The Marxist Volume: 17, No. 02 April-June 2001 Deng Xiaoping
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Contemporary China: a Book List
PRINCETON UNIVERSITY: Woodrow Wilson School, Politics Department, East Asian Studies Program CONTEMPORARY CHINA: A BOOK LIST by Lubna Malik and Lynn White Winter 2007-2008 Edition This list is available on the web at: http://www.princeton.edu/~lynn/chinabib.pdf which can be viewed and printed with an Adobe Acrobat Reader. Variation of font sizes may cause pagination to differ slightly in the web and paper editions. No list of books can be totally up-to-date. Please surf to find further items. Also consult http://www.princeton.edu/~lynn/chinawebs.doc for clicable URLs. This list of items in English has several purposes: --to help advise students' course essays, junior papers, policy workshops, and senior theses about contemporary China; --to supplement the required reading lists of courses on "Chinese Development" and "Chinese Politics," for which students may find books to review in this list; --to provide graduate students with a list that may suggest books for paper topics and may slightly help their study for exams in Chinese politics; a few of the compiler's favorite books are starred on the list, but not much should be made of this because such books may be old or the subjects may not meet present interests; --to supplement a bibliography of all Asian serials in the Princeton Libraries that was compiled long ago by Frances Chen and Maureen Donovan; many of these are now available on the web,e.g., from “J-Stor”; --to suggest to book selectors in the Princeton libraries items that are suitable for acquisition; to provide a computerized list on which researchers can search for keywords of interests; and to provide a resource that many teachers at various other universities have also used. -
Chinese Foreign Relation Strategies Under Mao and Deng: a Systematic and Comparative Analysis
Chinese Foreign Relation Strategies Under Mao and Deng: A Systematic and Comparative Analysis JOSEPH YU-SHEK CHENG AND FRANKLIN WANKUN ZHANG During the past half-century, Chinas foreign relations strategies evolved in an uneven way. Undeniably, both Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping made significant impact on the evolution of Chinas foreign relations strategy and established their own models in their respective eras in effect dividing the history of Chinese foreign policy into two. In the shadow of the Cold War, Chinese foreign relations shifted between the United States and the Soviet Union as the future superpower struggled to safeguard national security, guarantee sovereignty and territorial integrity and enhance its international status under Mao. In the last two decades Chinese foreign relations strategies were less geared towards survival and security as Deng presided over the pursuit of the Four Modernizations and the establishment of a new international political and economic order in a framework of peace and non-alliance. As its impact on the shaping of world affairs grows, China's foreign relations strategies will continue to evolve in the next century when it becomes truly capable of an "overthrow of the planetary balance". The 20th century has witnessed Chinas rise from a weak, economically backward country to an important actor in the international system. From the founding of the Peoples Republic of China (PRC). In 1949, Mao Zedong attempted to break the bipolar system and make China an independent and important strategic power. The reform and opening to the outside world policy program, also known as China's second revolution,1 initiated by Deng Xiaoping in late 1978, laid the foundation for Chinas spectacular economic growth and enabled it to become an effective actor in the international system. -
Three Prominences1
THE THREE PROMINENCES1 Yizhong Gu The political-aesthetic principle of the “three prominences” (san tuchu 三突出) was the formula foremost in governing proletarian literature and art during the Cultural Revolution (1966–76) (hereafter CR). In May 1968, Yu Huiyong 于会泳 initially proposed and defined the principle in this way: Among all characters, give prominence to the positive characters; among the positive characters, give prominence to the main heroic characters; among the main characters, give prominence to the most important character, namely, the central character.2 As the main composer of the Revolutionary Model Plays, Yu Hui- yong had gone through a number of ups and downs in the official hierarchy before finally receiving favor from Jiang Qing 江青, wife of Mao Zedong. Yu collected plenty of Jiang Qing’s concrete but scat- tered directions on the Model Plays and tried to summarize them in an abstract and formulaic pronouncement. The principle of three prominances was supposed to be applicable to all the Model Plays and thus give guidance for the creation of future proletarian artworks. Summarizing the gist of Jiang’s instruction, Yu observed, “Comrade Jiang Qing lays strong emphasis on the characterization of heroic fig- ures,” and therefore, “according to Comrade Jiang Qing’s directions, we generalize the ‘three prominences’ as an important principle upon which to build and characterize figures.”3 1 This essay owes much to invaluable encouragement and instruction from Profes- sors Ban Wang of Stanford University, Tani Barlow of Rice University, and Yomi Braester of the University of Washington. 2 Yu Huiyong, “Rang wenyi wutai yongyuan chengwei xuanchuan maozedong sixiang de zhendi” (Let the stage of art be the everlasting front to propagate the thought of Mao Zedong), Wenhui Bao (Wenhui daily) (May 23, 1968). -
Wang Guangmei and Peach Garden Experience Elizabeth J
Wang Guangmei and Peach Garden Experience Elizabeth J. Perry Introduction In the spring of 1967 China’s former First Lady Wang Guangmei was paraded onto a stage before a jeering crowd of half a million people to suffer public humiliation for her “bourgeois” crimes. Despite her repeated protestations, Wang was forced for the occasion to don a form- fitting dress festooned with a garland of ping-pong balls to mock the elegant silk qipao and pearl necklace ensemble that she had worn only a few years earlier while accompanying her husband, now disgraced President Liu Shaoqi, on a state visit to Indonesia. William Hinton (1972, pp. 103-105) describes the dramatic scene at Tsinghua University in Beijing, where the struggle session took place: A sound truck had crisscrossed the city announcing the confrontation, posters had been distributed far and wide, and over three hundred organizations, including schools and factories, had been invited. Some had sent delegations, others had simply declared a holiday, closed their doors, and sent everyone out to the campus. Buses blocked the roads for miles and the sea of people overflowed the University grounds so that loudspeakers had to be set up beyond the campus gates . At the meeting Wang [G]uangmei was asked to stand on a platform made of four chairs. She stood high enough so that tens of thousands could see her. On her head she wore a ridiculous, wide-brimmed straw hat of the kind worn by English aristocrats at garden parties. Around her neck hung a string of ping- pong balls . A tight-fitting formal gown clung to her plump body and sharp- pointed high-heeled shoes adorned her feet. -
Chinese Values, Governance, and International Relations: Historical Development and Present Situation
Ea st Asia +2- Chinese Values, Governance, and International Relations: Historical Development and Present Situation Wawc YeNznoNc Wrrs rnr rnrNn s of globalization and cross-cultural exchange, ex- ploringtherelationship betweenvalucs, governance, andinternational relations is a complex task. This chapter seeks to examine these rela- tionships in the context of Chinese history and present reality Values are the sum total ofpeople's dilferent assessments, attitudes, recognition, and behavior vis-A-vis vadous phenomena or different aspects of a singlc phenomenon. Chinese sociologists and anthropolo- gists generally regard culture as the "customs, traditions, attitlrdes, corcepts, and characteristics which control social behavior" (Yin r 988, 3 8 ), or the "trends of values and modes of behavior which openly or covertly guide or manipulate the material and spiritual production and life o{ society, and the mediun.r for knowledge, beliefs, morality, arts, education, Iaw, the general physiological system, and their n]aterial forms which are shared by society and spread between members oI so- ciety" (fiang et al. r 9 8 7, r ). Values are the core of a given cultural system, and Du Weiming says that the "core of culture is composed of a scries of traditional concepts in general and a system ofvalues in particular" (r 982, rr8). Changes in values are largely the basis of changes in cul ture and they "reflect not only the structure of tllis system, but to a large extent alsopoint the direction in which the characteristics of the system will develop" {Zhang and Cheng r99o, zo9 zro). Political outlook is embodied and reflected in the values of the cul- tural system in the political realm. -
Mao Zedong in Contemporarychinese Official Discourse Andhistory
China Perspectives 2012/2 | 2012 Mao Today: A Political Icon for an Age of Prosperity Mao Zedong in ContemporaryChinese Official Discourse andHistory Arif Dirlik Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/chinaperspectives/5852 DOI: 10.4000/chinaperspectives.5852 ISSN: 1996-4617 Publisher Centre d'étude français sur la Chine contemporaine Printed version Date of publication: 4 June 2012 Number of pages: 17-27 ISSN: 2070-3449 Electronic reference Arif Dirlik, « Mao Zedong in ContemporaryChinese Official Discourse andHistory », China Perspectives [Online], 2012/2 | 2012, Online since 30 June 2015, connection on 28 October 2019. URL : http:// journals.openedition.org/chinaperspectives/5852 ; DOI : 10.4000/chinaperspectives.5852 © All rights reserved Special feature China perspectives Mao Zedong in Contemporary Chinese Official Discourse and History ARIF DIRLIK (1) ABSTRACT: Rather than repudiate Mao’s legacy, the post-revolutionary regime in China has sought to recruit him in support of “reform and opening.” Beginning with Deng Xiaoping after 1978, official (2) historiography has drawn a distinction between Mao the Cultural Revolutionary and Mao the architect of “Chinese Marxism” – a Marxism that integrates theory with the circumstances of Chinese society. The essence of the latter is encapsulated in “Mao Zedong Thought,” which is viewed as an expression not just of Mao the individual but of the collective leadership of the Party. In most recent representations, “Chinese Marxism” is viewed as having developed in two phases: New Democracy, which brought the Communist Party to power in 1949, and “socialism with Chinese characteristics,” inaugurated under Deng Xiaoping and developed under his successors, and which represents a further development of Mao Zedong Thought. -
China's Eleventh Five-Year Plan (2006–2010): from “Getting Rich
Fan.fm Page 708 Tuesday, January 9, 2007 10:11 AM China’s Eleventh Five-Year Plan (2006–2010): From “Getting Rich First” to “Common Prosperity” C. Cindy Fan1 Abstract: China’s Eleventh Five-Year Plan, which sets the directions for national develop- ment for the 2006 to 2010 period, has been described as a revolutionary plan. This paper examines the Plan’s goal to build a “harmonious socialist society” by enabling disadvantaged groups and less developed regions to share the fruits of economic growth. It first describes the Plan’s main principles and major quantitative targets for the five-year period. In the second half of the paper, the author argues that the emphasis on “common prosperity” can be explained by the rise in inequality over more than two decades, by a new political administra- tion that seeks to establish its own path while endorsing ideas from past regimes, and by Pres- ident Hu Jintao and Premier Wen Jiabao’s more open and consultative style of leadership. Journal of Economic Literature, Classification Numbers: O20, O53, P21. 1 figure, 2 tables, 58 references. Key words: China, Five-Year Plans, income inequality, regional development, common prosperity, sustainable development. INTRODUCTION n March 14, 2006, the Fourth Plenary Session of China’s Tenth National People’s OCongress formally ratified the country’s Eleventh Five-Year Plan, for the period 2006 to 2010. Since 1953, the People’s Republic of China (PRC) has implemented a series of Five- Year Plans that established the blueprint and targets for national economic development.2 In a country where the state continues to exert powerful control over much of the economy, the Five-Year Plans are key indicators of the directions and changes in development philosophy. -
Talk About a Revolution: Red Guards, Government Cadres, and the Language of Political Discourse
Talk About a Revolution: Red Guards, Government Cadres, and the Language of Political Discourse Schoenhals, Michael 1993 Link to publication Citation for published version (APA): Schoenhals, M. (1993). Talk About a Revolution: Red Guards, Government Cadres, and the Language of Political Discourse. (Indiana East Asian Working Paper Series on Language and Politics in Modern China). http://www.indiana.edu/~easc/resources/working_paper/noframe_schoenhals_pc.htm Total number of authors: 1 General rights Unless other specific re-use rights are stated the following general rights apply: Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the public portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. • Users may download and print one copy of any publication from the public portal for the purpose of private study or research. • You may not further distribute the material or use it for any profit-making activity or commercial gain • You may freely distribute the URL identifying the publication in the public portal Read more about Creative commons licenses: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/ Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. LUND UNIVERSITY PO Box 117 221 00 Lund +46 46-222 00 00 Talk About a Revolution: Red Guards, Government Cadres, -
Emerging Constitutionalism in the People's Republic of China
MARTA DARGAS-DRAGANIK EMERGING CONSTITUTIONALISM IN THE PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC OF CHINA The aim of the paper is to present the process of evolving of the constitutional- ism in People’s Republic of China. The first, introductory part briefly provides the content of the Chinese Constitution. The second part discusses the latest amend- ments to the Constitution and its significance. The third part is dedicated to the case study regarding application of the constitutional provisions and the mechanism of reviewing them. In the fourth paragraph, the possible future steps in development of constitutionalism was indicated. The last paragraph is dedicated to the summary. Constitution of the People’s Republic of China – the basics The word constitution – 宪法 (xiànfaˇ ) was imported from Japan. The word xiàn did in fact existed in classical Chinese – it meant ‘law, order, or edicts’ and had some normative implications. But it did not mean the constitution in modern sense, in the sense of laying out of government structure and the protection of individu- al rights.1 Since Aristotle, many western thinkers such as Grotius, Spinoza, Hobbes, Locke, Rousseau, and Montesquieu, have contributed to the notion of the rule of law. The most explicit explanation of the concept was given by Albert van Dicey – rule of law: means first of all the absolute supremacy or predominance of regular law as opposed to the influence of arbitrary power, or even of wide discretionary au- thority on the part of government, second it also means the equal subjection of all classes to the ordinary law of the land administered by the ordinary law courts.2 The Constitution currently in effect was enacted in 1982.3 Through a series of amendments constitutional principles such as rule of law, and protection of human 1 Building Constitutionalism in China, eds. -
Education in China Since Mao
The Canadian Journal of Higher Education, Vol. X-l, 1980 Education in China Since Mao WILLIAM G. SAYWELL* ABSTRACT Policies in Chinese education, particularly higher education, have undergone major shifts since 1949 in response to general swings in Chinese policy, ideological debates and the political fortunes of different leaders and factions. These changes have involved shifts in emphasis between "redness"and "expertness", between education as a party device designed to inculcate and sustain revolutionary values and education as a governmental instrument used to promote modernization. In the most recent period since Mao's death and the "Gang of Four's" ouster in the fall of 1976, there has been a return to pragmatism with the radical policies and stress on political goals of the Cultural Revolution period giving way to a renewed emphasis on developing professional and technical skills. These objectives are being promoted by the reintroduction of earlier moderate policies governing curricula, admission standards and academic administration and by extraordinary measures, including international educational exchanges, designed to overcome the Cultural Revolution's disruptive impact. These new policies have provoked some criticism from those concerned about elitist aspects of the current system and a reduced commitment to socialist values. Since educational policy is highly sensitive to shifting political currents, future changes in this area will serve as a barometer of new political trends. RÉSUMÉ La politique de l'enseignement en Chine, particulièrement l'enseignement supérieur, a subi des changements majeurs depuis 1949 en réponse aux va-et-vient généraux de la politique chinoise, aux débats idéologiques et à la fortune politique des différents leaders et des dissensions. -
Mao's War on Women
Utah State University DigitalCommons@USU All Graduate Theses and Dissertations Graduate Studies 8-2019 Mao’s War on Women: The Perpetuation of Gender Hierarchies Through Yin-Yang Cosmology in the Chinese Communist Propaganda of the Mao Era, 1949-1976 Al D. Roberts Utah State University Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.usu.edu/etd Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Roberts, Al D., "Mao’s War on Women: The Perpetuation of Gender Hierarchies Through Yin-Yang Cosmology in the Chinese Communist Propaganda of the Mao Era, 1949-1976" (2019). All Graduate Theses and Dissertations. 7530. https://digitalcommons.usu.edu/etd/7530 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate Studies at DigitalCommons@USU. It has been accepted for inclusion in All Graduate Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@USU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. MAO’S WAR ON WOMEN: THE PERPETUATION OF GENDER HIERARCHIES THROUGH YIN-YANG COSMOLOGY IN THE CHINESE COMMUNIST PROPAGANDA OF THE MAO ERA, 1949-1976 by Al D. Roberts A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS in History Approved: ______________________ ____________________ Clayton Brown, Ph.D. Julia Gossard, Ph.D. Major Professor Committee Member ______________________ ____________________ Li Guo, Ph.D. Dominic Sur, Ph.D. Committee Member Committee Member _______________________________________ Richard S. Inouye, Ph.D. Vice Provost for Graduate Studies UTAH STATE UNIVERSITY Logan, Utah 2019 ii Copyright © Al D. Roberts 2019 All Rights Reserved iii ABSTRACT Mao’s War on Women: The Perpetuation of Gender Hierarchies Through Yin-Yang Cosmology in the Chinese Communist Propaganda of the Mao Era, 1949-1976 by Al D. -
Red Allure and the Crimson Blindfold
twelve RED ALLURE AND THE CRIMSON BLINDFOLD Geremie R. Barmé his chapter discusses a few areas in which I believe we can fi nd traces Tof the abiding, and beguiling, heritage of the Maoist era and state socialism in today’s China.1 In a number of interconnected spheres, a nu- anced understanding of what have been called “red legacies” in China, as well as more broadly, can continue to enliven discussions of contemporary history, thought, culture, and politics. In the following I will focus on recent events before off ering, in turn, some observations on history, the Maoist legacy, and academic engagement with the People’s Republic. Over the years, I have argued that the aura of High Maoism (1949– 78) has continued to suff use many aspects of thought, expression, and behavior in contemporary China.2 Th is is not merely because the party- state of the People’s Republic still formalistically cleaves to the panoply of Marxist-Leninist–Mao Zedong Th ought (which it has elaborated upon through the addition of Deng Xiaoping Th eory, Jiang Zemin’s “Th ree Represents,” and Hu Jintao’s “Scientifi c Outlook on Development”). Just as High Maoism was very much part of global revolutionary discourse and thinking in the twentieth century, so in the post-Mao decades its complex legacies, be they linguistic, intellectual, charismatic, or systemic, continue to enjoy a purchase. Furthermore, having an understanding of Maoism in history and over time, both in terms of empirical reality and in the context of memory, as well as an appreciation of its lingering allure, remains crucial if we are to gain an appreciation of the “real existing socialism” in the People’s Republic today.