INDIANA MAGAZINE of HISTORY Volume LIII SEPTEMBER,1957 Number 3

INDIANA MAGAZINE OF HISTORY Volume LIII SEPTEMBER,1957 Number 3

Log-Cabin Canvass, Hoosier Style Robert G. Gunderson*

Times were hard in 1840. Laborers worked for fifty cents a day, farm hands for “bed and board,” and they were glad to get it. Canal diggers who averaged but $110 a year lost their jobs entirely in August, 1839, when the State of Indiana went bankrupt and stopped virtually all its public works.’ The firm of Comparet and Kiser in Fort Wayne paid $1.50 per hundred pounds for dressed pork.* Flour had dropped from $11.00 to $3.25 a barrel. Wheat went for 379” cents a bushel, corn for twenty-five cents. The largest packing houses in Cincinnati failed. Detroit papers reported every branch of trade ~uffering.~Contemporary auditors recorded 33,000 insolvencies.“ “Everybody,” babbled one melancholy observer in the fashionable echolalia of the day, “and everything is going-going-going-to the devil.”5 Ralph Waldo Emerson thought the whole generation “bankrupt of principles and hope,” as well as “of property.” “Man . . . is the treadle

* Robert G. Gunderson is chairman of the department of speech at Oberlin College, Oberlin, Ohio. This paper, here reproduced with minor changes, was read at the annual dinner meeting of the Allen County- Fort Wayne Historical Society on February 27, 1957. 1 Washington National Zntelligencer, March 3, 1840; Logan Esarey, A History of Indiana from Its Exploration to 1850 (2 vols., Indianapo- lis, 1918), I, 423. 2 “Reminiscences of A. C. Comparet,” Old Fort News (Fort Wayne, Indiana), XIX (March, 1956), 8. 8 Washington National Zntelligencer, February 13, 1840; Zanesville, Ohio, Gazette, February 5, 1840; William G. Wolfe, Stom’es of Guernsey County, Ohio, History of an Average Ohio County (Cambridge, Ohio, 1943), 117. 4 Walter W. Price, We Have Recovered Before (New York, 1933), 48. 5Allan Nevins and Milton Halsey Thomas (eds.), The Dialy of George Templeton Strong, Young Man in New York, 1835-1849 (4 vols., New York, 1952), I, 131, entry for February 21,1840. 246 Indiana Magazine of History of a wheel,” wailed Concord’s distinguished man of letters, “a tassel at the apron-string of society . . . the servant of his belly.”6 Pioneers in Allen County in 1840 had cause to concern themselves with survival for they lived in a country not far removed from wilderness, dependent upon the whimsical forces of nature. Northern Indiana was very sparsely settled, and most of the population lived in central and south- ern Indiana.T Though its population multiplied six times from 1830 to 1840, Allen County could boast of less than six thous- and inhabitants in 1840, the great majority of whom devoted themselves to clearing very primitive farms. The fur trade with the Miami Indians was still lively, but Indian corn provided the largest cash crop, 84,275 bushels in 1840. Ingenious Hoosiers had discovered that the cheapest and most convenient way to get corn to market, if not perhaps the most palatable way to consume it, was in the form of whiskey. Thus there was a distillery, and the rudimentary beginnings of commerce and industry. A weekly newspaper, three flour mills, two grist mills, a pottery, a tannery, and the aforementioned distillery kept some 265 workers employed. Twenty-eight citizens practiced what the census taker listed as the “learned professions,” 166 engaged in mining, 52 in commerce, and six were employed in the navigation of canals and rivers. As yet there were only primary schools, and 160 citizens over twenty years of age frankly admitted that they could neither read nor write. According to the census taker, at least, no one in the entire county formally classified as either idiot or insane.* There was little or no commercialized entertainment, and folks were forced to find their own amusements, one of which was obviously politics. As a recent writer put it, Hoosiers were always “Hell Bent For Election.”s With but- ter and bacon at six cents a pound, disgruntled farmers found it comforting to have President Martin Van Buren to blame for their miseries. “I hope we will have a change in govern-

6Edward W. Emerson and Waldo Emerson Forbes (eds.), Jour- nab of Ralph Waldo Emerson (10 vols., Boston, 1910), IV, 242. 7 John D. Barnhart and Donald F. Carmony, Indiana: From Fron- tier to Industrial Commonwealth (2 vols., New York, 1954), I, 175. 8 Compendium of the . . . Sixth Census. 82-83, 286-292. 9 Harvey L. Carter, “Indiana-Hell Bent for Election,” Indium Magazane of Historg, XLI (1945), 375. Log-Cabin Canvass, Hoosier Style 247

ment officers that times may get better,” wrote the nephew of Senator Thomas Ewing from his isolated homestead at Rome City on the northern Indiana frontier.1° In the national campaign Whigs lost no time in turning such economic frustration into partisan fervor. Their denunciations were fluent and careless of fact: “Down with Martin Van Ruin,” they shouted ; “away with the Spoilers !” The followers of Jefferson and Jackson had been in power for forty years. Eleven years had passed since the western partisans of Andrew Jackson first muddied the carpets of the White House, and the aggressive vigor which had characterized their arrival in Washington was consider- ably diminished. In 1837 General Jackson had retired to the Hermitage, leaving Martin Van Buren, “the Little Magician,” to maintain the Democracy by political sorcery. Little Van’s incantations proved to be competent enough but no substitute for the decisive and colorful leadership of the Old Chieftain. Harassed by hard times, the suave President found it difficult to inspire renewed enthusiasm in his plebeian followers. Indeed, the paradox of a people’s party under the leadership of a courtly, luxury-loving politician gave the Whigs a most damaging issue in the contest of 1840. With the help of a more literate ghost writer, Davy Crockett, “the Coonskin Congressman” from Tennessee, zeroed his vitriolic pen on the hapless Van Buren. Crockett’s political marksmanship apparently had the same deadly ef- fect as his huntsman’s skill with Old Betsy. Davy’s Life of Martin Van Buren advertised its sophisticated subject as “a slippery fellow,” “a dandy,” who crept stealthily into “genteel society” and who traveled the countryside “in an English coach” with “English servants, dressed in . . . livery.” “He is laced up in corsets, such as women in a town wear, and, if possible, tighter than the best of them,” said Davy, who found it difficult to discern from the President’s “personal appearance, whether he was a man ‘or woman, but for his large red and gray whiskers.” “He struts and swaggers like a crow in a gutter,” Crockett concluded in a description calculated to terminate Van Buren’s political 1ife.l’

ION. H. Ewing to Thomas Ewing, March 17, 1840, Thomas Ewing Papers, Manuscripts Division, Library of Congress. 11 David Crockett, The Life of Martin Van Buren (Philadelphia, 1839), 80-81. 248 Indiana Magazine of Historg

With so vulnerable an opponent, Whig politicians eagerly anticipated the impending contest. Eleven months before election day delegates gathered at Harrisburg to name their candidates. Rejecting their traditional spokesmen, Henry Clay and Daniel Webster, Whig leaders turned to William Henry Harrison who epitomized the new political importance of the West, and whose opinions were sufficiently ambiguous to offend none of the many divergent elements in the party. When the disappointed Kentucky Senator heard the bad news from Harrisburg, he was reported to have exclaimed, “My friends are not worth the powder and shot it would take to kill them! . . . If there were two Henry Clays, one of them would make the other President of the United States.”12 To complete the ticket, Whig managers chose John Tyler of Virginia, an austere, conservative, states’ rights southerner who was said to have wept at the Mill Boy’s defeat. In recalling the convention later, at least one devoted Whig be- moaned the addition of “And Tyler too” to the ticket. “There was rhyme,” he sighed, “but no reason in it.”1B In 1840, however, expediency made rhyme and reason synonymous, for federalists of the North and strict constructionists of the South could perhaps march together to the chant of the compelling alliteration : “Tippecanoe and Tyler too.” The problem of unity thus solved by their ticket, Whigs had only to keep the campaign from becoming entangled with controversial issues. “The General’s lips must be hermeti- cally sealed,” advised one astute New Yorker, “and our shouts and hurras must be long and loud.” In accomplishing their objectives, Whigs fortuitously received inadvertent help from blundering Democrats who repeated gibes about “Old Granny” Harrison. A correspondent for the Baltimore Republican suggested that the Whig candidate might better be pensioned than sent to the White House. “Give him a barrel of hard cider,” said this tactless Democrat, “and settle a pension of two thousand a year on him,” “and my word for it, he will sit the remainder of his days in his log cabin by the side of a ‘sea coal’ fire, and study moral phil0sophy.”1~

12 Henry A. Wise, Seven Decades of the Union (Philadelphia, 1872), 171-172. 13 Allan Nevins (ed.), The Diary of Philip Hone (2 vols., New York, 1936), 11, 553, entry for August 17, 1841. 14M. Bradley to Thurlow Weed, August 29, 1839, Thurlow Weed Papers, Manuscripts Division, University of Rochester Library; Balti- more Republican, December 11, 1839. Log-Cabin Canvass, Hoosier Stgle 249

Unwitting Democratic editors republished this unseemly taunt in an attempt to capitalize on Clay’s repudiation at Harrisburg, but shrewd Whig managers soon turned Demo- cratic sneers to their own advantage. The welkin rang with shouts for the “Log-Cabin and hard-cider Candidate,” and within the month cabins, coons, and cider became the symbols of resurgent Whiggery. Representative Charles Ogle of Pennsylvania gave the campaign its keynote in a speech in Congress on “The Regal Splendor of the President’s Palace.” In describing the most intimate details of “palace life,” the Keystone Congressman accused Van Buren of installing the first bathtub in the White House. For three uproarious days, Ogle harangued his colleagues. Among other things, he complained because the President’s table was “not provided with those old and un- fashionable dishes, ‘hog and hominy,’ ” “schnitz” and “sour- crout,” to say nothing of “hard cider.” He denounced the purchase of mirrors for the “grand banquet hall.” “What,” asked Ogle, “would the frugal and honest ‘Hoosiers’ think were they to behold a democratic peacock in full court cos- tume, strutting by the hour before golden-framed mirrors, nine feet high and four and a half feet wide!” His climax of course came with the revelation that a bathtub had been put in Van Buren’s chambers. Apparently “Sweet Sandy Whiskers” (as he disrespectfully referred to the President) was not content to bathe, as John Quincy Adams had, in the turbid waters of the Potomac. Only one with the desires of an Oriental autocrat would demand so extravagant a luxury as a bath! A President with tastes so effete might indeed supply his toilet with “Double Extract of Queen Victora [sic].”16 In contrast to this Asiatic splendor of Van Buren, Whigs heralded the rugged virtues of “the Ploughman Candidate for President.” The contest was interpreted as one between the simple and the aristocratic ways of life: the log cabin versus the palace; hard cider versus champagne; Old Tippecanoe versus Sweet Sandy Whiskers. Partisans chanted this simpli- fied version of political strife : Let Van from his coolers of silver drink wine, And lounge on his cushioned settee

15 New York Log Cabin, July 11 and 18, August 1, 1840. 250 Indiana Magazine of History

Our man on a Buckeye bench can recline Content with hard cider is he!l6 Hoosiers opened their campaign in January, ten months before election day. Democrats met in Indianapolis on the anniversary of Jackson’s victory at New Orleans to nominate Tilghman A. Howard for governor. Whigs gathered the following week to name Judge Samuel Bigger as his opponent.lT But the presidency was the “greased pig in the field game of American politics,”18 and most of the talk was about Indiana’s onetime territorial governor, William Henry Harrison, the “Cincinnatus from North Bend.” A high political fever raged in Indiana and throughout the entire West. Politicians bustled about, as one observer testified, “warming each other up for the fight.”ls From January until May, Hoosier Whigs checked poll lists, founded campaign papers, and established county campaign commit- tees. Between April 6 and May 9, Judge Bigger traveled seven hundred miles astride a horse, to say nothing of de- livering thirty-three speeches, some of which lasted for three or four hours.20 Whig elector Richard W. Thompson likewise stumped the state promoting local organization and making the hills and valleys “resound with the praises” of Old Tip.21 Ciderites shouted : Without a Why or wherefore We’ll go for Harrison therefore. The Whig assembly that camped at Tippecanoe Battle- ground on May 29 and 30 was compared to the vast encamp- ment of Darius before his invasion of Greece.22 Delegations, some as many as a thousand strong, marched over muddy roads in military formation to do honor to Old Tip at the battleground he made A huge Evansville conting-

16Emilius 0. Randall and Daniel J. Ryan, Histow of Ohio, The Rise and Progress of an American State (5 vols., New York, 1912), IV, 29. 17 Adam Leonard, “Personal Politics in Indiana 1816-1840,” Zndium Magazine of History, XIX (1923), 278-279. 18 Ambrose Bierce, The Devil’s Dictionary (New York, 1911) , 266. laJohn Van Fossan to Thurlow Weed, July 20, 1840, Thurlow Weed Papers. 2o Esarey, Histow of Indiana, I, 365. 21 Zbid.; Charles Roll, Colonel Dick Thompson, the Persistent Whig (Indianapolis, 1948)’ 39-40. 22 Niles’ National Register, June 27, 1840, p. 264. 23Esarey, Hisbry of Indiana, I, 364; Logansport Telegraph, June 13, 1840. Log-Cabin Canvass, Hoosier Style 25 1

ent came up the Wabash on the steamer “Lily.” Some, like the young George W. Julian, rode as far as 150 miles on horseback; many sloshed barefoot up the Michigan Road; still others came aboard mobile canoes or log cabins, most of which were thoughtfully equipped with that inseparable appendage, hard cider. Occupants in one cabin, for example, ate “hog and homony [Sic]” and washed it down with hard cider from Exaggerated partisan accounts insisted that never had such a multitude “been beheld in the interior of the United States.”25 Tireless enumerators counted Whig noses and “variously guessed” the number at forty to fifty thousand, but a correspondent for one paper thought it more accurate to say “fifteen acres of men” and three to six thousand “fe- males.” Surprisingly enough, the arrangements committee was ready for this unprecedented horde. A tent three-fourths of a mile long housed the crowd, and a grazing farm of three hundred acres accommodated their horses. On one corner of the grounds a whole ox was barbecued and served with corn bread on shingles.26 Thirty hastily erected “groceries” dis- pensed not only cider but “every description of intoxicating liquors” which had been shipped up the Waba~h.~~Despite the manifold temptations, Whig editors reported “no intoxi- cated person,’’ “no scene of violence” to “mar the general harmony.”28 Democratic editors, however, told an entirely different story. “The ground that once was bathed with blood of brave men,” moralized the Washington Globe, “was made the scene of disgraceful revelry and dissipation.”2Q No doubt the groceries contributed to the thunder which was heard by one editor a week after the celebration, still rever- berating “along the shore of the bountiful Waba~h.”~~ Solon Robinson, a member of the Lake County delega- tion, mounted his printing press aboard a lumber wagon and

24 George W. Julian, Political Recollections, 1840-1872 (Chicago, 1884), 16; Cleveland, Ohio, Axe, June 18, 1840. 25Lafayette Free Press, June 4, 1840, quoted in Niles’ National Register, June 27, 1840, p. 264. 26 Washington National Zntelligencer, June 11, 1840; Niles’ National Register, June 27, 1840, p. 264; Logansport Telegraph, June 6, 1840; Cleveland Axe, June 18, 1840. 27 Washington Globe, June 16, 1840. ** Logansport Telegraph, June 6, 1840. 29Washington Globe, June 16, 1840. 30Lafayette Free Press, June 4, 1840, quoted in Niles’ National Register, June 27, 1840, p. 264. 252 Indiana Magazine of History turned out Whig propaganda and Tippecanoe songs for the overstimulated spectator~.~~On hand were at least six bands to set the whole Battleground to music. A monster parade featured a full-rigged ship from Michigan City, sixty smartly dressed “Rifle Rangers” from Evansville, numerous mobile log cabins and canoes, an “army of banners,” and an effigy of Van Buren, golden spoon in hand, seated on English cush- ions in a handsome British carriage. Six vice-presidents as- sisted Jonathan McCarty, the presiding officer. Judge Bigger and James Brooks, editor of the New York Express, made the principal speeches from the roof of a log cabin. Only a fraction of the great crowd could hear, but all could respond patriotically to the moving final scene. A “tottering” group of veterans presented Brooks with the flag carried by Captain Spier Spencer’s Company in 1811, and the New York editor promised to deliver it to General Harrison in Washington on inauguration day, 1841.32 “It was,” said one authority, “a perfect delirium of ~entiment.”~~ The excitement aroused by the great Battleground convention spread to every hamlet in the state. “The whole country,” said former President John Quincy Adams, “is in a state of agitation . . . such as was never before witne~sed.”~‘ In his reminiscences A. C. Comparet recalls the exciting Fort Wayne celebration, complete with mobile log cabin, coon- skins, and cider barrel drawn by sixteen yoke of oxen. A procession went up Columbia and Main streets to the Old Fort, scene of the all-day oratorical fe~tivities.~~Orators thought it nothing in those days to talk for two hours, and a few with unusual laryngeal stamina regularly talked for three or Whig audiences rewarded their efforts with a corresponding measure of patience and endurance.

31 Powell A. Moore, “The Newspaper Press of the Calumet Region, 1836-1933,” Indiana Magazine of Hzstorg, LII (1956), 111. 32 Indianapolis Spirit of ’76, June 6, 1840; Logansport Telegraph, June 6 and 13. 1840. 33 Esarey,’History of Indiana, I, 365. For an unsympathetic account of the Battleground activities, see Logansport Herald, May 27, June 10, 1840. s4Charles Francis Adams (ed.), Memoirs of John Quincy Adam (12 vols., Philadelphia, 1874-1877), X (1876), 351, entry for August 29, 1840. 35 Comparet, “Reminiscences,” 10. 85 William C. Rives of Virginia, for example, regularly talked four hours. See Washington National Zntelligencer, October 10, 1840; Niles’ National Register, October 10, 1840. Log-Cabin Canvass, Hoosier Stgle 253

Whig editors likewise devoted themselves unsparingly to politics. Horace Greeley, editor of the principal campaign paper, the Log Cabin, risked his financial future during the Tippecanoe mania, but his editorials were a powerful influ- ence on western voters. “Robert Dale Owen is a Van Buren candidate for Elector of President in Indiana,” the eccentric New Yorker observed caustically. “Wherever you find a bitter, blasphemous Atheist and enemy of Marriage, Moral- ity and Social Order, there you may be certain of one vote for Van B~ren.”~~The editor of the Fort Wayne Times studied the President’s career and discovered that Little Mat had attended a fashionable ball in Albany “on the ‘very night’ that Gen. Harrison was surprised” at Tippecan0e.~8 The local editor’s historical research prompted this new verse to a favorite Whig refrain: When Martin was housed like a chattel, Opposed to the war as you know, Our hero was foremost in battle, And conquered at Tippecanoe.39 Confronted with arguments for log cabins and hard cider, bewildered Democratic politicians responded with the traditional palaver of their trade. They described Old Tip as senile, charged him with duplicity, belittled his military record. In one of the truly ingenious developments of the canvass, Loco-Foco leaders in New York popularized “O.K.” as a political war cry. In mid-March the mysterious symbol appeared for the first time in print as the name of a Demo- cratic ward group, the “O.K. Club.” Shortly thereafter the mystery of the symbol was clarified. “O.K.” stood for Martin Van Buren, “Old Kinderhook,” whose noisy followers shouted it as a term of identification while disrupting a Whig meeting. But soon Whig editors were reversing the symbols to indicate what was to happen to Little Van in November : “Kicked Democrats curried sympathy with religious groups by claiming that intemperance had become a badge of the Whig

37New York Log Cabin, August 29, 1840. 38Fort Wayne Times, n.d., quoted in Logansport Herald, Novem- ber 25, 1840. 38 Frankfort, Kentucky, Campaign, June, 1840. 40 Allen Walker Read, “The Evidence on ‘O.K.,’ ’’ Sccturdag Review of Literature, XXIV (July 19, 1941), 3-4, 10. 254 Indiana Magazine of History party. To prove their point, they quoted the Reverend Leon- ard Bacon of the New York State Temperance Society who asserted with assurance that “more than ten thousand men will be made drunkards in one year, by this hard cider enthu~iasm.”~~“The ‘log cabin !’ )’ exclaimed the leading Democratic editor, “[is] a Federal trap, baited with hard cider to catch honest people’s votes in!”42 The president of the Michigan Temperance Society countered for the Whigs by rejoicing that politics had at last been removed “from the tavern and gr~g-shop.”~~In despera- tion Democrats ridiculed the superficial nature of the hard- cider appeal. An anonymous Loco-Foco rhymester scoffed at wayward Tippecanoe fathers : Hush-a-by-baby, Daddy’s a Whig, Before he comes home Hard cider he’ll swig; Then he’ll be tipsy And over he’ll fall; Down will come Daddy, Tip, Tyler, and a11.44 But in spite of this inspired effort there was little in Demo- cratic strategy to match the sorcery of the Whigs. Conven- tions, parades, log-cabin raisings, barbecues, coonskin dis- plays, and fireworks were the ingredients of political success in 1840 ; and raucous shouts for the Ploughman-President-To- Be overwhelmed all attempt at argument. Discouraged Hoosier Democrats could not conceal their dismay. George Pattison of Indianapolis urged his fellow leaders to “stir up the democracy.” “See [George A.] Chapmn,” he advised; “. . . tell him not to . . . create un- necessary alarms by putting a bad face upon our prospects. Tell him he must CROW.”45 Unfortunately, this frenzied advice fell into Whig hands, and the pessimistic Chapman found himself overnight “the great Rooster of the Loco- Foco party.”46 At the mammoth Bunker Hill celebration in

41 Albany, New York, Rough-Hewer, June 4, 1840. 42 Washington Globe, July 10, 1840. 43 New York Log Cabin, October 3, 1840. 44 Malcolm P. Eiselen, “Campaign Ballads,” Review of Reviews, XCIV (October, 1936), 60. 45 Washington National Intelligencw, August 1, 1840. 46 New York Log Cabin, September 6, 1840. Log-Cabin Canvass, Hoosier Style 255

Boston the obscure Indiana editor was caricatured as “8. cock prostrate on its back” above the taunt, “Crow, Chapman, Crow.”4T In Cincinnati Whigs erected a huge rooster over the intersection at Main and Columbia streets. The cabalistic letters “K. K.” covered his distended chest, and knowing Whigs explained that they stood for “Kant K~ow.”~~ When voters went to the polls for the state elections in August, Whigs swept Judge Bigger to victory with a nine- thousand vote margin.4B They likewise won midsummer con- tests in Kentucky, North Carolina, Vermont, and Alabama.5o When they squeaked through with a meager two-hundred vote margin in the Pine Tree State, Ciderite rallies thundered that Maine “went Hell bent for Governor Kent.”51 Balloting in 1840 extended over a period of three weeks, with Ohio and Pennsylvania opening the canvass on October 30. In Indiana both sides prepared for a turbulent election day. Horace Greeley warned of “violence and rebellion.”52 President Van Buren urged his followers to “prevent fraud by all legal But no state had a secret ballot and four still had a voice vote; so voting conditions encouraged trouble. In some areas, as always, Hoosiers turned out “about 101%” on election day.54 Indiana cast 117,000 votes out of a possible 137,000, or over 86 per cent of the eligible elec- t~rate.~~Old Tip won the state he once governed by a margin of almost 14,000. Allen County gave him 640 as compared with 399 for Van B~ren.~~In all, Old Tip carried nineteen of the twenty-six states with a popular majority of 150,000.57 The hard-cider excitement had given the country an increase of almost 55 per cent in the popular vote over

47 Cleveland Ase, September 24, 1840. 48 Cincinnati Chronicle, October 3, 1840. 48 Washington National Zntelligencey, August 18, 1840. 50 Zbid., August 25, 1840. 51 Julian, Recollections, 21. 52 New York Log Cabin, October 31, 1840. 53Martin Van Buren to Andrew Jackson, September 5, 1840, Martin Van Buren Papers, Manuscripts Division, Library of Congress. 54 Carter, “Hell Bent for Election,” 384. 55 Logan Esarey, “Pioneer Politics in Indiana,” Indiana Magazine of Hi~t~m,XI11 (1917), 100. 56 W. Dean Burnham, Pvresidential Ballots, 1836-1892 (Baltimore, 1955), 390. 57New York Log Cabin, December 19, 1840. 256 Indiana Magazine of History the 1836 national canvass, an increase never equalled-even following the enfranchisement of women. Jubilant Whig editors heralded an end to the “long and dreary night of misrule and party tyranny.”68 Democrats viewed the result as the “triumph of the power of money over the intelligence of the country.”5g In Indianapolis the editor of the Indiana Democrat spelled out a final bit of doggerel : We flap’d our wings and tried to crow, Alas! Alas!! It was no go- Chapman and we are now K. 0.60 With some justification, one newspaper claimed that Van Buren had been “sung down, lied down, drunk down.”61

68Mem his, Tennessee, Enquirer, n.d., quoted in Washington Na- tional Inte&geneer, November 17, 1840. 59 Washington Globe, November 19, 1840. 60 Indianapolis Indiana Democrat, November 14, 1840. 61 Wheeling Times, n.d., uoted in John Bach McMaster, A History of the People of the United gtates (8 vols., New York, 1920), VI, 590.