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Crossing Aspectual Frontiers Emergence, Evolution, and Interwoven Semantic Domains in South Conchucos Quechua Discourse

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Crossing Aspectual Frontiers Emergence, Evolution, and Interwoven Semantic Domains in South Conchucos Quechua Discourse Crossing Aspectual Frontiers Emergence, Evolution, and Interwoven Semantic Domains in South Conchucos Quechua Discourse Crossing Aspectual Frontiers Emergence, Evolution, and Interwoven Semantic Domains in South Conchucos Quechua Discourse Daniel J. Hintz University of California Press Berkeley • Los Angeles • London UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS IN LINGUISTICS Editorial Board: Judith Aissen, Andrew Garrett, Larry M. Hyman, Marianne Mithun, Pamela Munro, Maria Polinsky Volume 146 University of California Press, one of the most distinguished university presses in the United States, enriches lives around the world by advancing scholarship in the humani- ties, social sciences, and natural sciences. Its activities are supported by the UC Press Foundation and philanthropic contributions from individuals and institutions. For more information, visit www.ucpress.edu University of California Press Berkeley and Los Angeles, California University of California Press, Ltd. London, England © 2011 by The Regents of the University of California Library of Congress Control Number: 2011929998 ISBN 978-0-520-09885-5 (pbk. : alk. paper) Manufactured in the United States of America 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of ANSI/NISO Z39.48-1992 (R 1997) (Permanence of Paper). To the memory of Mavis sister, encourager, friend Cay pachacta ñócanchic runa caccóna cauçanganchícpac, tianganchícpac, rurapuárcanchic. ‘He made this world so that we human beings could live and dwell with him.’ —Domingo de Santo Tomás (1560:175) Contents List of tables xv List of figures xvi List of maps xvii Acknowledgements xix Abbreviations used in glosses xxi Abstract xxv PART I – INTRODUCTION 1 1 Preliminaries 3 1.1 Aspect and aspectual interfaces 4 1.2 The study of aspect in Quechua 6 1.2.1 Previous work 6 1.2.2 Challenges 8 1.3 Data resources 9 1.3.1 The corpus of South Conchucos Quechua (SCQ) speech 9 1.3.2 The coded data 10 1.3.3 On naturally-occurring speech 10 1.4 The Quechua language family 11 1.5 South Conchucos Quechua 14 1.5.1 Language and people 14 1.5.2 Sketch of verbal morphology 16 1.6 Conventions 18 1.6.1 Format 18 1.6.2 Orthography 19 1.7 Organization 20 1.7.1 Chapters 20 1.7.2 Appendices 21 PART II – THE GRAMMATICAL EXPRESSION OF ASPECT IN SOUTH CONCHUCOS QUECHUA 23 2 Perfectives 25 2.1 Derivational perfectives 27 2.1.1 -rpu ‘down-completive’ 27 2.1.2 -rku ‘completive-perfective (mutual consent)’ 29 2.1.3 -yku ‘completive-perfective (obligation)’ 31 x Contents 2.1.4 -ski ‘perfective’ 33 2.1.5 -ri ‘punctual’ 35 2.1.6 -ri:ku ‘perfective (forceful)’ 37 2.2 Inflectional perfectives 39 2.2.1 -ru ‘past perfective’ 39 2.2.2 -sha ‘past perfective’ 41 2.2.3 -ra ‘past perfective’ 42 2.3 Summary of perfectives 44 3 Imperfectives 47 3.1 Derivational imperfectives 49 3.1.1 -ra: ‘durative’ 49 3.1.2 -yka: ‘continuous’ 51 3.1.3 -rayka: ‘continuous-durative (stative), habitual (dynamic)’ 54 3.1.4 -ykacha: ‘iterative’ 59 3.1.5 -paku ‘spatial distributive’ 61 3.1.6 =yan ‘temporal distributive’ 64 3.1.7 Verbal reduplication 67 3.2 Inflectional imperfectives 76 3.2.1 -q ‘past habitual’ 77 3.2.2 -Ø ‘present habitual’ 78 3.2.3 -na: ‘narrative past’ 82 3.3 Summary of imperfectives 85 4 The SCQ aspect system 87 4.1 Elements in the grammatical expression of aspect in SCQ 87 4.2 Orientation to aspect systems 89 4.3 The layered SCQ aspect system 91 4.4 Aspect marker combinations 93 4.4.1 Derivational with inflectional aspect markers 93 4.4.2 Derivational with other derivational aspect markers 95 4.5 Lexical diffusion 97 4.5.1 Frequency and productivity of aspect markers 97 4.5.2 Distribution with semantic classes of verb roots 99 4.5.3 Lexicalized forms 102 4.6 The distribution of aspect markers with non-aspectual elements 104 4.6.1 Finite versus nonfinite form 104 4.6.2 Distribution with finite types 105 4.6.3 Non-aspectual derivational suffixes 106 4.7 Conclusions: The SCQ aspect system 107 Contents xi PART III – ASPECT AND RELATED SEMANTIC DOMAINS 109 5 Aspect and tense 111 5.1 Past perfectives -ru, -sha, and -ra 112 5.2 Narrative past -na: 115 5.3 Past habitual -q 118 5.4 Present habitual -Ø 120 5.5 Conclusions: Aspect and tense 123 6 Aspect and modality 127 6.1 Aspect and modality in Quechuan languages 127 6.2 Expected outcome: Perfectives -rku and -yku 131 6.3 Unexpected outcome: Perfective -ski and punctual -ri 137 6.3.1 Further examples of perfective -ski as unexpected outcome 139 6.3.2 Punctual -ri and subjective evaluation 140 6.4 Outside experience: Narrative past -na: 142 6.5 Conclusions: Aspect and modality 146 7 Aspect and manner 149 7.1 Aspect and manner in Quechuan languages 149 7.2 The interface of aspect with manner in SCQ 151 7.2.1 Aspect primary, manner secondary 151 7.2.2 Manner primary, aspect secondary 154 7.3 Aspect and manner in other languages 160 7.4 Conclusions: Aspect and manner 161 8 Aspect and middle voice 165 8.1 Middle voice -ku in the Quechuanist tradition 165 8.2 Middle voice functions of -ku 166 8.3 Self-benefactive middle -ku 170 8.4 Modal senses of -ku 171 8.4.1 Volition and engagement reported by -ku 172 8.4.2 Heightened volition and engagement reported by reduplicated -kuku 173 8.5 Aspectual senses of -ku in SCQ 174 8.5.1 Habitual readings of -ku with dynamic verbs 175 8.5.2 Durative and habitual readings of -ku with the copula ka- 176 8.6 Progressive -ku and reflexive/middle -ri in Northern Quechua 178 8.7 Conclusions: Aspect and middle voice 181 xii Contents PART IV – THE EVOLUTION OF ASPECT IN QUECHUA 183 9 The evolution of perfectives 185 9.1 Lexicalization of the directional suffixes 186 9.2 Grammaticization of the directional suffixes 189 9.3 From derivational perfective to inflectional past perfective -ru 192 9.4 From past to remote past -ra 198 9.5 From periphrastic perfect to inflectional past perfective -sha 198 9.6 A cross-linguistic perspective on the evolution of perfectives 199 9.7 Diachronic forces in the evolution of perfectives 201 9.7.1 Propelling force 202 9.7.2 Attracting force 203 9.7.3 Obstructing force 205 9.7.4 The boxcar metaphor 206 9.8 Conclusion: The evolution of perfectives 208 10 The evolution of imperfectives 211 10.1 The emergence of present imperfective zero 212 10.2 The development of progressives across Quechuan languages 213 10.3 Paths leading to and from imperfective aspect 219 10.4 The elaboration of habitual aspect 220 10.5 Summary of paths to habitual 227 10.6 Imperfectives restricted to past time reference 228 10.7 Conclusion: The evolution of imperfectives 228 11 Aspectualizing constructions 231 11.1 The aspectualizing construction STEM–NOMINALIZER+AUXILIARY 231 11.2 Aspectual auxiliaries in SCQ (and other Quechuan languages) 235 11.3 Aspectual auxiliaries attested elsewhere in Quechua 247 11.4 Summary of aspect expressed via auxiliary structures 257 11.5 The emergence of progressive *-yka: 260 11.6 Other aspectualizing constructions 268 11.7 Conclusion: Aspectualizing constructions 270 Contents xiii PART V – CONCLUSION 273 12 The emergence of grammatical systems 275 12.1 Overview 275 12.2 Diachronic processes 276 12.3 Areal tendencies 280 12.4 Cross-linguistic perspective 280 12.5 On emergence and self-organization 283 Appendix A Maps of aspect markers across the Quechua language family 285 Appendix B SCQ aspect and the derivation-inflection continuum 297 Appendix C Suffixes and enclitics in the SCQ verb 301 Appendix D Quechua suffixes with the shape C.CV 303 Appendix E Perfective -ski as a former directional suffix 306 Appendix F Transcriptions of two conversation segments in SCQ 311 1 Lost donkey 311 2 Cows, oats, and guinea pigs 315 Bibliography 319 Author index 337 Index of languages and language families 340 Index of Quechuan languages 342 Subject index 344 Tables 1.1 Quechua classification based on geography and typological features 14 1.2 Native phonemes of SCQ and orthographic conventions 19 3.1 Evidence for -rayka: as a single fused suffix 57 3.2 Aspect and verbal reduplication types in SCQ 75 4.1 Combinations of derivational with inflectional aspect markers 94 4.2 Combinations of derivational aspect markers 96 4.3 The frequency and distribution of PERFECTIVE markers with verb roots 98 4.4 The frequency and distribution of IMPERFECTIVE markers with verb roots 98 4.5 The distribution of PERFECTIVE markers with semantic classes of verb roots 99 4.6 The distribution of IMPERFECTIVE markers with semantic classes of verb roots 100 4.7 The distribution of PERFECTIVE markers with the copula ka- 101 4.8 The distribution of IMPERFECTIVE markers with the copula ka- 101 4.9 Lexicalization of former directional suffixes and related forms in SCQ 103 4.10 The distribution of derivational aspect markers according to finiteness 104 4.11 The distribution of derivational aspect markers with finite verb types 105 4.12 The distribution of PERFECTIVES with non-aspectual derivational suffixes 106 4.13 The distribution of IMPERFECTIVES with non-aspectual derivational suffixes 106 5.1 The past perfective category in SCQ 114 6.1 Aspectual suffixes described with modal adverbs in the Quechuanist literature 128 6.2 Recurrent modal themes expressed by aspectual suffixes in Quechua 130 6.3 Intentionality, subjectivity, and modality expressed by -rku and -yku 136 6.4 The distribution of perfective -rku and -yku with other morphosyntactic elements 136 6.5 Manner and modal extensions to perfective -ski 140 6.6 Manner and modal extensions to punctual -ri 142 6.7 Discourse functions of narrative past -na: 145 7.1 Aspectual suffixes described with manner adverbs
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