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Chinese Foreign Relation Strategies Under Mao and Deng: a Systematic and Comparative Analysis
Chinese Foreign Relation Strategies Under Mao and Deng: A Systematic and Comparative Analysis JOSEPH YU-SHEK CHENG AND FRANKLIN WANKUN ZHANG During the past half-century, Chinas foreign relations strategies evolved in an uneven way. Undeniably, both Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping made significant impact on the evolution of Chinas foreign relations strategy and established their own models in their respective eras in effect dividing the history of Chinese foreign policy into two. In the shadow of the Cold War, Chinese foreign relations shifted between the United States and the Soviet Union as the future superpower struggled to safeguard national security, guarantee sovereignty and territorial integrity and enhance its international status under Mao. In the last two decades Chinese foreign relations strategies were less geared towards survival and security as Deng presided over the pursuit of the Four Modernizations and the establishment of a new international political and economic order in a framework of peace and non-alliance. As its impact on the shaping of world affairs grows, China's foreign relations strategies will continue to evolve in the next century when it becomes truly capable of an "overthrow of the planetary balance". The 20th century has witnessed Chinas rise from a weak, economically backward country to an important actor in the international system. From the founding of the Peoples Republic of China (PRC). In 1949, Mao Zedong attempted to break the bipolar system and make China an independent and important strategic power. The reform and opening to the outside world policy program, also known as China's second revolution,1 initiated by Deng Xiaoping in late 1978, laid the foundation for Chinas spectacular economic growth and enabled it to become an effective actor in the international system. -
Continuing Crackdown in Inner Mongolia
CONTINUING CRACKDOWN IN INNER MONGOLIA Human Rights Watch/Asia (formerly Asia Watch) CONTINUING CRACKDOWN IN INNER MONGOLIA Human Rights Watch/Asia (formerly Asia Watch) Human Rights Watch New York $$$ Washington $$$ Los Angeles $$$ London Copyright 8 March 1992 by Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. ISBN 1-56432-059-6 Human Rights Watch/Asia (formerly Asia Watch) Human Rights Watch/Asia was established in 1985 to monitor and promote the observance of internationally recognized human rights in Asia. Sidney Jones is the executive director; Mike Jendrzejczyk is the Washington director; Robin Munro is the Hong Kong director; Therese Caouette, Patricia Gossman and Jeannine Guthrie are research associates; Cathy Yai-Wen Lee and Grace Oboma-Layat are associates; Mickey Spiegel is a research consultant. Jack Greenberg is the chair of the advisory committee and Orville Schell is vice chair. HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH Human Rights Watch conducts regular, systematic investigations of human rights abuses in some seventy countries around the world. It addresses the human rights practices of governments of all political stripes, of all geopolitical alignments, and of all ethnic and religious persuasions. In internal wars it documents violations by both governments and rebel groups. Human Rights Watch defends freedom of thought and expression, due process and equal protection of the law; it documents and denounces murders, disappearances, torture, arbitrary imprisonment, exile, censorship and other abuses of internationally recognized human rights. Human Rights Watch began in 1978 with the founding of its Helsinki division. Today, it includes five divisions covering Africa, the Americas, Asia, the Middle East, as well as the signatories of the Helsinki accords. -
China's Domestic Politicsand
China’s Domestic Politics and Foreign Policies and Major Countries’ Strategies toward China edited by Jung-Ho Bae and Jae H. Ku China’s Domestic Politics and Foreign Policies and Major Countries’ Strategies toward China 1SJOUFE %FDFNCFS 1VCMJTIFE %FDFNCFS 1VCMJTIFECZ ,PSFB*OTUJUVUFGPS/BUJPOBM6OJGJDBUJPO ,*/6 1VCMJTIFS 1SFTJEFOUPG,*/6 &EJUFECZ $FOUFSGPS6OJGJDBUJPO1PMJDZ4UVEJFT ,*/6 3FHJTUSBUJPO/VNCFS /P "EESFTT SP 4VZVEPOH (BOHCVLHV 4FPVM 5FMFQIPOF 'BY )PNFQBHF IUUQXXXLJOVPSLS %FTJHOBOE1SJOU )ZVOEBJ"SUDPN$P -UE $PQZSJHIU ,*/6 *4#/ 1SJDF G "MM,*/6QVCMJDBUJPOTBSFBWBJMBCMFGPSQVSDIBTFBUBMMNBKPS CPPLTUPSFTJO,PSFB "MTPBWBJMBCMFBU(PWFSONFOU1SJOUJOH0GGJDF4BMFT$FOUFS4UPSF 0GGJDF China’s Domestic Politics and Foreign Policies and Major Countries’ Strategies toward China �G 1SFGBDF Jung-Ho Bae (Director of the Center for Unification Policy Studies at Korea Institute for National Unification) �G *OUSPEVDUJPO 1 Turning Points for China and the Korean Peninsula Jung-Ho Bae and Dongsoo Kim (Korea Institute for National Unification) �G 1BSUEvaluation of China’s Domestic Politics and Leadership $IBQUFS 19 A Chinese Model for National Development Yong Shik Choo (Chung-Ang University) $IBQUFS 55 Leadership Transition in China - from Strongman Politics to Incremental Institutionalization Yi Edward Yang (James Madison University) $IBQUFS 81 Actors and Factors - China’s Challenges in the Crucial Next Five Years Christopher M. Clarke (U.S. State Department’s Bureau of Intelligence and Research-INR) China’s Domestic Politics and Foreign Policies -
Canada Archives Canada Published Heritage Direction Du Branch Patrimoine De I'edition
UNIVERSITY OF CALGARY Hegemony Over the Heavens: The Chinese and American Struggle in Space by John Hodgson Modinger A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY CENTRE FOR MILITARY AND STRATEGIC STUDIES CALGARY, ALBERTA AUGUST, 2008 © John Hodgson Modinger 2008 Library and Bibliotheque et 1*1 Archives Canada Archives Canada Published Heritage Direction du Branch Patrimoine de I'edition 395 Wellington Street 395, rue Wellington Ottawa ON K1A0N4 Ottawa ON K1A0N4 Canada Canada Your file Votre reference ISBN: 978-0-494-44361-3 Our file Notre reference ISBN: 978-0-494-44361-3 NOTICE: AVIS: The author has granted a non L'auteur a accorde une licence non exclusive exclusive license allowing Library permettant a la Bibliotheque et Archives and Archives Canada to reproduce, Canada de reproduire, publier, archiver, publish, archive, preserve, conserve, sauvegarder, conserver, transmettre au public communicate to the public by par telecommunication ou par Plntemet, prefer, telecommunication or on the Internet, distribuer et vendre des theses partout dans loan, distribute and sell theses le monde, a des fins commerciales ou autres, worldwide, for commercial or non sur support microforme, papier, electronique commercial purposes, in microform, et/ou autres formats. paper, electronic and/or any other formats. The author retains copyright L'auteur conserve la propriete du droit d'auteur ownership and moral rights in et des droits moraux qui protege cette these. this thesis. Neither the thesis Ni la these ni des extraits substantiels de nor substantial extracts from it celle-ci ne doivent etre imprimes ou autrement may be printed or otherwise reproduits sans son autorisation. -
Chinese Values, Governance, and International Relations: Historical Development and Present Situation
Ea st Asia +2- Chinese Values, Governance, and International Relations: Historical Development and Present Situation Wawc YeNznoNc Wrrs rnr rnrNn s of globalization and cross-cultural exchange, ex- ploringtherelationship betweenvalucs, governance, andinternational relations is a complex task. This chapter seeks to examine these rela- tionships in the context of Chinese history and present reality Values are the sum total ofpeople's dilferent assessments, attitudes, recognition, and behavior vis-A-vis vadous phenomena or different aspects of a singlc phenomenon. Chinese sociologists and anthropolo- gists generally regard culture as the "customs, traditions, attitlrdes, corcepts, and characteristics which control social behavior" (Yin r 988, 3 8 ), or the "trends of values and modes of behavior which openly or covertly guide or manipulate the material and spiritual production and life o{ society, and the mediun.r for knowledge, beliefs, morality, arts, education, Iaw, the general physiological system, and their n]aterial forms which are shared by society and spread between members oI so- ciety" (fiang et al. r 9 8 7, r ). Values are the core of a given cultural system, and Du Weiming says that the "core of culture is composed of a scries of traditional concepts in general and a system ofvalues in particular" (r 982, rr8). Changes in values are largely the basis of changes in cul ture and they "reflect not only the structure of tllis system, but to a large extent alsopoint the direction in which the characteristics of the system will develop" {Zhang and Cheng r99o, zo9 zro). Political outlook is embodied and reflected in the values of the cul- tural system in the political realm. -
Mao Zedong in Contemporarychinese Official Discourse Andhistory
China Perspectives 2012/2 | 2012 Mao Today: A Political Icon for an Age of Prosperity Mao Zedong in ContemporaryChinese Official Discourse andHistory Arif Dirlik Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/chinaperspectives/5852 DOI: 10.4000/chinaperspectives.5852 ISSN: 1996-4617 Publisher Centre d'étude français sur la Chine contemporaine Printed version Date of publication: 4 June 2012 Number of pages: 17-27 ISSN: 2070-3449 Electronic reference Arif Dirlik, « Mao Zedong in ContemporaryChinese Official Discourse andHistory », China Perspectives [Online], 2012/2 | 2012, Online since 30 June 2015, connection on 28 October 2019. URL : http:// journals.openedition.org/chinaperspectives/5852 ; DOI : 10.4000/chinaperspectives.5852 © All rights reserved Special feature China perspectives Mao Zedong in Contemporary Chinese Official Discourse and History ARIF DIRLIK (1) ABSTRACT: Rather than repudiate Mao’s legacy, the post-revolutionary regime in China has sought to recruit him in support of “reform and opening.” Beginning with Deng Xiaoping after 1978, official (2) historiography has drawn a distinction between Mao the Cultural Revolutionary and Mao the architect of “Chinese Marxism” – a Marxism that integrates theory with the circumstances of Chinese society. The essence of the latter is encapsulated in “Mao Zedong Thought,” which is viewed as an expression not just of Mao the individual but of the collective leadership of the Party. In most recent representations, “Chinese Marxism” is viewed as having developed in two phases: New Democracy, which brought the Communist Party to power in 1949, and “socialism with Chinese characteristics,” inaugurated under Deng Xiaoping and developed under his successors, and which represents a further development of Mao Zedong Thought. -
10. HONG KONG's STRATEGIC IMPORTANCE UNDER CHINESE SOVEREIGNTY Tai Ming Cheung Hong Kong Has Come a Long Way Since It Was
- 170 - 10. HONG KONG’S STRATEGIC IMPORTANCE UNDER CHINESE SOVEREIGNTY Tai Ming Cheung Hong Kong has come a long way since it was dismissed as a barren rock a century and a half ago. This bastion of freewheeling capitalism today is a leading international financial, trading and communications center serving one of the world’s fastest growing economic regions. But Hong Kong is also entering a period of considerable change and uncertainty following its reversion to Chinese sovereignty that is likely to have a far- reaching impact on its strategic importance and role over the coming years. As a British colony, Hong Kong was an important outpost for the West to keep an eye on China and safeguard busy sea-lanes. Under Chinese rule, the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (SAR) will play a crucial role in boosting China’s economic growth and promoting Beijing’s long-term goal of reunification with Taiwan. How China handles Hong Kong’s return will have major consequences for the territory as well as for China’s relations with the international community. The world will be watching very carefully whether Beijing will adhere to its international commitments of allowing the SAR to retain a high degree of autonomy. The U.S. has said that the transition will be a key issue in determining its future relations with China. This paper will examine the strategic implications of Hong Kong's return to Chinese rule. Several key issues will be explored: • Hong Kong's past and present strategic significance. • The stationing of the People's Liberation Army (PLA) in Hong Kong. -
Jiang Zemin's Military Thought and Legacy
International Relations of the Asia-Pacific Volume 6 (2006) 227–247 doi:10.1093/irap/lci144 Jiang Zemin’s military thought and legacy Ta-chen Cheng Downloaded from https://academic.oup.com/irap/article/6/2/227/714449 by guest on 28 September 2021 Department of Public Administration, Tamkang University, Taiwan. Email: [email protected] and [email protected] Abstract Nearly for 15 years as the Chairman of China’s Central Military Commission, Jiang Zemin, albeit lack of real military experience, has gradually developed his military theories and principles in the process of consolidating military authority. Unquestionably, Jiang is not only the core of the third generation leadership in China, but also the most powerful man in China’s military until now. That makes researchers interested in exploring military thought of this man controlling the largest armies in the world. In this paper, Jiang’s basic military framework, ‘Five Sentences’, including ‘Politically Qualified’, ‘Militarily Tough’, ‘Attitudinally Excellent’, ‘Strictly Disciplined’ and ‘Materially Guaran- teed’ will be separately discussed. With interpretations of ‘Five Sentences’, the author will thereafter provide personal comments and analysis. 1 Introduction In June 1989, Jiang Zemin was elected Secretary General of the Communist Party of China (CPC) in the fourth plenum of 13th Party Congress. Later that year, Jiang succeeded Deng Xiaoping as the Chairman of Central Military Commission (CMC) in the fifth plenum. Even so, Jiang himself at that time did not assume the highest authority in the military, although officially Jiang had taken China’s military power. It would require Jiang a longer time to stabilize his seat after a series of struggles for military influences. -
Beijing's Visible Hand
China Perspectives 2012/2 | 2012 Mao Today: A Political Icon for an Age of Prosperity Beijing’s Visible Hand Power struggles and media meddling in the Hong Kong chief executive election Karita Kan Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/chinaperspectives/5896 DOI: 10.4000/chinaperspectives.5896 ISSN: 1996-4617 Publisher Centre d'étude français sur la Chine contemporaine Printed version Date of publication: 4 June 2012 Number of pages: 81-84 ISSN: 2070-3449 Electronic reference Karita Kan, « Beijing’s Visible Hand », China Perspectives [Online], 2012/2 | 2012, Online since 30 June 2012, connection on 15 September 2020. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/chinaperspectives/ 5896 © All rights reserved Current affairs China perspectives Beijing’s Visible Hand Power struggles and political interventions in the 2012 Hong Kong chief executive election KARITA KAN ong Kong’s next chief executive was revealed on 25 March 2012, reignited frenzied probes into Tang’s extra-marital affairs and added fuel to when the 1,193-member election committee, made up largely of incriminating remarks about his dishonesty, infidelity, and “emotional fault” Hbusiness leaders, professionals, and influential persons loyal to Bei - (ganqing queshi 感情缺失 ). jing, voted in majority for Leung Chun-ying. Leung defeated his main op - Commentator Willy Lam Wo-lap and Open University computing profes - ponent, former chief secretary for administration Henry Tang Ying-yen, by sor Li Tak-shing both raised the alarm that these “black materials” ( hei cailiao garnering 689 votes over the 285 that Tang received. The third candidate, 黑材料 ) might in fact have come from national security and intelligence Democratic Party chairman Albert Ho Chun-yan, secured only 76 votes. -
Chinese Military Leadership After the 17Th Congress: Hu’S Guys Or Whose Guys?
Mulvenon, China Leadership Monitor, No. 23 Chinese Military Leadership After the 17th Congress: Hu’s Guys or Whose Guys? James Mulvenon The civilian political leadership changes at the 17th Party Congress in October 2007 have received close scrutiny from outside observers, but important and interesting personnel adjustments in the military have garnered less attention. This article examines recent Chinese military leadership changes in detail, focusing principally on the Central Military Commission but also tracking significant moves at the Military Region and Service level. Military Leadership Changes Leading Up to the 17th Congress Prior to the 17th Party Congress and the selection of the new Central Committee, Politburo, and Politburo Standing Committee, systematic and sweeping changes were made in the leadership structures of all seven military regions and the services. These reshuffles were not a purge, but an unusually intense round of the PLA’s regular command rotations and age-based removals of personnel. According to a reliable, Beijing-owned newspaper, commanders of the Beijing, Nanjing, Guangzhou, Lanzhou, Chengdu, and Shenyang Military Regions were replaced, as well as the heads of important units such as the General Staff Headquarters, General Armament Department, Air Force, and National Defense University.1 Table 1 Major Military Region Leadership Changes, 2007 Name Previous Position New Position Fang Fenghui COS, GZMR2 CDR, BJMR3 Zhao Keshi COS, NJMR CDR, NJMR4 Zhang Qinsheng DCOGS (Intel), GSD CDR, GZMR5 Li Shiming DCDR, CDMR CDR, CDMR6 Zhang Youxia DCDR, BJMR7 CDR, SYMR8 Wang Guosheng COS, LZMR Commander, LZMR9 Liu Chengjun DCDR, PLAAF CDT, AMS Wang Xibin COS, BJMR CDT, NDU Zhang Yang Dir., Poltical Dept., GZMR PC, GZMR Li Changcai DPC, NJMR PC, LZMR Chen Guoling DPC, GZMR PC, NJMR Zhang Haiyang DPC, BJMR PC, CDMR Tong Shiping Asst. -
The PLA and the 16Th Party Congress Jiang Controls the Gun? James Mulvenon
Hoover-CLM-5.qxd 6/5/2003 12:36 PM Page 20 The PLA and the 16th Party Congress Jiang Controls the Gun? James Mulvenon For Western observers of the People’s Liberation Army (PLA), the 16th Party Congress presented a curious mixture of the past, the present, and the future. Jiang Zemin’s long-rumored and ultimately successful bid to retain the chairmanship of the Central Military Commission (CMC) brought back memories of party-army relations in the late 1980s before Tiananmen. At the same time, the new crop of PLA leaders elevated to the CMC represents the present and future PLA, possessing high levels of experience, training, and education, and thus professionalism. This article explores the implications of Jiang’s gambit, analyzes the retirements of senior PLA leaders and the biographies of their replacements, and offers some pre- dictions about the choice of defense minister and the future course of Chinese Communist Party (CCP)-PLA relations. JIANG STICKS AROUND If imitation is the highest form of flattery, then Jiang Zemin has given Deng Xiaoping’s boots a real tongue-shine. Recall that at the 13th Party Congress in 1987, confident of his preeminence in the system, Deng retired from all formal positions save one, the chairmanship of the Central Military Commission. His logic at the time was clear.The PLA was still subordinate to party control, but the fresh memory of the breakdown of formal lines of authority during the events in Tiananmen Square told Deng that his continued personal control of the military was crucially important to Jiang Zemin’s successful transition to the leadership core. -
China's Eleventh Five-Year Plan (2006–2010): from “Getting Rich
Fan.fm Page 708 Tuesday, January 9, 2007 10:11 AM China’s Eleventh Five-Year Plan (2006–2010): From “Getting Rich First” to “Common Prosperity” C. Cindy Fan1 Abstract: China’s Eleventh Five-Year Plan, which sets the directions for national develop- ment for the 2006 to 2010 period, has been described as a revolutionary plan. This paper examines the Plan’s goal to build a “harmonious socialist society” by enabling disadvantaged groups and less developed regions to share the fruits of economic growth. It first describes the Plan’s main principles and major quantitative targets for the five-year period. In the second half of the paper, the author argues that the emphasis on “common prosperity” can be explained by the rise in inequality over more than two decades, by a new political administra- tion that seeks to establish its own path while endorsing ideas from past regimes, and by Pres- ident Hu Jintao and Premier Wen Jiabao’s more open and consultative style of leadership. Journal of Economic Literature, Classification Numbers: O20, O53, P21. 1 figure, 2 tables, 58 references. Key words: China, Five-Year Plans, income inequality, regional development, common prosperity, sustainable development. INTRODUCTION n March 14, 2006, the Fourth Plenary Session of China’s Tenth National People’s OCongress formally ratified the country’s Eleventh Five-Year Plan, for the period 2006 to 2010. Since 1953, the People’s Republic of China (PRC) has implemented a series of Five- Year Plans that established the blueprint and targets for national economic development.2 In a country where the state continues to exert powerful control over much of the economy, the Five-Year Plans are key indicators of the directions and changes in development philosophy.