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Theatre Review
V2-TheatreRev_OPUS_7_1.qxp copy.qxp 03/04/2019 16:02 Page 136 THEATRE REVIEW Chimerica by Lucy Kirkwood, first performed at the Almeda Theatre, London, 20 May, 2013; transferred to Harold Pinter Theatre, London, 6 August, 2013. Revived at Studio Theater, Washington DC, September/October, 2015 Reviewed by David Scharff* “In ancient Greek myth, a ‘chimera’ was a fire-breathing monster with a lion’s head and a serpent’s tail. In Lucy Kirkwood’s drama, (2013) Chimerica is something bigger and scarier than that. The word was origi- nally coined by historian Niall Ferguson to describe the globally dominant, co-dependent relationship between trigger-happy spendthrift America and control-freak, money-grabbing China” (McGinn, 2013). Chimerica opens with the iconic photograph of Tiananmen Square, 4 June, 1989. We see the “Tank Man” who blocked the advance of a tank towards the protesters, his back to us. A shopping bag in each hand, he faces the tank, which then refuses to run him down. The playwright’s script instructions read, “It is a photograph of one country by another country.” Cultural and political encounter is the theme of the play, played out in the fictional and intensely personal portrait of two denizens of cultures that are in conflict and contrast in so many ways. Joe Schofield, who took the photo as a neophyte news photographer at the age of nineteen, now seeks to find the legendary, if now all but forgotten, “Tank Man” twenty-three years later, just as, in America, Obama seeks re-election against Mitt Romney. In the play, Joe tries to sell his editor a story about investigating whether the tank man is still alive, presumably living now in the US. -
Chinese Foreign Relation Strategies Under Mao and Deng: a Systematic and Comparative Analysis
Chinese Foreign Relation Strategies Under Mao and Deng: A Systematic and Comparative Analysis JOSEPH YU-SHEK CHENG AND FRANKLIN WANKUN ZHANG During the past half-century, Chinas foreign relations strategies evolved in an uneven way. Undeniably, both Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping made significant impact on the evolution of Chinas foreign relations strategy and established their own models in their respective eras in effect dividing the history of Chinese foreign policy into two. In the shadow of the Cold War, Chinese foreign relations shifted between the United States and the Soviet Union as the future superpower struggled to safeguard national security, guarantee sovereignty and territorial integrity and enhance its international status under Mao. In the last two decades Chinese foreign relations strategies were less geared towards survival and security as Deng presided over the pursuit of the Four Modernizations and the establishment of a new international political and economic order in a framework of peace and non-alliance. As its impact on the shaping of world affairs grows, China's foreign relations strategies will continue to evolve in the next century when it becomes truly capable of an "overthrow of the planetary balance". The 20th century has witnessed Chinas rise from a weak, economically backward country to an important actor in the international system. From the founding of the Peoples Republic of China (PRC). In 1949, Mao Zedong attempted to break the bipolar system and make China an independent and important strategic power. The reform and opening to the outside world policy program, also known as China's second revolution,1 initiated by Deng Xiaoping in late 1978, laid the foundation for Chinas spectacular economic growth and enabled it to become an effective actor in the international system. -
China's Domestic Politicsand
China’s Domestic Politics and Foreign Policies and Major Countries’ Strategies toward China edited by Jung-Ho Bae and Jae H. Ku China’s Domestic Politics and Foreign Policies and Major Countries’ Strategies toward China 1SJOUFE %FDFNCFS 1VCMJTIFE %FDFNCFS 1VCMJTIFECZ ,PSFB*OTUJUVUFGPS/BUJPOBM6OJGJDBUJPO ,*/6 1VCMJTIFS 1SFTJEFOUPG,*/6 &EJUFECZ $FOUFSGPS6OJGJDBUJPO1PMJDZ4UVEJFT ,*/6 3FHJTUSBUJPO/VNCFS /P "EESFTT SP 4VZVEPOH (BOHCVLHV 4FPVM 5FMFQIPOF 'BY )PNFQBHF IUUQXXXLJOVPSLS %FTJHOBOE1SJOU )ZVOEBJ"SUDPN$P -UE $PQZSJHIU ,*/6 *4#/ 1SJDF G "MM,*/6QVCMJDBUJPOTBSFBWBJMBCMFGPSQVSDIBTFBUBMMNBKPS CPPLTUPSFTJO,PSFB "MTPBWBJMBCMFBU(PWFSONFOU1SJOUJOH0GGJDF4BMFT$FOUFS4UPSF 0GGJDF China’s Domestic Politics and Foreign Policies and Major Countries’ Strategies toward China �G 1SFGBDF Jung-Ho Bae (Director of the Center for Unification Policy Studies at Korea Institute for National Unification) �G *OUSPEVDUJPO 1 Turning Points for China and the Korean Peninsula Jung-Ho Bae and Dongsoo Kim (Korea Institute for National Unification) �G 1BSUEvaluation of China’s Domestic Politics and Leadership $IBQUFS 19 A Chinese Model for National Development Yong Shik Choo (Chung-Ang University) $IBQUFS 55 Leadership Transition in China - from Strongman Politics to Incremental Institutionalization Yi Edward Yang (James Madison University) $IBQUFS 81 Actors and Factors - China’s Challenges in the Crucial Next Five Years Christopher M. Clarke (U.S. State Department’s Bureau of Intelligence and Research-INR) China’s Domestic Politics and Foreign Policies -
Japanese Rule Over Rural Manchukuo: Strategies and Policies
JAPANESE RULE OVER RURAL MANCHUKUO: STRATEGIES AND POLICIES A THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY OF THE AUSTRALIAN NATIONAL UNIVERSITY MO TIAN September 2015 DECLARATION I, Mo Tian, declare that, except where otherwise acknowledged or noted, this thesis is entirely my own work. Mo Tian iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This study is the outcome of a frustrating intellectual trajectory. It started as an enquiry into the political ideology of Manchukuo, but later on switched its direction to the examination of the political institutions of Manchukuo, and finally landed on the area of Japanese rule over rural Manchukuo. On the path towards completing this thesis, I have incurred debts to many individuals and institutions. This thesis would have never been possible without their assistance and support. First, I would like to thank my family for carrying me through this PhD journey. I dedicate this thesis to my mother Huang Wei. Her unceasing love has supported me in various ways. I dedicate this thesis to my father Tian Shubin who died prematurely in 2001. He was a great father who taught me to pursue excellence and to become a man of integrity. I dedicate this thesis to my grandfather Huang Kexuan who grew up in Manchuria under the Japanese rule. In my early childhood, he strongly cultivated my genuine interest in Japan. His stories of the various aspects of the Japanese rule in Manchuria are the sources of inspiration for my work on Manchuria. My mentors and colleagues in Australia have greatly facilitated the process of my writing. The three members of my examination panel have been tremendously helpful for my thesis writing. -
The Eurasian Transformation of the 10Th to 13Th Centuries: the View from Song China, 906-1279
Haverford College Haverford Scholarship Faculty Publications History 2004 The Eurasian Transformation of the 10th to 13th centuries: The View from Song China, 906-1279 Paul Jakov Smith Haverford College, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.haverford.edu/history_facpubs Repository Citation Smith, Paul Jakov. “The Eurasian Transformation of the 10th to 13th centuries: The View from the Song.” In Johann Arneson and Bjorn Wittrock, eds., “Eurasian transformations, tenth to thirteenth centuries: Crystallizations, divergences, renaissances,” a special edition of the journal Medieval Encounters (December 2004). This Journal Article is brought to you for free and open access by the History at Haverford Scholarship. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of Haverford Scholarship. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Medieval 10,1-3_f12_279-308 11/4/04 2:47 PM Page 279 EURASIAN TRANSFORMATIONS OF THE TENTH TO THIRTEENTH CENTURIES: THE VIEW FROM SONG CHINA, 960-1279 PAUL JAKOV SMITH ABSTRACT This essay addresses the nature of the medieval transformation of Eurasia from the perspective of China during the Song dynasty (960-1279). Out of the many facets of the wholesale metamorphosis of Chinese society that characterized this era, I focus on the development of an increasingly bureaucratic and autocratic state, the emergence of a semi-autonomous local elite, and the impact on both trends of the rise of the great steppe empires that encircled and, under the Mongols ultimately extinguished the Song. The rapid evolution of Inner Asian state formation in the tenth through the thirteenth centuries not only swayed the development of the Chinese state, by putting questions of war and peace at the forefront of the court’s attention; it also influenced the evolution of China’s socio-political elite, by shap- ing the context within which elite families forged their sense of coorporate identity and calibrated their commitment to the court. -
China Ranks Number One Or Does It? Should We Care?
China Ranks Number One or Does It? Should We Care? Povolny Lecture Series in International Studies, Lawrence University February 19, 2015 Merton D. Finkler, Ph.D. In my talk, I address the five questions: 1. What does China Ranked #1 mean? 2. Is being #1 part of the “China Dream?” 3. Will China’s economy dominate the 21st century? 4. Does economic dominance matter? 5. How should the US and the rest of the world respond to China’s rising economic power? In October 2014, the International Monetary published a report indicating that in purchasing power parity terms, China had passed the United States as the world’s largest economy. The British weekly the Economist put this observation in historical perspective by showing that China ranked as the world’s largest economy for all but the last two hundred years. http://www.economist.com/news/finance-and-economics/21623758-chinas-back Purchasing Power Parity (PPP) calculations recognize that income when translated into a common currency buys different amounts of goods in different countries based on the prices local residents pay for these goods. Thus, PPP can be useful for portraying income per capita across countries to measure how people’s living standards vary across countries. Such calculations, of course, require a variety of assumptions regarding which goods and services to include and at what prices. Such details won’t be my focus today because, in GDP per capita terms, China is a middle income country at roughly $7,000 per capita versus $52,000 in the US. When adjusted for purchasing power, China’s income per capita rises to about $12,000 roughly the same level as Columbia, the Dominican Republic, and Jordan. -
Chinese Values, Governance, and International Relations: Historical Development and Present Situation
Ea st Asia +2- Chinese Values, Governance, and International Relations: Historical Development and Present Situation Wawc YeNznoNc Wrrs rnr rnrNn s of globalization and cross-cultural exchange, ex- ploringtherelationship betweenvalucs, governance, andinternational relations is a complex task. This chapter seeks to examine these rela- tionships in the context of Chinese history and present reality Values are the sum total ofpeople's dilferent assessments, attitudes, recognition, and behavior vis-A-vis vadous phenomena or different aspects of a singlc phenomenon. Chinese sociologists and anthropolo- gists generally regard culture as the "customs, traditions, attitlrdes, corcepts, and characteristics which control social behavior" (Yin r 988, 3 8 ), or the "trends of values and modes of behavior which openly or covertly guide or manipulate the material and spiritual production and life o{ society, and the mediun.r for knowledge, beliefs, morality, arts, education, Iaw, the general physiological system, and their n]aterial forms which are shared by society and spread between members oI so- ciety" (fiang et al. r 9 8 7, r ). Values are the core of a given cultural system, and Du Weiming says that the "core of culture is composed of a scries of traditional concepts in general and a system ofvalues in particular" (r 982, rr8). Changes in values are largely the basis of changes in cul ture and they "reflect not only the structure of tllis system, but to a large extent alsopoint the direction in which the characteristics of the system will develop" {Zhang and Cheng r99o, zo9 zro). Political outlook is embodied and reflected in the values of the cul- tural system in the political realm. -
Mao Zedong in Contemporarychinese Official Discourse Andhistory
China Perspectives 2012/2 | 2012 Mao Today: A Political Icon for an Age of Prosperity Mao Zedong in ContemporaryChinese Official Discourse andHistory Arif Dirlik Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/chinaperspectives/5852 DOI: 10.4000/chinaperspectives.5852 ISSN: 1996-4617 Publisher Centre d'étude français sur la Chine contemporaine Printed version Date of publication: 4 June 2012 Number of pages: 17-27 ISSN: 2070-3449 Electronic reference Arif Dirlik, « Mao Zedong in ContemporaryChinese Official Discourse andHistory », China Perspectives [Online], 2012/2 | 2012, Online since 30 June 2015, connection on 28 October 2019. URL : http:// journals.openedition.org/chinaperspectives/5852 ; DOI : 10.4000/chinaperspectives.5852 © All rights reserved Special feature China perspectives Mao Zedong in Contemporary Chinese Official Discourse and History ARIF DIRLIK (1) ABSTRACT: Rather than repudiate Mao’s legacy, the post-revolutionary regime in China has sought to recruit him in support of “reform and opening.” Beginning with Deng Xiaoping after 1978, official (2) historiography has drawn a distinction between Mao the Cultural Revolutionary and Mao the architect of “Chinese Marxism” – a Marxism that integrates theory with the circumstances of Chinese society. The essence of the latter is encapsulated in “Mao Zedong Thought,” which is viewed as an expression not just of Mao the individual but of the collective leadership of the Party. In most recent representations, “Chinese Marxism” is viewed as having developed in two phases: New Democracy, which brought the Communist Party to power in 1949, and “socialism with Chinese characteristics,” inaugurated under Deng Xiaoping and developed under his successors, and which represents a further development of Mao Zedong Thought. -
Post-Cold War Experimental Theatre of China: Staging Globalisation and Its Resistance
Post-Cold War Experimental Theatre of China: Staging Globalisation and Its Resistance Zheyu Wei A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy The School of Creative Arts The University of Dublin, Trinity College 2017 Declaration I declare that this thesis has not been submitted as an exercise for a degree at this or any other university and it is my own work. I agree to deposit this thesis in the University’s open access institutional repository or allow the library to do so on my behalf, subject to Irish Copyright Legislation and Trinity College Library Conditions of use and acknowledgement. ___________________ Zheyu Wei ii Summary This thesis is a study of Chinese experimental theatre from the year 1990 to the year 2014, to examine the involvement of Chinese theatre in the process of globalisation – the increasingly intensified relationship between places that are far away from one another but that are connected by the movement of flows on a global scale and the consciousness of the world as a whole. The central argument of this thesis is that Chinese post-Cold War experimental theatre has been greatly influenced by the trend of globalisation. This dissertation discusses the work of a number of representative figures in the “Little Theatre Movement” in mainland China since the 1980s, e.g. Lin Zhaohua, Meng Jinghui, Zhang Xian, etc., whose theatrical experiments have had a strong impact on the development of contemporary Chinese theatre, and inspired a younger generation of theatre practitioners. Through both close reading of literary and visual texts, and the inspection of secondary texts such as interviews and commentaries, an overview of performances mirroring the age-old Chinese culture’s struggle under the unprecedented modernising and globalising pressure in the post-Cold War period will be provided. -
Geo-Economics with Chinese Characteristics: How China’S Economic Might Is Reshaping World Politics
Regional Agenda Geo-economics with Chinese Characteristics: How China’s economic might is reshaping world politics January 2016 Geo-economics with Chinese Characteristics: How China’s economic might is reshaping world politics 1. Introduction Mark Leonard 2. China’s geo-economic power Wu Xinbo 3. China’s medium-term outlook: 2016-2020 Bert Hofman 4. The Geo-economic implications of China’s changing growth strategy Douglas Rediker, Elizabeth Economy, and Michael Levi 5. China’s infrastructure alliances Parag Khanna 6. China in Eurasia Sergei Guriev 7. China’s geo-economic power and the USA Ian Bremmer 8. China’s geo-economic role in South Asia Hina Rabbani Khar 9. China’s geo-economic role in Latin America Evan Ellis 10. China’s geo-economic policy in the Middle East Mahmood Sariolghalam 11. China’s geo-economic Power: Africa’s case Linah Mohohlo 12. China’s geo-economics in Europe Mark Leonard, Angela Stanzel & Agatha Kratz 13. China’s role in Asia-Pacific Kishore Mahbubani The World Economic Forum’s Network of Global Agenda Councils is the foremost interdisciplinary knowledge network dedicated to promoting innovative thinking on critical global issues, regions and industries, and incubating projects, campaigns and events for the public good. The Network convenes the most relevant and knowledgeable thought leaders from academia, government, business and civil society to challenge conventional thinking, develop new insights and create innovative solutions for key global challenges. In a global environment marked by short-term orientation and siloed thinking, the Network fosters interdisciplinary and long-range thinking on the prevailing challenges on the global agenda. -
Chinese Military Leadership After the 17Th Congress: Hu’S Guys Or Whose Guys?
Mulvenon, China Leadership Monitor, No. 23 Chinese Military Leadership After the 17th Congress: Hu’s Guys or Whose Guys? James Mulvenon The civilian political leadership changes at the 17th Party Congress in October 2007 have received close scrutiny from outside observers, but important and interesting personnel adjustments in the military have garnered less attention. This article examines recent Chinese military leadership changes in detail, focusing principally on the Central Military Commission but also tracking significant moves at the Military Region and Service level. Military Leadership Changes Leading Up to the 17th Congress Prior to the 17th Party Congress and the selection of the new Central Committee, Politburo, and Politburo Standing Committee, systematic and sweeping changes were made in the leadership structures of all seven military regions and the services. These reshuffles were not a purge, but an unusually intense round of the PLA’s regular command rotations and age-based removals of personnel. According to a reliable, Beijing-owned newspaper, commanders of the Beijing, Nanjing, Guangzhou, Lanzhou, Chengdu, and Shenyang Military Regions were replaced, as well as the heads of important units such as the General Staff Headquarters, General Armament Department, Air Force, and National Defense University.1 Table 1 Major Military Region Leadership Changes, 2007 Name Previous Position New Position Fang Fenghui COS, GZMR2 CDR, BJMR3 Zhao Keshi COS, NJMR CDR, NJMR4 Zhang Qinsheng DCOGS (Intel), GSD CDR, GZMR5 Li Shiming DCDR, CDMR CDR, CDMR6 Zhang Youxia DCDR, BJMR7 CDR, SYMR8 Wang Guosheng COS, LZMR Commander, LZMR9 Liu Chengjun DCDR, PLAAF CDT, AMS Wang Xibin COS, BJMR CDT, NDU Zhang Yang Dir., Poltical Dept., GZMR PC, GZMR Li Changcai DPC, NJMR PC, LZMR Chen Guoling DPC, GZMR PC, NJMR Zhang Haiyang DPC, BJMR PC, CDMR Tong Shiping Asst. -
China's Eleventh Five-Year Plan (2006–2010): from “Getting Rich
Fan.fm Page 708 Tuesday, January 9, 2007 10:11 AM China’s Eleventh Five-Year Plan (2006–2010): From “Getting Rich First” to “Common Prosperity” C. Cindy Fan1 Abstract: China’s Eleventh Five-Year Plan, which sets the directions for national develop- ment for the 2006 to 2010 period, has been described as a revolutionary plan. This paper examines the Plan’s goal to build a “harmonious socialist society” by enabling disadvantaged groups and less developed regions to share the fruits of economic growth. It first describes the Plan’s main principles and major quantitative targets for the five-year period. In the second half of the paper, the author argues that the emphasis on “common prosperity” can be explained by the rise in inequality over more than two decades, by a new political administra- tion that seeks to establish its own path while endorsing ideas from past regimes, and by Pres- ident Hu Jintao and Premier Wen Jiabao’s more open and consultative style of leadership. Journal of Economic Literature, Classification Numbers: O20, O53, P21. 1 figure, 2 tables, 58 references. Key words: China, Five-Year Plans, income inequality, regional development, common prosperity, sustainable development. INTRODUCTION n March 14, 2006, the Fourth Plenary Session of China’s Tenth National People’s OCongress formally ratified the country’s Eleventh Five-Year Plan, for the period 2006 to 2010. Since 1953, the People’s Republic of China (PRC) has implemented a series of Five- Year Plans that established the blueprint and targets for national economic development.2 In a country where the state continues to exert powerful control over much of the economy, the Five-Year Plans are key indicators of the directions and changes in development philosophy.