC Transitional Military Council IPF IGAD Partners Forum UDSF Union of Democratic Sudanese Forces JAM Joint Assessment Mission UNDP United Nations Development Programme JEM Justice and Equality Movement UNESCO United Nations Educational, Scientific and JIU Joint Integrated Unit Cultural Organization LRA Lord’s Resistance Army UNHCR United Nations High Commission MDTF Multi-Donor Trust Fund for Refugees NCP National Congress Party UNICEF United Nations Children’s Fund NDA National Democratic Alliance UNMIS United Nations Mission in Sudan NGO Non-Governmental Organization USAP Union of Sudan African Parties NIF National Islamic Front NPC National Petroleum Commission *IGADD was renamed IGAD in March 1996. 4 Accord 18 Accord 18_43 13/12/06 13:31 Page 5 Map of Sudan Map of Sudan 5 Accord 18_43 13/12/06 13:31 Page 6 Crowds gather in Khartoum in July 2005 as John Garang is sworn in as Vice-President Source: Sven Torfinn/Panos Pictures Introduction Mark Simmons and Peter Dixon he signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) in Nairobi on 9 January 2005 was hailed by T leaders from around the world as the dawn of a new era for Sudan. Uganda’s President Yoweri Museveni described the scene: “We saw here the reality of the Sudan when they were dancing, the people of the turbans and the people of the ostrich feathers. How do they live together respecting each other’s culture? This has been the problem of the Sudan.” Two years on, it is not clear whether Sudan has moved any closer to answering Museveni’s question. There is, though, an underlying flaw in the question: implicit in his observation is the common tendency to describe Sudan’s conflicts in simplified terms, north and south, Arab and African.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Darfur Genocide
    Darfur genocide Berkeley Model United Nations Welcome Letter Hi everyone! Welcome to the Darfur Historical Crisis committee. My name is Laura Nguyen and I will be your head chair for BMUN 69. This committee will take place from roughly 2006 to 2010. Although we will all be in the same physical chamber, you can imagine that committee is an amalgamation of peace conferences, UN meetings, private Janjaweed or SLM meetings, etc. with the goal of preventing the Darfur Genocide and ending the War in Darfur. To be honest, I was initially wary of choosing the genocide in Darfur as this committee’s topic; people in Darfur. I also understood that in order for this to be educationally stimulating for you all, some characters who committed atrocious war crimes had to be included in debate. That being said, I chose to move on with this topic because I trust you are all responsible and intelligent, and that you will treat Darfur with respect. The War in Darfur and the ensuing genocide are grim reminders of the violence that is easily born from intolerance. Equally regrettable are the in Africa and the Middle East are woefully inadequate for what Darfur truly needs. I hope that understanding those failures and engaging with the ways we could’ve avoided them helps you all grow and become better leaders and thinkers. My best advice for you is to get familiar with the historical processes by which ethnic brave, be creative, and have fun! A little bit about me (she/her) — I’m currently a third-year at Cal majoring in Sociology and minoring in Data Science.
    [Show full text]
  • Negotiating Peace in Sierra Leone: Confronting the Justice Challenge
    Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue rDecembeerp 2007 ort Negotiating peace in Sierra Leone: Confronting the justice challenge Priscilla Hayner Report The Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue is an independent and impartial foundation, Contents based in Geneva, that promotes and facilitates 1. Introduction and overview 5 dialogue to resolve armed conflicts and reduce civilian suffering. 2. Background to the 1999 talks 8 114, rue de lausanne 3. Participation in the Lomé talks: April–July 1999 10 ch-1202 geneva 4. Amnesty in the Lomé process and Accord 12 switzerland The context 12 [email protected] t: + 41 22 908 11 30 Rapid agreement on a blanket amnesty 13 f: +41 22 908 11 40 A second look at the amnesty: was it unavoidable? 16 www.hdcentre.org The amnesty and the UN and other international participants 17 © Copyright 5. Other justice issues at Lomé 19 Henry Dunant Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue, 2007 A Truth and Reconciliation Commission 19 Reproduction of all or Provisions for reparations 20 part of this publication The security forces and demobilisation of combatants 20 may be authorised only Reaching an agreement on power-sharing 21 with written consent and acknowledgement of the 6. After the agreement: a difficult peace 22 source. Slow implementation and near collapse of the accord 23 The International Center The Special Court for Sierra Leone 25 for Transitional Justice Implementing the Truth and Reconciliation Commission 26 assists countries pursuing Judicial reform efforts 28 accountability for past mass Creation of a new Human Rights Commission 28 atrocity or human rights abuse. It assists in the development Demobilisation, and reform of the armed forces and police 29 of integrated, comprehensive, and localized approaches to 7.
    [Show full text]
  • RVI Local Peace Processes in Sudan.Pdf
    Rift Valley Institute ﻤﻌﻬﺪ اﻷﺨدود اﻟﻌﻇﻴم Taasisi ya Bonde Kuu ySMU vlˆ yU¬T tí Machadka Dooxada Rift 东非大裂谷研究院 Institut de la Vallée du Rift Local Peace Processes in Sudan A BASELINE STUDY Mark Bradbury John Ryle Michael Medley Kwesi Sansculotte-Greenidge Commissioned by the UK Government Department for International Development “Our sons are deceiving us... … Our soldiers are confusing us” Chief Gaga Riak Machar at Wunlit Dinka-Nuer Reconciliation Conference 1999 “You, translators, take my words... It seems we are deviating from our agenda. What I expected was that the Chiefs of our land, Dinka and Nuer, would sit on one side and address our grievances against the soldiers. I differ from previous speakers… I believe this is not like a traditional war using spears. In my view, our discussion should not concentrate on the chiefs of Dinka and Nuer, but on the soldiers, who are the ones who are responsible for beginning this conflict. “When John Garang and Riek Machar [leaders of rival SPLA factions] began fighting did we understand the reasons for their fighting? When people went to Bilpam [in Ethiopia] to get arms, we thought they would fight against the Government. We were not expecting to fight against ourselves. I would like to ask Commanders Salva Mathok & Salva Kiir & Commander Parjak [Senior SPLA Commanders] if they have concluded the fight against each other. I would ask if they have ended their conflict. Only then would we begin discussions between the chiefs of Dinka and Nuer. “The soldiers are like snakes. When a snake comes to your house day after day, one day he will bite you.
    [Show full text]
  • Conflict and Crisis in South Sudan's Equatoria
    SPECIAL REPORT NO. 493 | APRIL 2021 UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE www.usip.org Conflict and Crisis in South Sudan’s Equatoria By Alan Boswell Contents Introduction ...................................3 Descent into War ..........................4 Key Actors and Interests ............ 9 Conclusion and Recommendations ...................... 16 Thomas Cirillo, leader of the Equatoria-based National Salvation Front militia, addresses the media in Rome on November 2, 2019. (Photo by Andrew Medichini/AP) Summary • In 2016, South Sudan’s war expand- Equatorians—a collection of diverse South Sudan’s transitional period. ed explosively into the country’s minority ethnic groups—are fighting • On a national level, conflict resolu- southern region, Equatoria, trig- for more autonomy, local or regional, tion should pursue shared sover- gering a major refugee crisis. Even and a remedy to what is perceived eignty among South Sudan’s con- after the 2018 peace deal, parts of as (primarily) Dinka hegemony. stituencies and regions, beyond Equatoria continue to be active hot • Equatorian elites lack the external power sharing among elites. To spots for national conflict. support to viably pursue their ob- resolve underlying grievances, the • The war in Equatoria does not fit jectives through violence. The gov- political process should be expand- neatly into the simplified narratives ernment in Juba, meanwhile, lacks ed to include consultations with of South Sudan’s war as a power the capacity and local legitimacy to local community leaders. The con- struggle for the center; nor will it be definitively stamp out the rebellion. stitutional reform process of South addressed by peacebuilding strate- Both sides should pursue a nego- Sudan’s current transitional period gies built off those precepts.
    [Show full text]
  • Unpacking Ethnic Stacking: the Uses and Abuses of Security Force Ethnicity in Sudan
    Unpacking Ethnic Stacking: The Uses and Abuses of Security Force Ethnicity in Sudan Nathaniel Allen National Defense University June 2019 1 Abstract African elites commonly recruit co-ethnic soldiers into state security institutions, a practice known as ethnic stacking. Ethnic stacking has recently received considerable attention from scholars and been linked to an array of outcomes, including repression, high levels of political violence and poor democratization outcomes. This article employs evidence from Sudan under Omar Al Bashir to argue that ethnic stacking is not one coherent tactic but several, and that its effects are mediated by the processes through which security force institutions are ethnically stacked. Within the leadership of state security institutions, ethnic stacking in Sudan served as a coup-proofing measure to ensure that leaders bound by ties of kinship and trust maintain oversight over the most sensitive functions of the security apparatus. In Sudan’s militia groups, ethnic stacking of militia groups and rank-and-file soldiers was used as a means of warfare and repression by altering overall composition of security forces with respect to the civilian population. The militia strategy itself was a product of the failure of the regime’s traditional security forces to function as effective counterinsurgents, and, by keeping the periphery of the country in a near-constant state of conflict, prolonged Bashir’s regime. World Count: 9,816 words Keywords: Ethnicity, Sudan, civil-military relations, civil wars, coups 2 Introduction For thirty years, Sudan was ruled by Al Bashir, an army officer who was the longest serving leader of the longest running regime in Sudanese history.
    [Show full text]
  • How to Implement Sudan's New Peace Agreement
    The Rebels Come to Khartoum: How to Implement Sudan’s New Peace Agreement Crisis Group Africa Briefing N°168 Khartoum/Nairobi/Brussels, 23 February 2021 What’s new? A peace agreement signed on 3 October 2020 paves the way for armed and unarmed opposition groups in Sudan to join the transitional government, dra- matically expanding representation of the country’s peripheries during the interim period before elections. The two most powerful rebel movements remain outside the accord, however. Why does it matter? Clinching the agreement was necessary for the country’s transition but implementation poses challenges. The agreement risks bloating the military and sets up a prospective political alliance between the rebels and Sudanese security forces, which could further sideline the government’s civilian cabinet and threaten to bury its reform agenda. What should be done? The interim government should negotiate with holdout rebels to bring them into the transition. Sudan’s international partners should press for security sector reform that decreases the size and political dominance of a newly expanded military while funding and supporting the authorities’ spending commit- ments in the peripheries. I. Overview Sudan’s October 2020 peace agreement, involving the interim government and rebel movements in Darfur and the Two Areas, among others, is an important step in the country’s transition after the ouster of former President Omar al-Bashir. The deal allows for representatives from armed groups in the country’s peripheries to take government posts and for significant public money to go to these areas. It is a way to rebalance the Nile Valley elites’ decades-long domination of Sudan’s political system.
    [Show full text]
  • Conflict Analysis of Liberia
    Conflict analysis of Liberia February 2014 Siân Herbert About this report This rapid review provides a short synthesis of the literature on conflict and peace in Liberia. It aims to orient policymakers to the key debates and emerging issues. It was prepared for the European Commission’s Instrument for Stability, © European Union 2014. The views expressed in this report are those of the author, and do not represent the opinions or views of the European Union, the GSDRC, or the partner agencies of the GSDRC. The author extends thanks to Dr Mats Utas (The Nordic Africa Institute), who acted as consultant and peer reviewer for this report. Expert contributors Dr Thomas Jaye (Kofi Annan International Peacekeeping Training Centre) Diego Osorio (former United Nations Mission in Liberia) Dr Sukanya Podder (Cranfield University) Dr Alexander Ramsbotham (Conciliation Resources) Eric Werker (Harvard Business School) Craig Lamberton (USAID) Julia Escalona (USAID) Tiana Martin (USAID) Suggested citation Herbert, S. (2014). Conflict analysis of Liberia. Birmingham, UK: GSDRC, University of Birmingham. About GSDRC GSDRC is a partnership of research institutes, think-tanks and consultancy organisations with expertise in governance, social development, humanitarian and conflict issues. We provide applied knowledge services on demand and online. Our specialist research team supports a range of international development agencies, synthesising the latest evidence and expert thinking to inform policy and practice. GSDRC, International Development Department, College of Social Sciences University of Birmingham, B15 2TT, UK www.gsdrc.org [email protected] Conflict analysis of Liberia Contents 1. Overview 1 2. Conflict and violence profile 2 3. Principal domestic actors 4 3.1 Political personalities and parties 3.2 Principal security actors 3.3 Ex-combatants and ex-commanders 3.4 Civil society organisations 4.
    [Show full text]
  • Darfur and the Battle for Khartoum
    Institute for Security Studies Situation Report Date Issued: 04 September 2006 Author: Mariam Bibi Jooma1 Distribution: General Contact: [email protected] Darfur and the Battle for Khartoum Sudan’s western region of Darfur has frequently featured in the headlines since Introduction the outbreak of major violence there in 2003. Indeed, it often seemed that international interest would remain focused upon Darfur, given the scale of human suffering and the immensity of the challenges facing the African Union’s (AU) peacekeeping operations in that vast area. It was little surprise, then, that the signing of the Darfur Peace Agreement (DPA) on 5 May this year between the Government of Sudan and the Minni Arkoi Minnawi faction of the Sudan Liberation Movement (SLM) was greeted with such relief in the media. Developments since the signing of the DPA, however, suggest that the political commitment to implementing its terms remains extremely weak, and there is a continued polarisation of affected ethnic communities, particularly within displacement camps, sometimes with fatal consequences. This has happened despite the appointment on 7 August of Minni Arkoi Minnawi, as the Special Assistant to the Sudanese President. Moreover, the period between May and July 2006 has seen the highest number of fatalities among aid workers since the beginning of 2003.2 This is quite aside from the continuing killing of Darfurians on a daily basis. In this unpredictable environment, the local population has become increasingly cynical of the potential peacekeeping role of the African Union Mission (AMIS) deployed to observe the implementation of the 2004 ceasefire agreement. A growing number of fatalities suffered by AMIS troops themselves in Darfur suggests that the African Union’s role as mediator and guarantor for the implementation of the DPA is being overtly challenged.
    [Show full text]
  • Institute For
    INSTITUTE FOR SECURITY STUDIES INTERVIEW WITH DR LAM AKOL OF THE JUSTICE PARTY AFRICAN SECURITY ANALYSIS PROGRAMME INTERVIEW, KHARTOUM 31 MAY 2003 Introduction Dr. Lam Akol was a senior member of the SPLM/A before joining Dr. Riek Machar in a rebellion that split the mother party. He then broke from Dr. Riek, after which he signed the Fashoda Agreement with the government in 1997 and became the Minister of Transport. Dr. Akol held this position until a year ago. He is the author of ‘SPLM/SPLA: Inside an African Revolution’ and is currently a leading member of the opposition Justice Party. ASAP conducted this interview with Dr. Lam on 31 May 2003 in Khartoum. Assessing the current IGAD peace process Dr. Akol was very optimistic about the outcome of the peace process in his meeting with ASAP. However, he follows Special Sudan Envoy General Lazarus Sumbeiywo and others who expect that negotiations will extend beyond the end of June, the anticipated completion date. While acknowledging that both the SPLM/A and GoS were highly apprehensive about the process and outcome, Dr. Akol said that circumstances dictate a final peace agreement. He said the parties ‘do not have the freedom to indefinitely delay the outcome’. The Sudanese people, whether in the north or the south, want an agreement. The mediators, and in particular the US (which plays a critical role in the negotiations) understand this very well and this provides them with considerable leverage. The Sudanese will ‘cling to the agreement. It will be an agreement of all the Sudanese and not just the parties in the negotiations’.
    [Show full text]
  • Paix Sans Frontières Building Peace Across Borders
    ISSUE ISSUE 22 Accord 22 Accord edited by an international review of peace initiatives Alexander Ramsbotham Paix sans frontières and I William Zartman 2011 building peace across borders ISSUE Paix sans frontières Armed confl ict does not respect political or territorial 22 22 boundaries. It forms part of wider, regional confl ict systems. building peace But there is a policy gap across borders and in borderlands 2011 where statehood and diplomacy can struggle to reach, across borders as confl ict response strategies still focus on the nation state as the central unit of analysis and intervention. This twenty-second publication in Conciliation Resources’ Accord series addresses this gap. It looks at how peacebuilding strategies and capacity can ‘think outside the state’: beyond the state, through regional engagement, and below it, through cross-border community or trade networks. building peace across borders across peace building “In many of today’s wars, violence is driven in part by cross- border regional confl ict dynamics. And, as this important new publication from Conciliation Resources makes clear, failure to take the regional dimension of civil wars into account increases the risk that peacebuilding strategies will fail. What is needed, in addition to the statebuilding policies that are now de rigeur in post-confl ict environments, are strategies that address cross- border confl ict dynamics with the relevant regional states and cross-border communal engagement.” Andrew Mack, Director of the Human Security Report Project (HSRP) at Simon Fraser University and a faculty member of the university’s School for International Studies. Conciliation Resources is an international non-governmental organisation that works in fragile and confl ict-affected states to prevent violence, promote justice and transform confl ict into opportunities for development.
    [Show full text]
  • Country Report Sudan at a Glance: 2003-04
    Country Report June 2003 Sudan Sudan at a glance: 2003-04 OVERVIEW The peace process between the government and the leading southern rebel force, the Sudan People’s Liberation Army, will be kept alive by international pressure, although little of substance will be agreed in the short term. A ceasefire remains in effect until the end of June, while talks have been suspended until July. A US presidential report to Congress on the commitment of the Sudanese government to peace avoided calling for sanctions, signalling US support for ongoing dialogue. A significant rise in oil exports and a recovery in non-oil exports in 2003 are expected to ensure strong real GDP growth of 5.9%, slowing marginally to 5.3% in 2004. The current-account deficit, however, will widen over the forecast period to US$1.74bn by end-2004 (9.6% of GDP). Key changes from last month Political outlook • With halting progress in the peace talks, the political outlook is dependent upon the continued commitment to negotiations. Many obstacles remain, not least the role of the opposition groups not included in the talks and the growing unrest in the west of the country. Economic policy outlook • The government will not veer from its commitment to IMF-led policies, although expenditure may stray beyond agreed limits. Economic policy will continue to centre on balancing the budget through subsidy cutting and raising taxes. These measures, combined with a revised oil price forecast, will result in a reduced budget deficit of SD5.5bn (US$21.1m; 0.1% of GDP) in 2003, which will then widen in 2004 to SD33bn.
    [Show full text]
  • The Chad–Sudan Proxy War and the 'Darfurization' of Chad: Myths and Reality
    12 The Chad–Sudan Proxy War and the ‘Darfurization’ of Chad: Myths and Reality By Jérôme Tubiana Copyright The Small Arms Survey Published in Switzerland by the Small Arms Survey The Small Arms Survey is an independent research project located at the Grad- uate Institute of International Studies in Geneva, Switzerland. It serves as the © Small Arms Survey, Graduate Institute of International Studies, Geneva 2008 principal source of public information on all aspects of small arms and as a First published in April 2008 resource centre for governments, policy-makers, researchers, and activists. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a Established in 1999, the project is supported by the Swiss Federal Department retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior of Foreign Affairs, and by contributions from the Governments of Belgium, permission in writing of the Small Arms Survey, or as expressly permitted by Canada, Finland, France, the Netherlands, Norway, Sweden, and the UK. The law, or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics rights organi- Survey is also grateful for past and current project-specific support received zation. Enquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the above should from Australia, Denmark, and New Zealand. Further funding has been pro- be sent to the Publications Manager, Small Arms Survey, at the address below. vided by the United Nations Development Programme, the United Nations Institute for Disarmament Research, the Geneva International Academic Net- Small Arms Survey work, and the Geneva International Centre for Humanitarian Demining. The Graduate Institute of International Studies Small Arms Survey collaborates with research institutes and NGOs in many 47 Avenue Blanc, 1202 Geneva, Switzerland countries, including Brazil, Canada, Georgia, Germany, India, Israel, Jordan, Copyedited by Emily Walmsley Norway, the Russian Federation, South Africa, Sri Lanka, Sudan, Sweden, Thailand, the United Kingdom, and the United States.
    [Show full text]