"Angry Youth": What Does the Future Hold?
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Jesus in China—Evan Osnos on an Upcoming Frontline Documentary
University of Nebraska - Lincoln DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln The hinC a Beat Blog Archive 2008-2012 China Beat Archive 6-22-2008 Jesus in China—Evan Osnos on an Upcoming Frontline Documentary Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.unl.edu/chinabeatarchive Part of the Asian History Commons, Asian Studies Commons, Chinese Studies Commons, and the International Relations Commons "Jesus in China—Evan Osnos on an Upcoming Frontline Documentary" (2008). The China Beat Blog Archive 2008-2012. 205. http://digitalcommons.unl.edu/chinabeatarchive/205 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the China Beat Archive at DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. It has been accepted for inclusion in The hinC a Beat Blog Archive 2008-2012 by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. Jesus in China—Evan Osnos on an Upcoming Frontline Documentary June 22, 2008 in Watching the China Watchers by The China Beat | No comments The Public Broadcasting Corporation’s Frontline series has a long tradition of airing documentaries on China. Carma Hinton and Richard Gordon’s prize-winning look at 1989, “The Gate of Heavenly Peace,” was shown as part of the series, for example, as was a later Tiananmen documentary, “The Tank Man.” And thanks to the online extras, from guides to further reading to lesson plans for teachers, the PBS Frontline site has become a valuable resource for those who offer classes or simply want to learn about the PRC. Still, it is rare (probably unprecedented) for two China shows to run back-to-back on Frontline. -
Nationalism, Internationalism and Chinese Foreign Policy CHEN ZHIMIN*
Journal of Contemporary China (2005), 14(42), February, 35–53 Nationalism, Internationalism and Chinese Foreign Policy CHEN ZHIMIN* This article examines the role of nationalism in shaping Chinese foreign policy in the history of contemporary China over the last 100 years. Nationalism is used here as an analytical term, rather than in the usual popular pejorative sense. By tracing the various expressions of contemporary Chinese nationalism, this article argues that nationalism is one of the key enduring driving forces which have shaped Chinese foreign policy over the period; as China increasingly integrates herself into this globalized and interdependent world and Chinese confidence grows, the current expression of Chinese nationalism is taking a more positive form, which incorporates an expanding component of internationalism. In recent years, nationalism has been one of the key focuses in the study of China’s foreign policy. In the 1990s, several Chinese writers started to invoke the concept of nationalism, both in their study of Chinese foreign policy and in their prescriptions for the Chinese foreign policy. Likewise, in English-language scholarship the study of Chinese nationalism largely sets the parameters of the debate about the future of Chinese foreign policy and the world’s response to a rising China. An overarching theme of this Western discourse is a gloomy concern with the worrisome nature of recent expressions of Chinese nationalism. Samuel P. Huntington was famously concerned about China’s intention ‘to bring to an end the -
China As a Hybrid Influencer: Non-State Actors As State Proxies COI HYBRID INFLUENCE COI
Hybrid CoE Research Report 1 JUNE 2021 China as a hybrid influencer: Non-state actors as state proxies COI HYBRID INFLUENCE COI JUKKA AUKIA Hybrid CoE Hybrid CoE Research Report 1 China as a hybrid influencer: Non-state actors as state proxies JUKKA AUKIA 3 Hybrid CoE Research Reports are thorough, in-depth studies providing a deep understanding of hybrid threats and phenomena relating to them. Research Reports build on an original idea and follow academic research report standards, presenting new research findings. They provide either policy-relevant recommendations or practical conclusions. COI Hybrid Influence looks at how state and non-state actors conduct influence activities targeted at Participating States and institutions, as part of a hybrid campaign, and how hostile state actors use their influence tools in ways that attempt to sow instability, or curtail the sovereignty of other nations and the independence of institutions. The focus is on the behaviours, activities, and tools that a hostile actor can use. The goal is to equip practitioners with the tools they need to respond to and deter hybrid threats. COI HI is led by the UK. The European Centre of Excellence for Countering Hybrid Threats tel. +358 400 253 800 www.hybridcoe.fi ISBN (web) 978-952-7282-78-6 ISBN (print) 978-952-7282-79-3 ISSN 2737-0860 June 2021 Hybrid CoE is an international hub for practitioners and experts, building Participating States’ and institutions’ capabilities and enhancing EU-NATO cooperation in countering hybrid threats, located in Helsinki, Finland. The responsibility for the views expressed ultimately rests with the authors. -
American Government (POL SC 1100) Spring 2019 Mondays, Wednesdays, and Fridays, 2-2:50Pm 102 Naka Hall
POL SC 1100-1-1-1-1 American Government (POL SC 1100) Spring 2019 Mondays, Wednesdays, and Fridays, 2-2:50pm 102 Naka Hall Jake Haselswerdt, PhD Assistant Professor Department of Political Science & Truman School of Public Affairs Office: 301 Professional Building Office hours: Tuesday, 2-4pm, and by appointment Email (preferred): [email protected] Phone: 573-882-7873 Syllabus updated February 15, 2019 Teaching Assistants Hyojong Ahn Dongjin Kwak Email: [email protected] Email: [email protected] Office: 315 Professional Building Office: 207 Professional Building Office hours: Monday, 10:30am-1:30pm; Office hours: Monday & Wednesday, Tuesday, 12:30pm-3:30pm 10am-1pm Course Overview & Goals This course offers an introduction to American politics and government from a political science perspective. While the course should increase your factual civic knowledge of American institutions, it is about more than that. Political science seeks to move beyond civic knowledge, to question and analyze the people, groups, events, institutions, policies, ideas, etc that we observe. Sometimes, our questions are empirical, meaning they deal with what is: Do Members of Congress support the policies their constituents want? Do political campaigns affect voters’ decisions? Sometimes, they are normative, meaning they deal with what should be: Is the U.S. Senate harmful to democracy because Wyoming has the same number of senators as California? Should the Constitution be amended so Supreme Court Justices no longer serve for life? In this course, we will consider both types of questions. 1 POL SC 1100-1-1-1-1 The success of democratic governments depends in part on the capacity of their citizens to hold them accountable. -
Annual Report 2018
2018Annual Report Annual Report July 1, 2017–June 30, 2018 Council on Foreign Relations 58 East 68th Street, New York, NY 10065 tel 212.434.9400 1777 F Street, NW, Washington, DC 20006 tel 202.509.8400 www.cfr.org [email protected] OFFICERS DIRECTORS David M. Rubenstein Term Expiring 2019 Term Expiring 2022 Chairman David G. Bradley Sylvia Mathews Burwell Blair Effron Blair Effron Ash Carter Vice Chairman Susan Hockfield James P. Gorman Jami Miscik Donna J. Hrinak Laurene Powell Jobs Vice Chairman James G. Stavridis David M. Rubenstein Richard N. Haass Vin Weber Margaret G. Warner President Daniel H. Yergin Fareed Zakaria Keith Olson Term Expiring 2020 Term Expiring 2023 Executive Vice President, John P. Abizaid Kenneth I. Chenault Chief Financial Officer, and Treasurer Mary McInnis Boies Laurence D. Fink James M. Lindsay Timothy F. Geithner Stephen C. Freidheim Senior Vice President, Director of Studies, Stephen J. Hadley Margaret (Peggy) Hamburg and Maurice R. Greenberg Chair James Manyika Charles Phillips Jami Miscik Cecilia Elena Rouse Nancy D. Bodurtha Richard L. Plepler Frances Fragos Townsend Vice President, Meetings and Membership Term Expiring 2021 Irina A. Faskianos Vice President, National Program Tony Coles Richard N. Haass, ex officio and Outreach David M. Cote Steven A. Denning Suzanne E. Helm William H. McRaven Vice President, Philanthropy and Janet A. Napolitano Corporate Relations Eduardo J. Padrón Jan Mowder Hughes John Paulson Vice President, Human Resources and Administration Caroline Netchvolodoff OFFICERS AND DIRECTORS, Vice President, Education EMERITUS & HONORARY Shannon K. O’Neil Madeleine K. Albright Maurice R. Greenberg Vice President and Deputy Director of Studies Director Emerita Honorary Vice Chairman Lisa Shields Martin S. -
China Case Study
【Panel VI : Paper 12】 China Case Study The Me-Generation or Agent of Political Change? Democratic Citizenship and Chinese Young Adults Organized by the Institute of Political Science, Academia Sinica (IPSAS) Co-sponsored by Asian Barometer Survey September 20-21, 2012 Taipei IPSAS Conference Room A (5th floor, North, Building for Humanities and Social Sciences) China Case Study The Me-Generation or Agent of Political Change? Democratic Citizenship and Chinese Young Adults Jie Lu Department of Government, SPA, American University [email protected] This is only a rough draft. Please do not quote without author’s permission. Paper prepared for delivery at the conference “Democratic Citizenship and Voices of Asia’s Youth”, organized by the Institute of Political Science, Academia Sinica, and co-sponsored by Asian Barometer Survey, National Taiwan University, September 20-21, 2012, Taipei, Taiwan. The Me-Generation or Agent of Political Change? Democratic Citizenship and Chinese Young Adults Jie Lu After their extensive and in-depth analysis of 40 blogs authored by young Chinese aged 18- 23 in 2006, Sima and Pugsley suggest the rise of a Me-culture among the Chinese youth, characterized by their symbolic identity construction and self-presentation based on individualism and consumerism.1 It is not a coincidence that, in his 2007 article published in the Time magazine, Simon Elegant presents the then youth generation (born after 1979) in mainland China as the Me-generation, who enjoys continuous economic prosperity, is obsessed with consumerism and new technologies, but shows little interest in politics and no enthusiasm for the social and political reforms that are necessary to ensure China’s long-term prosperity and stability.2 As he concludes the article, Elegant raises a serious question: How may this growing and increasingly powerful Me-generation shape China’s future? For Elegant, the answer is highly contingent upon whether the Me-generation realizes that political reforms and democracy can help China. -
China's Digital Nationalism and the Hong Kong Protests
China’s Digital Nationalism and the Hong Kong Protests An Interview with Florian Schneider by Emilie Frenkiel Nationalist discourses take the lion share of politics-related discussions on the Chinese Internet. In the context of intense struggles over the interpretation of the Hong Kong protests, this interview with Florian Schneider sheds light on the complexity of online political and identity expression in China and elsewhere. Florian Schneider, PhD, Sheffield University, is Senior University Lecturer in the Politics of Modern China at the Leiden University Institute for Area Studies. He is managing editor of the academic journal Asiascape: Digital Asia, director of the Leiden Asia Centre, and the author of three books: Staging China: the Politics of Mass Spectacle (Leiden University Press 2019), China’s Digital Nationalism (Oxford University Press 2018), and Visual Political Communication in Popular Chinese Television Series (Brill 2013, recipient of the 2014 EastAsiaNet book prize). In 2017, he was awarded the Leiden University teaching prize for his innovative work as an educator. His research interests include questions of governance, political communication, and digital media in China, as well as international relations in the East-Asian region. Books & Ideas: At the beginning of your book China’s Digital Nationalism, you wonder what happens when nationalism goes digital: how do you define digital nationalism? FS: To me, digital nationalism describes a process in which algorithms reproduce and enforce the kind of biases that lead people to view the nation as a major element of their personal identity and as the primary locus of political action. The biases themselves are much older than digital technology. -
China Transnationalized?
China Transnationalized? Allen Carlson Cornell University May 2015 Fellows Program on Peace, Governance, and Development in East Asia EAI Working Paper Knowledge-Net for a Better World The East Asia Institute(EAI) is a nonprofit and independent research organization in Korea, founded in May 2002. The EAI strives to transform East Asia into a society of nations based on liberal democracy, market economy, open society, and peace. The EAI takes no institutional position on policy issues and has no affiliation with the Korean government. All statements of fact and expressions of opinion contained in its publications are the sole responsibility of the author or authors. is a registered trademark. Copyright © 2015 by EAI This electronic publication of EAI intellectual property is provided for non-commercial use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Copies may not be duplicated for commercial purposes. Unauthorized posting of EAI documents to a non-EAI website is prohibited. EAI documents are protected under copyright law. “China Transnationalized?” ISBN 979-11-86226-32-2 95340 The East Asia Institute #909 Sampoong B/D, Euljiro 158 Jung-gu, Seoul 100-786 Republic of Korea Tel. 82 2 2277 1683 Fax 82 2 2277 1684 Fellows Program on Peace, Governance, and Development in East Asia China Transnationalized?* Allen Carlson Cornell University May 2015 Introduction This paper, which is part of a larger research project, takes up the issue of contemporary China’s relationship with the rest of the world, and between its government and people. In so doing it challenges much of the conventional wisdom about China, both in terms of how to study the country, how it got to this juncture, and where it is headed. -
Regime Legitimacy and Comparative Chinese Secession Movements
POSC 289: Nationalism, Secession, and the State. Spring 2009, Dr. Thomas Julian Lee, Research Paper Regime Legitimacy and Comparative Chinese Secession Movements (PHOTO: A tattered PRC flag waves above a Beijing restaurant in the Xizhimen Wai District, 2001.) ABSTRACT: Much of foreigners’ “misunderstanding” of China is a result of its own environment of restricted information. An undeniably ideographic case, the current regime of the People’s Republic of China faces an ongoing crisis of legitimacy in its post-totalitarian state, to which its primary response has been the instrumental tapping of any and all potential sources, including vestigial socialist ideology, economic development, traditional Chinese culture, and perhaps most of all, a self-proclaimed status as the protector of a civic Chinese nation which may not actually exist. While denying its imperial past and present, the PRC seeks to construct such a nation, while retaining the territories and nations in its periphery which, due largely to non-identification as members of the Chinese nation, would prefer autonomy or independence by means of “secession”. Secessionist movements based on nationalist conflicts with the central government are unlikely to “succeed”, and as Chinese power rises, the more important issues are transparency and the types of tactics the Chinese Communist Party employs in pursuit of national integration. What all concerned parties must be vigilant for, additionally, is any evidence of a long-term strategy to reconstruct a “Sinocentric world” which would begin with the revisionist construction of a “Greater China”. China itself faces a choice of what kind of state it would prefer to be, and a primary indicator of its decision, by which the international community has judged it harshly, has been the policies toward “minority nationalities”, effectively denying their rights to self-determination, in turn denying the regime its desired legitimacy. -
2006-07 Annual Report
����������������������������� the chicago council on global affairs 1 The Chicago Council on Global Affairs, founded in 1922 as The Chicago Council on Foreign Relations, is a leading independent, nonpartisan organization committed to influencing the discourse on global issues through contributions to opinion and policy formation, leadership dialogue, and public learning. The Chicago Council brings the world to Chicago by hosting public programs and private events featuring world leaders and experts with diverse views on a wide range of global topics. Through task forces, conferences, studies, and leadership dialogue, the Council brings Chicago’s ideas and opinions to the world. 2 the chicago council on global affairs table of contents the chicago council on global affairs 3 Message from the Chairman The world has undergone On September 1, 2006, The Chicago Council on tremendous change since Foreign Relations became The Chicago Council on The Chicago Council was Global Affairs. The new name respects the Council’s founded in 1922, when heritage – a commitment to nonpartisanship and public nation-states dominated education – while it signals an understanding of the the international stage. changing world and reflects the Council’s increased Balance of power, national efforts to contribute to national and international security, statecraft, and discussions in a global era. diplomacy were foremost Changes at The Chicago Council are evident on on the agenda. many fronts – more and new programs, larger and more Lester Crown Today, our world diverse audiences, a step-up in the pace of task force is shaped increasingly by forces far beyond national reports and conferences, heightened visibility, increased capitals. -
Beijing, a Garden of Violence
Inter-Asia Cultural Studies ISSN: 1464-9373 (Print) 1469-8447 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/riac20 Beijing, a garden of violence Geremie R. Barmé To cite this article: Geremie R. Barmé (2008) Beijing, a garden of violence, Inter-Asia Cultural Studies, 9:4, 612-639, DOI: 10.1080/14649370802386552 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14649370802386552 Published online: 15 Nov 2008. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 153 View related articles Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=riac20 Download by: [Australian National University] Date: 08 April 2016, At: 20:00 Inter-Asia Cultural Studies, Volume 9, Number 4, 2008 Beijing, a garden of violence Geremie R. BARMÉ TaylorRIAC_A_338822.sgm10.1080/14649370802386552Inter-Asia1464-9373Original200894000000DecemberGeremieBarmé[email protected] and& Article Francis Cultural (print)/1469-8447Francis 2008 Studies (online) ABSTRACT This paper examines the history of Beijing in relation to gardens—imperial, princely, public and private—and the impetus of the ‘gardener’, in particular in the twentieth-century. Engag- ing with the theme of ‘violence in the garden’ as articulated by such scholars as Zygmunt Bauman and Martin Jay, I reflect on Beijing as a ‘garden of violence’, both before the rise of the socialist state in 1949, and during the years leading up to the 2008 Olympics. KEYWORDS: gardens, violence, party culture, Chinese history, Chinese politics, cultivation, revolution The gardening impulse This paper offers a brief examination of the history of Beijing in relation to gardens— imperial, princely, socialist, public and private—and the impetus of the ‘gardener’, in particular during the twentieth century. -
Rise of China and the Cross-Strait Relations by Philip Yang National Taiwan University
tik 5th Europe-Northeast Asia Forum i The Taiwan Strait and Northeast Asian Security Berlin, 15-17 December 2005 A conference jointly organised by Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik (SWP), Berlin, the Korean Institute for International Studies (KIIS), Seoul, and the Federal Ministry of Defence, Berlin Discussion Paper Do Note Cite or Quote without Author’s Permission ftung Wissenschaft und Pol Sti Rise of China and the Cross-Strait Relations by Philip Yang National Taiwan University German Institute for International and Security Affairs SWP Ludwigkirchplatz 3–4 10719 Berlin Phone +49 30 880 07-0 Fax +49 30 880 07-100 www.swp-berlin.org In East Asia, the rise of China has dominated most regional policy discussion and deliberation. In almost every field of regional concerns, China’s rise has posed new challenges and brought profound implications. The impacts of China's rise on cross-strait relations are also heatedly discussed in Taiwan’s academia as well as media. China’s surging economy and newfound political clout expand its tool box in handling cross-strait relations and complicate U.S. role in dealing with the cross-strait political and military stalemate. With its missile deployments directed at Taiwan and the adoption of an anti-secession law threatening the use of force to deter Taiwan’s pursuance of de jure independence, China’s coercive cross-strait policy could severely challenge the island and its most important ally, the United States. However, China’s rising economic power and political status in the region have also been translated into a growing pool of “soft” power, affording Beijing increasing leverage on cross-strait issues.