Chinese Decision-Making in Response to Foreign Policy Crises, 1949-1996: a Poliheuristic Analysis
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Nationalism, Internationalism and Chinese Foreign Policy CHEN ZHIMIN*
Journal of Contemporary China (2005), 14(42), February, 35–53 Nationalism, Internationalism and Chinese Foreign Policy CHEN ZHIMIN* This article examines the role of nationalism in shaping Chinese foreign policy in the history of contemporary China over the last 100 years. Nationalism is used here as an analytical term, rather than in the usual popular pejorative sense. By tracing the various expressions of contemporary Chinese nationalism, this article argues that nationalism is one of the key enduring driving forces which have shaped Chinese foreign policy over the period; as China increasingly integrates herself into this globalized and interdependent world and Chinese confidence grows, the current expression of Chinese nationalism is taking a more positive form, which incorporates an expanding component of internationalism. In recent years, nationalism has been one of the key focuses in the study of China’s foreign policy. In the 1990s, several Chinese writers started to invoke the concept of nationalism, both in their study of Chinese foreign policy and in their prescriptions for the Chinese foreign policy. Likewise, in English-language scholarship the study of Chinese nationalism largely sets the parameters of the debate about the future of Chinese foreign policy and the world’s response to a rising China. An overarching theme of this Western discourse is a gloomy concern with the worrisome nature of recent expressions of Chinese nationalism. Samuel P. Huntington was famously concerned about China’s intention ‘to bring to an end the -
Resignation and Appointment of Independent Non-Executive Director
Hong Kong Exchanges and Clearing Limited and The Stock Exchange of Hong Kong Limited take no responsibility for the contents of this announcement, make no representation as to its accuracy or completeness and expressly disclaim any liability whatsoever for any loss howsoever arising from or in reliance upon the whole or any part of the contents of this announcement. (Incorporated in the Cayman Islands with limited liability) (Stock Code: 3393) RESIGNATION AND APPOINTMENT OF INDEPENDENT NON-EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR The Board announces that: (1) Mr. Wu Jin Ming has resigned as an independent non-executive director of the Company with effect from 18 October 2016; and (2) Mr. Huang Jing has been appointed as an independent non-executive director of the Company with effect from 18 October 2016. RESIGNATION OF INDEPENDENT NON-EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR The board of directors (the ‘‘Board’’) of Wasion Group Holdings Limited (the ‘‘Company’’,together with its subsidiaries, the ‘‘Group’’) announces the resignation of Mr. Wu Jin Ming (‘‘Mr. Wu’’)asan independent non-executive director of the Company with effect from 18 October 2016, as he would like to devote more of his time to his academic development. The Board would like to express its highest regards and deepest gratitude to Mr. Wu for his valuable contribution to the Group during his term of office. Mr. Wu has confirmed that he has no disagreement with the Board and there is no matter relating to his resignation that needs to be brought to the attention of the shareholders of the Company. – 1 – APPOINTMENT OF INDEPENDENT NON-EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR The Board is pleased to announce the appointment of Mr. -
April 28, 1969 Mao Zedong's Speech At
Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified April 28, 1969 Mao Zedong’s Speech at the First Plenary Session of the CCP’s Ninth Central Committee Citation: “Mao Zedong’s Speech at the First Plenary Session of the CCP’s Ninth Central Committee,” April 28, 1969, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, Jianguo yilai Mao Zedong wengao, vol. 13, pp. 35-41. Translated for CWIHP by Chen Jian. http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/117145 Summary: Mao speaks about the importance of a united socialist China, remaining strong amongst international powers. Credits: This document was made possible with support from the Leon Levy Foundation. Original Language: Chinese Contents: English Translation What I am going to say is what I have said before, which you all know, and I am not going to say anything new. Simply I am going to talk about unity. The purpose of unity is to pursue even greater victory. Now the Soviet revisionists attack us. Some broadcast reports by Tass, the materials prepared by Wang Ming,[i] and the lengthy essay in Kommunist all attack us, claiming that our Party is no longer one of the proletariat and calling it a “petit-bourgeois party.” They claim that what we are doing is the imposition of a monolithic order and that we have returned to the old years of the base areas. What they mean is that we have retrogressed. What is a monolithic order? According to them, it is a military-bureaucratic system. Using a Japanese term, this is a “system.” In the words used by the Soviets, this is called “military-bureaucratic dictatorship.” They look at our list of names, and find many military men, and they call it “military.”[ii] As for “bureaucratic,” probably they mean a batch of “bureaucrats,” including myself, [Zhou] Enlai, Kang Sheng, and Chen Boda.[iii] All in all, those of you who do not belong to the military belong to this “bureaucratic” system. -
Chinese Foreign Relation Strategies Under Mao and Deng: a Systematic and Comparative Analysis
Chinese Foreign Relation Strategies Under Mao and Deng: A Systematic and Comparative Analysis JOSEPH YU-SHEK CHENG AND FRANKLIN WANKUN ZHANG During the past half-century, Chinas foreign relations strategies evolved in an uneven way. Undeniably, both Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping made significant impact on the evolution of Chinas foreign relations strategy and established their own models in their respective eras in effect dividing the history of Chinese foreign policy into two. In the shadow of the Cold War, Chinese foreign relations shifted between the United States and the Soviet Union as the future superpower struggled to safeguard national security, guarantee sovereignty and territorial integrity and enhance its international status under Mao. In the last two decades Chinese foreign relations strategies were less geared towards survival and security as Deng presided over the pursuit of the Four Modernizations and the establishment of a new international political and economic order in a framework of peace and non-alliance. As its impact on the shaping of world affairs grows, China's foreign relations strategies will continue to evolve in the next century when it becomes truly capable of an "overthrow of the planetary balance". The 20th century has witnessed Chinas rise from a weak, economically backward country to an important actor in the international system. From the founding of the Peoples Republic of China (PRC). In 1949, Mao Zedong attempted to break the bipolar system and make China an independent and important strategic power. The reform and opening to the outside world policy program, also known as China's second revolution,1 initiated by Deng Xiaoping in late 1978, laid the foundation for Chinas spectacular economic growth and enabled it to become an effective actor in the international system. -
Journal of Current Chinese Affairs
3/2006 Data Supplement PR China Hong Kong SAR Macau SAR Taiwan CHINA aktuell Journal of Current Chinese Affairs Data Supplement People’s Republic of China, Hong Kong SAR, Macau SAR, Taiwan ISSN 0943-7533 All information given here is derived from generally accessible sources. Publisher/Distributor: Institute of Asian Affairs Rothenbaumchaussee 32 20148 Hamburg Germany Phone: (0 40) 42 88 74-0 Fax:(040)4107945 Contributors: Uwe Kotzel Dr. Liu Jen-Kai Christine Reinking Dr. Günter Schucher Dr. Margot Schüller Contents The Main National Leadership of the PRC LIU JEN-KAI 3 The Main Provincial Leadership of the PRC LIU JEN-KAI 22 Data on Changes in PRC Main Leadership LIU JEN-KAI 27 PRC Agreements with Foreign Countries LIU JEN-KAI 30 PRC Laws and Regulations LIU JEN-KAI 34 Hong Kong SAR Political Data LIU JEN-KAI 36 Macau SAR Political Data LIU JEN-KAI 39 Taiwan Political Data LIU JEN-KAI 41 Bibliography of Articles on the PRC, Hong Kong SAR, Macau SAR, and on Taiwan UWE KOTZEL / LIU JEN-KAI / CHRISTINE REINKING / GÜNTER SCHUCHER 43 CHINA aktuell Data Supplement - 3 - 3/2006 Dep.Dir.: CHINESE COMMUNIST Li Jianhua 03/07 PARTY Li Zhiyong 05/07 The Main National Ouyang Song 05/08 Shen Yueyue (f) CCa 03/01 Leadership of the Sun Xiaoqun 00/08 Wang Dongming 02/10 CCP CC General Secretary Zhang Bolin (exec.) 98/03 PRC Hu Jintao 02/11 Zhao Hongzhu (exec.) 00/10 Zhao Zongnai 00/10 Liu Jen-Kai POLITBURO Sec.-Gen.: Li Zhiyong 01/03 Standing Committee Members Propaganda (Publicity) Department Hu Jintao 92/10 Dir.: Liu Yunshan PBm CCSm 02/10 Huang Ju 02/11 -
Canada Archives Canada Published Heritage Direction Du Branch Patrimoine De I'edition
UNIVERSITY OF CALGARY Hegemony Over the Heavens: The Chinese and American Struggle in Space by John Hodgson Modinger A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY CENTRE FOR MILITARY AND STRATEGIC STUDIES CALGARY, ALBERTA AUGUST, 2008 © John Hodgson Modinger 2008 Library and Bibliotheque et 1*1 Archives Canada Archives Canada Published Heritage Direction du Branch Patrimoine de I'edition 395 Wellington Street 395, rue Wellington Ottawa ON K1A0N4 Ottawa ON K1A0N4 Canada Canada Your file Votre reference ISBN: 978-0-494-44361-3 Our file Notre reference ISBN: 978-0-494-44361-3 NOTICE: AVIS: The author has granted a non L'auteur a accorde une licence non exclusive exclusive license allowing Library permettant a la Bibliotheque et Archives and Archives Canada to reproduce, Canada de reproduire, publier, archiver, publish, archive, preserve, conserve, sauvegarder, conserver, transmettre au public communicate to the public by par telecommunication ou par Plntemet, prefer, telecommunication or on the Internet, distribuer et vendre des theses partout dans loan, distribute and sell theses le monde, a des fins commerciales ou autres, worldwide, for commercial or non sur support microforme, papier, electronique commercial purposes, in microform, et/ou autres formats. paper, electronic and/or any other formats. The author retains copyright L'auteur conserve la propriete du droit d'auteur ownership and moral rights in et des droits moraux qui protege cette these. this thesis. Neither the thesis Ni la these ni des extraits substantiels de nor substantial extracts from it celle-ci ne doivent etre imprimes ou autrement may be printed or otherwise reproduits sans son autorisation. -
Information to Users
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Xi Is Facing Enormous Opposition“
stars insights: 13 March 2020 „Xi Is Facing Enormous Opposition“ Over the course of the past 40 years, as China has transformed itself from a poor country into a major player on the global stage, the West has grown increasingly wary of China’s rise and its government’s assertive behaviour. What are the drivers behind these developments? And is China a threat for the existing rules-based international order? At a stars Switzerland alumni chapter meeting, China expert Prof. Dr. HUANG Jing shared his unique view of China’s internal politics and what it means for Europe and the world. Michael SETTELEN: The rise of China has led to an increasingly wary West. Is China a threat? HUANG Jing: China is a threat if you look at the country from the perspective of rivals, especially in terms of Western values or the political system. The fundamental difference is that the Washington Consensus – the neoliberal policies propagated by the West – upholds that, first, the individual’s right is more important than the collective good, and the well-being of the individual determines the well-being of society; second, the development is driven by a capitalist market economy in a – third – liberal democratic system. The Beijing Consensus – or China’s model – on the other hand believes that, first, the collective good, i.e. national interests, trumps everything. By this logic, individual rights can be sacrificed if necessary. Second, the development is driven by the “socialist market economy”. Some call it state capitalism. Third, the system is a socialist system under one- party rule. -
Chinese Public Diplomacy: the Rise of the Confucius Institute / Falk Hartig
Chinese Public Diplomacy This book presents the first comprehensive analysis of Confucius Institutes (CIs), situating them as a tool of public diplomacy in the broader context of China’s foreign affairs. The study establishes the concept of public diplomacy as the theoretical framework for analysing CIs. By applying this frame to in- depth case studies of CIs in Europe and Oceania, it provides in-depth knowledge of the structure and organisation of CIs, their activities and audiences, as well as problems, chal- lenges and potentials. In addition to examining CIs as the most prominent and most controversial tool of China’s charm offensive, this book also explains what the structural configuration of these Institutes can tell us about China’s under- standing of and approaches towards public diplomacy. The study demonstrates that, in contrast to their international counterparts, CIs are normally organised as joint ventures between international and Chinese partners in the field of educa- tion or cultural exchange. From this unique setting a more fundamental observa- tion can be made, namely China’s willingness to engage and cooperate with foreigners in the context of public diplomacy. Overall, the author argues that by utilising the current global fascination with Chinese language and culture, the Chinese government has found interested and willing international partners to co- finance the CIs and thus partially fund China’s international charm offensive. This book will be of much interest to students of public diplomacy, Chinese politics, foreign policy and international relations in general. Falk Hartig is a post-doctoral researcher at Goethe University, Frankfurt, Germany, and has a PhD in Media & Communication from Queensland Univer- sity of Technology, Australia. -
Open THESIS FINAL Resubmit.Pdf
THE PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIVERSITY SCHREYER HONORS COLLEGE DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE GUANGDONG: FROM ECONOMIC PIONEER TO LEADER IN POLITICAL REFORM? JARLENE CHOY Spring 2010 A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for a baccalaureate degree in International Politics with honors in International Politics Reviewed and approved* by the following: Gretchen Casper Associate Professor of Political Science and Asian Studies Thesis Supervisor Michael Berkman Professor of Political Science Honors Adviser * Signatures are on file in the Schreyer Honors College. i ABSTRACT My thesis is on the economic development of Guangdong and how it could contribute to political liberalization in the province. I will examine the political relationship between the southern Chinese province, Guangdong, and the capital, Beijing. I will research how Guangdong’s geographical distance from Beijing in the north has historically allowed it to be a more politically "independent-minded" province. I plan to research centralized vs. local government control between Beijing and Guangdong at the national, provincial, prefectural and county levels. I plan to examine the pattern of Guangdong’s local political appointments, their political and personal backgrounds, and how closely they implement policies ordered by the central government in Beijing. Guangdong is worth examining because it has historically been a center for revolutionary activities. Guangzhou warrants further study because it is a city of major economic and historical importance to China, despite often being politically overshadowed by Shanghai and Beijing. Guangzhou is the third largest Chinese city and the largest mainland economy in terms of GDP as of 2007. Guangdong province will be compared with Hong Kong due to its geographical proximity and economic cooperation. -
Shanghai, and the Fall of Chen Liangyu: Corruption, Politics Or Both?
Chatham House China Briefings No 1 Shanghai, and the Fall of Chen Liangyu: Corruption, Politics or Both? By Kerry Brown, Associate Fellow, Chatham House October 2006 Key Points: • Shanghai Party Secretary and Politburo member Chen Liangyu is the highest level victim of investigations into corruption for a decade in China. • But it is not clear how extensive the current purge will be, nor, for that matter, whether Chen’s fall is as much linked to an assertion of power by President Hu in Beijing as the claims of his involvement in graft and misappropriation of social security funds • Chen’s fall is part of the seemingly never ending story of corruption in China, and the public battle against it. However, does not draw a line under this story. • Shanghai will continue to be the economic power house of the new China, whoever is chosen to replace Chen. And Beijing will continue to be wary of Shanghai’s aspirations, and just how soon, and how much, it can declare itself to be the “new Hong Kong Chen’s Fall Chen Liangyu was abruptly removed from his position as Party Secretary in Shanghai on the 25th of September. His photo, speeches, and recent remarks were removed even more swiftly from official websites than the excision of Mao’s heir and successor Lin Biao from Party photos in the early 1970s after his fall and disgrace. While New China is constructed and rebuilt, it seems the pattern and structure of removal from power remains unerringly the same. So too does the general lack of clarity about exactly how, why and where Chen went wrong. -
(Hrsg.) Strafrecht in Reaktion Auf Systemunrecht
Albin Eser / Ulrich Sieber / Jörg Arnold (Hrsg.) Strafrecht in Reaktion auf Systemunrecht Schriftenreihe des Max-Planck-Instituts für ausländisches und internationales Strafrecht Strafrechtliche Forschungsberichte Herausgegeben von Ulrich Sieber in Fortführung der Reihe „Beiträge und Materialien aus dem Max-Planck-Institut für ausländisches und internationales Strafrecht Freiburg“ begründet von Albin Eser Band S 82.9 Strafrecht in Reaktion auf Systemunrecht Vergleichende Einblicke in Transitionsprozesse herausgegeben von Albin Eser • Ulrich Sieber • Jörg Arnold Band 9 China von Thomas Richter sdfghjk Duncker & Humblot • Berlin Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Bibliothek Die Deutsche Bibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über <http://dnb.ddb.de> abrufbar. DOI https://doi.org/10.30709/978-3-86113-876-X Redaktion: Petra Lehser Alle Rechte vorbehalten © 2006 Max-Planck-Gesellschaft zur Förderung der Wissenschaften e.V. c/o Max-Planck-Institut für ausländisches und internationales Strafrecht Günterstalstraße 73, 79100 Freiburg i.Br. http://www.mpicc.de Vertrieb in Gemeinschaft mit Duncker & Humblot GmbH, Berlin http://WWw.duncker-humblot.de Umschlagbild: Thomas Gade, © www.medienarchiv.com Druck: Stückle Druck und Verlag, Stückle-Straße 1, 77955 Ettenheim Printed in Germany ISSN 1860-0093 ISBN 3-86113-876-X (Max-Planck-Institut) ISBN 3-428-12129-5 (Duncker & Humblot) Gedruckt auf alterungsbeständigem (säurefreiem) Papier entsprechend ISO 9706 # Vorwort der Herausgeber Mit dem neunten Band der Reihe „Strafrecht in Reaktion auf Systemunrecht – Vergleichende Einblicke in Transitionsprozesse“ wird zur Volksrepublik China ein weiterer Landesbericht vorgelegt. Während die bisher erschienenen Bände solche Länder in den Blick nahmen, die hinsichtlich der untersuchten Transitionen einem „klassischen“ Systemwechsel von der Diktatur zur Demokratie entsprachen, ist die Einordung der Volksrepublik China schwieriger.