The Commodification of Public Spaces on Khao San Road

Nakhara: Journal of Environmental Design and Planning Volume 17, 2019 The Commodification of Public Spaces on Khao San Road

Parisa Musigakama Faculty of Architecture, University, [email protected]

Received 2019-09-02; Revised 2019-10-02; Accepted 2019-10-02

ABSTRACT

This study focuses on the mechanisms and institutions for the governance of public spaces on Khao San Road, . Khao San is a small road famous for tourism. It is located near major attractions, and is full of budget accommodations and street vendors. This street is known among the locals and foreign tourists as one of Bangkok’s most vibrant and lively.

Furthermore, Khao San offers immense opportunity for vendors, as it is crowded with tourists all day. This factor is of utmost importance to the success of businesses. Therefore, competitions for prime vending spots on the road have been going on for years. Under these circumstances, public spaces are transformed into private goods that can be traded, transferred and deprived in reality. With the qualitative method of grounded theory, this paper reveals the process of Khao San Road’s commodification as well as the mechanisms and institutions involved in the process. Qualitative data collected using three methods: non-participant observations, in-depth interviews, and document studies were triangulated and analysed. The findings suggest that both external and internal mechanisms have stimulated the commodification of public spaces on Khao San Road over the past decades. The external mechanisms are tourism and multinational capitalist economy. The internal mechanism relates to community norms on the de facto individual rights over public spaces. These mechanisms have developed unofficial rules to work at an operational level with official rules supervised by officials. A critical outcome of these mechanisms and rules is the determination of the right to access and use public spaces by various groups of stakeholders.

In conclusion, the paper discusses the relationship between the commodification of public spaces and the inequality problem. Public spaces as private goods are not different from other private possessions that can be excluded through price, authority, and policy mechanisms. Collaboration between mechanisms has resulted in only a small number of people having the opportunity to indeed access and utilise the resources on the street. People whose opportunity is denied need to bring themselves into the patronage system to ensure the survival of their businesses.

Keywords: public space, street vending, commodification, inequality, Khao San road Nakhara : Journal of Environmental Design and Planning 17 (2019) 81 82 Nakhara : Journal of Environmental Design and Planning 17 (2019) policies havebecomeclearance policies.Whenthis advantage ofsociety. Therefore, theselenient take who lawbreakers as them considered officials now thatvendorsdonotconsist ofonlypoorpeople, a result, treated them with lenient policies. However, and supporttopursueacareeras opportunities viewed vendorsasurbanpoorpeoplewhoneed supervising public space usage. In the past, officials the paradigmusedbygovernmentofficials in of community stakeholders. It has alsochanged It has changed the rationale behind the decision resulted inintensecompetitionsforvendingspaces. tourism activity to meet external needs. This has to meet local needs but has been turned into a on Khao San Road is no longera commercial activity the area. This is a phenomenon where street vending and capitalinvestmentin businesses shopkeepers, be proven bythenumbersofforeignvendors, one,whichcould a locallevelproducttoglobal has shiftedthesepublicspacesfrom globalisation Moreover, the economic mechanism under together. (Figure1) businesses operate their vendors medium-income have becomeatradingareawherebothpoorand poor vendors, as mentioned in past studies, but public spacesarenolongeropportunityfor is determined by economic mechanisms. Therefore, right toaccess anduse whose into privategoods, have been common in ideology are transformed spaces thatshould these circumstances,thepublic use publicspaceshavethereforeoccurred.Under to right the for competitions Road, San Khao on of their businesses. However, dueto spacelimitation volume oftouristsdirectlycontributestothesuccess street vendors hopeto get their hands on, as the high that many Road hasbecomeanareaofopportunity visitors perday,more thantenthousand KhaoSan With visitors. foreign for activities recommended street foods have become oneof the “must-do” or tasting and market night atthe Shopping street. the uniqueatmosphereof the bustling experience local cuisines,enjoythenightentertainmentand totasteinexpensive San, asmanytouristscomehere point ofKhao is nottheonlyselling accommodation travellers.Cheap budget tourists, especially foreign attractions, KhaoSanRoadispopularamong which provideseasyaccesstomajortourist centre ofBangkok, amidst thehistoric its location in tourism.Dueto reputation with aninternational Khao SanRoadisasmall,400-meter-longalley INTRODUCTION common resourcesallocation. spaces resultsinmultiplying theunfairnessin public of commodification the how on discussion a between variouscategories.In conclusion,thereis in rhetorical styletoconnecttherelationships findings are divided into several parts and described adhere to the existing theoretical framework. The phenomena and field data studies without having to from understand andcreatetheoreticalknowledge (Charmaz, 2001) This method allows researchers to play anessentialroleinsocialscienceresearch. theory isoneof the qualitative researchmethods that conducted with grounded theory methods. Grounded Under this preliminary framework, the study was essence ofcommodification. the considered is which management, resources framework alsocoverstherights issue oncommon and their effects. (Nigussie et al., 2018) The of collectiveinterventions,orthecommonsproblem, aspects participatory and technical, on institutional, management. key insights highlighting This guides on commonresource researches in global applied 2011) and accepted is generally The IADconcept Elinor Ostrom,asatentativeguideline.(Ostrom, by (IAD)framework,developed and Development analysis, thisstudyappliedthe Institutional Analysis However, to ensuremoreconcrete andgeneralisable economics onthegovernanceofcommonresources. This studyisbasedonthetheoryofinstitutional resource management. in termsofcollective especially level, fundamental therefore notapositivesignforthecommunityat to all. The commodification of public spaces is Equality in rights to access will no longer be available people. selected to only available and to thepublic resources islimited right toaccessanduseshared can besubtractedandexcluded.Inotherwords,the resource or goods that one, aprivate to consumption goods orresourcechangesfromacollective goods byPaulSamuelson(1954),whenaparticular phenomenon. According tothetheoryofpublic and factors involved aswelleffects of this to describe the process, mechanisms, institutions systematically describe it. Therefore, this study aims there wasnopreviousstudythatcanclearlyand Although thephenomenonishighlyevident, mechanisms todealwiththesituation. there was a development of institutions and specific vendors’ demands to accessanduse public spaces, paradigm of the government officials clashed with the The Commodification of Public Spaces on Khao San Road

Figure 1: Street vending on Khao San Road. (Source: Facebook fan page “Khaosan Road We Love” 2019)

LITERATURE REVIEW According to the above conceptual framework, the urban public spaces are considered as common goods. (Hess, 2008; Mitchel, 2003; Polko, 2012; Public spaces as common goods Parkinson, 2012).The critical role of the urban public space is to be an area that allows strangers in the Common-pool resources or common resources city to have the opportunity to meet and interact or common goods are considered part of the with each other. Importantly, the public space must public goods but are slightly different from pure also be an area of civil liberties, opportunities, public goods. While pure public goods have two and indicators of quality of life for people in the distinct aspects: non-excludable and non-rivalrous city (Whyte, 1976; Crawford, 1999; Gehl, 2001; consumption (Samuelson, 1954), the common Parkinson, 2012; Habermas, 1989; Mitchel, 2003). goods are non-excludable but rivalrous (Ostrom, The urban public spaces as common goods cannot, 2009). To be rivalrous means one person’s use therefore, discourage the use of a person. Beyond may preclude another’s. So, while people can that, it must also be an area that welcomes access share pure public goods without problems, the and is flexible enough to meet the needs of the users consumption of common goods can result in reduced of various groups equally. However, the conflicting satisfaction of other users and remaining resources. uses may cause hostility problems between (Bollier&Helfrich, 2012) The fundamental problem activities and cause negative external impacts on of common goods is the number of people who use the overall resource system. Therefore, supervision resources and the use of resources that are over- of public space utilisation is necessary. Generally, sized. These result in insufficient resources for use. it is conducted by the public or private sectors. The Nakhara : Journal of Environmental Design and Planning 17 (2019) Besides, there is a problem of deterioration. Due supervision often causes problems in two directions: to the lack of motivation for maintenance because over-management and under-management. Over- 83 users cannot discourage other resource users who management may cause an effect on the rights of are not sharing the cost of maintaining resources. people and reducing the quality of public spaces. 84 Nakhara : Journal of Environmental Design and Planning 17 (2019) knowledge that is based on the neoclassical in theeconomy. This argumentisagainsttraditional governing human behaviour andresource allocation institutional economistsplace importancein that factors are game ofthe rules or Institutions allocation Role ofinstitutionsinresource then occur. people of disadvantaged the resources utilising and converted intoprivate,theunfairnessinaccessing private one.Moreover, since thepublicspacesare that make public spaces no longer public but a mechanism are, therefore, essential variables access andusethearea.So,rulesexclusion spaces, wouldatthesametime,restrictothersfrom certain numberof people to access and usepublic or specific mechanisms. Rules which allow a institutions that were, inturn, set by someplayers not. These rights are determined by the rules or those whohaverightsanddo between the urbanpublicspacerevealsrelationship Therefore, the above literaturedemonstratesthat (Mitchell, 2003;Graham,2010;Nemeth,2012) of economicallyorsociallydisadvantagedpeople a group impact areinevitably negative the highest the publicness. Which,of course, those whohave spaces needtobemorecontrolledbyreducing of thesupervision.Itsignalsthatsuchpublic under-efficiency the of indicator an is Rider Free On the other hand, from the government sector, society.in people rights tothecityofdisadvantaged a phenomenonthat showstheneedto negotiatetheir the city. In terms of society andpolitics, Free Rideris in people disadvantaged economically and socially spaces thatareinactive.It is oftenassociatedwith paths, roads,parks,abandonedareasorempty as pedestrian such city levels, and neighbourhood Free rider on publicspace problem occurs at both Mitchell, 2003; Polko, 2012; Parkinson, 2012) 1968; Sommer,of investing.(Hardin, thinking 1989; community asasupporter, for theirinterestswithout stateor has a that goods, common from benefits group ofpeopletakingpossessionandseeking toa refers Rider Free problem. most common As partofunder-management,FreeRideristhe be thecauseandeffectofeachother. be abandonedandlackofuse.Bothdirectionsmay may causethepublicspaceto Under-management emphasise theinstitutionalconditions toincrease these assumptions,the economists also evolution Lastly,as powerandnormsinvolved. to inaddition complete contracts, but there are other factors such that peopledonotinteractwith eachotheronlyby contracts. in complete do notbelieve They believe on rulesorsituations. economists The evolutional behaviour and focus on the satisfaction that depends believe that people can learn each other through past to respond to the institutionsinthat society. They the behaviour of people is adaptable and evolve and institutions can influence each other. Therefore, people concept, this to ourselves. According affect of othersthat onthebehaviour in societydepends intention ofinteraction.So,partourbehaviour a social preference and are concerned about the in theiractionsagainstothers. They saypeoplehave only thehighestpersonalinterests,butareinterested economists indicatethatpeoplearenotinterestedin evolutionary institutional economics. The evolutional Another conceptunder institutional economics is role indecisionmakinganddeterminingbehaviour. the marketsandtheseinstitutionsplaya besides society, in that shows This institutions other are there to workfully.market —makingtheunable of the functioning the affect can institutions other intheeconomy,a vitalroleinallocatingresources view,that plays the marketisaninstitution although economy. the in sectors various in distribution Intheir overall economy. Especially in terms of efficiency and the institutionworksin attention tohow paying by the scopefromabroaderperspective expanded institutional economistledbyWilliamson(1985)has pay attention to the study of social rules, new economists concepts. Whiletraditionalinstitutional Institutional economicsitself is divided intoseveral external factors, asneoclassical economists believe. institutions shouldbeinternalfactorsratherthan of people’s choicesinsociety. Forthisreason, structure of the inthe institution, direction especially have a significant effect on adjusting or changing the transaction costs. In return, the transaction costs in society. Therefore, societyhasunavoidable ownership system and transaction cost system human behaviour and are directly related to the Institutions are,therefore,anessentialfactorin individual behaviour.rules astoolsfordetermining as a group makes it necessary to have social the theory. They believethathumanslivetogether think that of such assumptionscauseinaccuracies it as the external factor. Institutional economists institutions aretoocomplextounderstand andleave economic. Neoclassical economistsconsiderthat The Commodification of Public Spaces on Khao San Road

positive impact. Especially the situation of collective for analysis, as shown in Figure 3. There is a set of action in which the results are even higher if the variables: (1) participants,(2) the positions to be filled number of people entering this area increases. by participants, (3) the potential outcomes, (4) the set of allowable actions and the function that maps actions into realised outcomes, (5) the control that IAD Framework an individual has in regard to this function,(6) the information available to participants about actions The IAD framework was initially conceived in the and outcomes and their linkages, and (7) the 1980s by Elinor Ostrom, Nobel Prize winner in costs and benefits, which serve as incentives and economics in 2009, to study commons resources deterrents, assigned to actions and outcomes. and their governance by communities. The framework is particularly suitable for the research With comprehensive but clear analytical principles question: “How do humans come together, and variables, this study applies the IAD framework create communities and organisations, and make as a tentative guideline for the fieldwork study. In decisions and rules to sustain a resource or achieve order to create a more concrete relevance to the the desired outcome?” (Hess & Ostrom, 2005). It study arena, the framework in Figure 2. can be has been applied to a variety of studies on how described as follows. In Khao San Road, there are people collaborate and organise themselves across 4 key stakeholders related to the use and oversight organisational and state boundaries to manage of public spaces: the building owners or tenants, the common resources. The framework is influenced by street vendors, the residents, and the government game theory. The structure of the framework is as officials. The street vendors can be divided into 2 in Figure 2. The central box is the action situation, types: the stall vendors and mobile vendors. These where individuals meet in social fora, establishing two types of vendors have different interests in patterns of interaction that generate outcomes for access and use in public space. Stall vendors are those individuals, as well as social and ecological those who want to access and use the unit of space effects. An actor enters an action situation with her permanently or semi-permanently while the mobile or his position, information, strategy, and behaviour, vendors want temporarily. Both types of vendors want which is shaped by existing biophysical conditions, to take advantage of the number of tourists that are the attributes of the community in which they live, more than ten thousand people per day. Under the and the rules-in use (Ostrom, 2005, Cole, 2015). legal framework, the law gives government officials the authority to oversee the public space. In addition, As the action situation of individuals is the focal unit the building owner or tenant has the customary of analysis, there is an internal structural framework rights to supervise the area that is connected with Nakhara : Journal of Environmental Design and Planning 17 (2019)

Figure 2: 85 Basic components of IAD framework. (Source: Ostrom 2005) 86 Nakhara : Journal of Environmental Design and Planning 17 (2019) research can fulfill and extend knowledge in this field. governance? this that gap literature the is This and itslater spacesonKhaoSanRoad of public positive and negative impact on the commodification oftheruleshavea the 3levels between relationship structure, the researcher asks: how will the vertical to this According officials. government mainly are these rules role inestablishing Those withalegal collective-choice rulesandconstitutionalrules. line. system are the resource governing The rules the throughout lanes traffic and paths, pedestrian whole streetwhichincludesagroupofbuildings, resources. In this study, the resource system is the is referredtoasastockthatmustexistproduce in changing operational rules. The resource system used be to rules specific the and resource in a participant to be is eligible determine who which in the community, and collective-choice rules day-to-day decisionsmadebythestakeholders affect directly which rules operational include unit front of buildings. The rulesinuse for the resource their benefit. Most of them are pedestrian spaces in each vendorclaimedtherightforprivateuseand system. Resourceunitistheofpublicspacethat the rules regarding resource units and resource 2 parts: into classified be can fieldwork on studied Based onthesameframework,rulestobe is slightlymoreobviousfromtimetotime. common public spaces happen. The commodification individual’s negotiationto theprivaterightsof building’sthe the condition, this on Based front. The internalstructureofanactionsituation.(Source:Ostrom,2005) Figure 3: usage of literature helps researchers, especially it is acceptable toreferenceexistingliterature. The said that approach (1990) the StraussandCorbin data without applying the existing theory. emphasized the view of producing a new theory from Creswell, 2007; 2009) This classical approach (Glaser &Struass,1967; and theoreticalsampling. comparative dataanalysisuntiltheoreticalsaturation, and analysisoccursimultaneously, constant not tobeused,datacollection conceptualizations pre-existing theory include of the grounded version and data. The general features of the classic theoretical knowledgefromthefieldworkstudy used in phenomena analysis and creation of that ismostappropriatefortheresearch.Itwas Grounded theory is a qualitative methodology methodology. theory asaresearch grounded to decideonusing during the study. These conditions led the researcher forces and unpredictable many unknownvariables society asagrayeconomy. Suchacontextmakes from and isoftenseen not complywiththelaw does street vending is considered an informal activity that and public spaces is not very visible. Moreover, study to explain the governance of the street vending patterns, and administrative issues. The in-depth social rolesoftheactivity, physicalspaceusage and have mostlyfocusedontheeconomic Bangkok The past studies of in street vending Thailand and METHODOLOGY However, The Commodification of Public Spaces on Khao San Road

novice ones, to refine the research questions and selective coding. In the open coding process, and methodological fundamentals to step ahead. the constant comparison to link similar or different The Strauss and Corbin approach also offers the codes in terms of property and dimension in the instruction of the coding procedures and phases, same category is considered important (see Table namely open coding, axial coding, and selective 1.) It is because of categories are the indicator of coding. This gives the researcher the opportunity to the theoretical sampling for further data collection. initiate study with a clearer direction. It is considered The axial coding is to create a relationship between more helpful, therefore, the Strauss and Corbin the categories. The created relationship is based approach is the one that was adopted by this study. on one of the categories that are significant. The researcher applied a coding paradigm proposed by The study begins with the open-ended question of Strauss & Corbin(1998 ) in this step. The selective whether “How the commodification of public spaces coding process is quite similar to the axial coding but on Khao San Road happened?” Three methods of gives more importance to the level of abstraction. data collection according to the type of information The relationship between the categories appearing needs are selected: non-participatory observation, in this process is developed as a theoretical outline. semi-structured in-depth interviews, and document (Strauss & Corbin, 1998). analysis. The IAD framework plays an important role in helping to define the initial scope of research The applied of grounded theory in the study of the questions and the information that needs to be governance of public spaces for street vending collected. However, this scope has changed during in Bangkok is considered a challenge that has the fieldwork when there are issues or information never been done before. The study was conducted from the field that gives the opportunity to find the with the Strauss and Corbin approach based on new variables. Theoretical sensitivity is important the fundamental knowledge of the Ostrom’s IAD during this process. framework. Putting the grounded theory with the IAD framework allows the researcher to understand the Field visits for observation and in-depth interviews phenomena which are grounded with the context and took place between December 2016 - December able to extend the existing theoretical knowledge 2017. The researcher and one assistant conducted in this field. This methodology reveals how the in-depth interviews of 36 informants, thus reaching local community plays a role in overseeing public the point of theoretical saturation. The interviewee spaces and creating a process, mechanisms, and selection is based on the theoretical sampling institutions for transforming the common property principles and stakeholder analysis. In-depth to a private one. interviews are aimed at studying insights. Since the study issue has some content that is fragile and may affect the image of the interviewee or other interested FINDINGS parties, the names of the interviewees are therefore obscured. The data analysis leads to the core category showing how the commodification of public spaces on Khao This study applied the coding analysis as the San Road happened base on the interaction between primary method of data analysis. The Strauss and formal and informal mechanisms and institutions in Corbin approach offers the coding procedures and the urban context. The findings reveal how the phases into three levels: open coding, axial coding, street level negotiation of access and use of public

Table 1: Examples of creating codes and category from data

Data Code Category Property Dimension Nakhara : Journal of Environmental Design and Planning 17 (2019) “Sometimes we have to be brave and take risks. If they are not Creating rights 87 Social capital with various Nationality happy, we just go. It’s good that Mobile vendor Thai people help each other.” types of capital

“Some people will pay the rent.” Financial capital Rent 88 Nakhara : Journal of Environmental Design and Planning 17 (2019) of businesses more concentrated. moreconcentrated. of businesses That makesthe types become thefactorthatmakesvarious have guest housebusinessandthe volumeoftourists economy.capitalist transnational of the The growth occurred inthemarketmechanism underthe The next gentrification of Khao San Road has to theemergenceofnextgentrification. areas for Thai andforeigninvestors. All of theseled one ofthetargeted new economicvalue,becoming per day. These factors also make tourists the countryhostingmorethantenthousand now playsanessentialroleasamajortouristareaof factors maketheareaof​​ area. sectors bothoutsideandinside All of these Also, there are public relations factors run by private tourism promotion policy in . economic developmentpolicyontourismandthe tourism activities.Externalfactors are thecountry’s near thecountry’s administrative centre and potential of Khao SanRoad;it locational is situated many relatedfactors. The internalfactoristhe of the composition in occurred period first the in tourism. and decline, environmental such asdemographicchange,economicvalue, sub-categories several includes gentrification The Khao San Road has undergone gentrification. San Road Tourism &gentrificationonKhao 4. inFigure shown is categories between relationship subtraction &exclusion,andunfairness. The repetition &internationalization,tourismpolicy, commodification, gentrification, tourism, analysis: the in identified categories 7 are There unfairness. of problems it causes until government national and local the benefited has Road San Khao in spaces The commodificationofpublicspacesonKhaoSanRoadleadstotheinequalityproblem. Figure 4: Khao SanRoadpopular. It ​​Khao SanRoada The The gentrification ​​ a higher proportion of “outsiders”. The outsiders who economic activitiesandpopulations thathavecaused past 40years. of is thereplacement result The main led to the gentrification on Khao San Road during the In summary,factor thathas essential tourism isan mentioned below. are Road San Khao in change the population about proportion. residents, whileinvestors fromoutside haveahigher different from the previous. There are very few native San Road in the latter period is therefore very two decades. The populationstructureon Khao overthepast has becomeincreasinglyprominent investors. tooutside or rented This phenomenon andlandbesold out oftheareaandletbuilding to move decided those whowerenotinbusiness, chaotic. Manylandandpropertyowners,especially aratherbusyand it became for living, suitable area environmental conditions that used to be a quiet the land. Combined with the changing social and value of in theincreased for thespaces,resulting both large and smalloutsideinvestors to queue up caused has of thearea value The risingeconomic hotels, restaurants,andentertainmentbusiness. during the first phase, is replaced by the middle-level guesthouse business, which played an essential role problems anddeterioration.” income, togainbenefits,andleave come intoearn outsiders an areawhere culture. Today, KhaoSanRoadhasbecome by day,replaced materiality and prosperity “We havebeenherefortwentyyears.Day money, theydofirst are businessmen.Anythingthatmakes do not think of improving the area. They are only people who want money. They “Most of the old people are gone. Now there The expressions of feeling and concerns .” The Commodification of Public Spaces on Khao San Road

play a significant role during this decade are foreign decisions then were based on business interests and investors. The demographic changes that are driven relationships rather than social or cultural interests. by such economic factors affect community norms When more building merchants are sharing these and social control mechanisms at a later time. values, the pursuit of business benefits from public spaces, therefore, became a collective action and strengthened the norms later. The community The commodification of public members express their acceptance of this collective action as below. spaces “About renting space in front of this building, The commodification of public spaces is based on they all do it. Don’t speak legally. We don’t three sub-categories: the community norms, the talk according to the law. The officials like mechanisms of exploitation, and recognition and to say that “According to the Building Act, certification of rights. In the Bangkok urban context, the boundary of the building is only this informal norms regarding private rights on public or that line. If you cross this line, you are spaces can occur in two manners. The first manner against the law”. As a matter of fact, the is by expansion the private rights inside the building footpath should belong to the building to the outside. In addition to self-exploitation, the owner. It is normal to us when there are de facto rights in this manner include the transfer people proposing to rent space in front of right and the deprivation right. The second manner the building and the owner of the building is by the timing of settlement or being local. Both said OK. It is the area in front of his building. manners are common in Khao San Road and other According to the law, it is not his area and areas of Bangkok. Based on such norms, community rights, but it is a legitimate right to be his. If members generally accept that the building owners they are satisfied, they make a deal.” may use public spaces in front of their building for a particular benefit or transfer that rights to others “Most building owners will let people rent (Figure 5). Space usage by building owners in space in front of the building. The decision is Khao San Road according to the customary rights made independently. Sometimes the owner is expressed below. puts a sign for rent. The rent price depends on the location. The building owner sells “It is twenty years already. Once the guest inside the building. The area in front of the house begins, the stalls gradually sticking building is rented out.” out over the building and crossing out on the footpath.” So, the mechanism for transferring rights on public spaces in front of the building on Khao San Road This norm allows the first small group of vendors to that occurred from the past to the present can be start their business on Khao San Road. Most vendors divided into two types: permission to use without who historically traded in front of the building were requesting compensation in the form of money and those living in the surrounding communities and were granting of rights through the rental mechanism acquainted with the building’s owners or tenants. with compensation in the form of rent. Although the The permission to use public space in front of the first type of mechanism is scarce today, it remains building at that time occurred through a friendship. to be seen on Khao San Road. In this mechanism, There was no monetary compensation. Later, the the building owners or the building tenants allow the increase in economic values changed the behaviour vendor who has kinship or closed social relationship of public space usage in front of the building. Many to the use of public spaces according to the building owners who were previously residents agreement. Although no monetary compensation is or merchants in the building decided to leave the required, people who can use the space tend to show area and lease the building and public space in gratitude through methods such as well maintenance front of the building to others. The building tenants and cleaning, security surveillance, helping facilitate Nakhara : Journal of Environmental Design and Planning 17 (2019) themselves either expanded the commercial space everyday life. to the outside, or lease the public space to earn 89 income. The transfer rights based on friendship are There were two sub-types for the transfer of rights replaced with a commercial relationship. Especially using rental mechanism: (i) rent of buildings having when most of the building tenants in the Khao San frontal public space, and (ii) rent of only frontal public Road in the latter period were the outsiders, the space. In both types, vendors who rent space have 90 Nakhara : Journal of Environmental Design and Planning 17 (2019) expressed below. these rightsdonotyetcomplywiththelawas amongcommunities,recognized andaccepted Although defactorightsonpublicspacesare cannot bedonelawfully. conclude mostagreementsverballybecauseit tenants onrules Parties usually and requirements. or building owners with thebuilding an agreement (Source: Fieldsurvey2017) The patternofusingpublicspacesonKhaoSanRoad:forotherstorent(left)andself-use. Figure 5: the officials provide the vendors with a receipt as a receipt with vendors the provide officials the The vendors pay a monthly fine to the officials, and such as stall settings fee, rental fees, monthly fines. referred tobylocalcommunity invariousnames As itturnsout,theresultisapaymentmechanism to beputintopractice. rights facto de the enable to officials and members development ofnegotiationbetweencommunity to generateincome.Suchproblemsled to the penalty fee to be paid, andthelossof opportunity product, the their costsfromthedamaged increase vendors the occurs, arrest the time Every officials. is the risk of being arrested and punished by the The use of public spaces under such conditions rules andregulations.” to the according fine a pay to have they officials, the by seen were vendors the If “In this area, the officials are the supervisor. in return.” come tocollectthemoney. There isabill they Later, the deal. recognized officially district The officials. the with deal a made “The buildingtenants and stallvendors the competition. surrounding areaduetothe increased intensityin value ofpublicspaceonKhao SanRoadandthe with economic mechanisms, the higher is the in the later stages. The more such norms work situation the on effect multiplier a become have of publicspaceshasresultedinnewnormsthat commodification the this, Considering unethical. the area that all vendors accept and do not feel in practice customary a become has fines Paying use. land for fee a monthly as offences from fines distorted communitymembers’ understandingof longer-term outcomeisthatthemechanismhas complete without these crucial elements. The be cannot spaces public of commodification The operator. the being official state the with society, of norm official the is law,which the of advantage between thecommunityandauthority. Ittakes rights is based on a mutually beneficial relationship This payment mechanism to legitimise the defacto of public spaces that monthly fine is a part as below. on theuse of supervision the mechanism described the rights holder in case of conflict. The interviewee of name the confirm can that document only the is used to confirm legal rights in the judicial process, it the nameofrightsholder. be it cannot Although specifies that document semi-official only the is it of defactorightsinreturn. This receipt iscriticalas recognition and payment their confirm to evidence collect monthlyfine.Thereisareceipt.” and control, monitor, to come will officials rules. Later,follow theowner’s building the Vendors building. the of front in space must rental the define will owners building “The The Commodification of Public Spaces on Khao San Road

Repetition and internationalisation because their English is good. In recent years, there are only a handful of Thai stall The rapid growth of economic activity on Khao San vendors. One is at the corner of the road, Road results in the flow of development to other selling souvenirs. The another is the aunty surrounding areas and the repetition. One of the who sells à la carte food. This person has empirical examples is the concentration of street been selling for a long time.” vending on Rambuttri, a paralleled road to Khao San Road. Rambuttri is a road connecting Khao Nowadays, the stall along Chana Songkhram San Road to other famous commercial streets. temple’s wall has expanded in size and number. Although not as dense as the Khao San Road, the Although rental mechanisms and agreements number of people walking here is enough to attract between the occupants and tenants may not look the concentration of street vending. The area with different from those of other public spaces around, a particular concentration of street vending is the in-depth interviews have shown that there is an walking street along Chana Songkhram Temple opportunity that other tenants or irregular vendors walls. This area is considered the most interesting in could easily seize or occupy this space. Therefore, terms of a physical setting. There is no stall in front it is essential to select reliable tenants, to establish of buildings like other streets. Street vending is on mechanisms of enforcing the rules, and to monitor the opposite side of the street with a temple wall as irregular vendors. For this reason, many occupants a background showing the boundaries. (Figure 6) have chosen foreigners as tenants. They believe This physical condition puts the pedestrian space in that if these foreign tenants violate the rules, they a state without ownership, presenting an opportunity have better negotiation power and could enforce for those who want to take possession of rights, most their rights more effectively using legal and social of which are people who live in the community behind mechanisms. the commercial building on Rambuttri Road itself. These people saw the opportunity for the growth of Meanwhile, if there is a problem with Thai tenants, economic activity on Khao San Road to spill over they will not be able to process complaints based and out into Rambuttri Road since the last twenty on legal justice. Inferior bargaining power makes years and therefore began to occupy the pedestrian it easy for conflict and violence. Therefore, the area along the temple wall. Later, they allowed other disqualification of Thai tenants on the outset results vendors to rent to collect income. One interviewee from the learning process to preserve rights to allow described the situation of street vending in this area the “Treasures of the drow” to continue within the as below. family.

“Most of the building tenants on Rambuttri In conclusion, the researcher found that the overflow Road are foreigners. Most of them have of economic development from Khao San Road stalls as the extension space on the was the main reason that caused the repetition pedestrian by the temple walls. They hire on Rambuttri Road. The researcher found that the foreigners as employees. Mostly is Nepal physical characteristics of public spaces related to Nakhara : Journal of Environmental Design and Planning 17 (2019) 91

Figure 6: The stalls located on Rambuttri Road along the Chana Songkhram Temple wall. (Source: Field survey 2017) 92 Nakhara : Journal of Environmental Design and Planning 17 (2019) Table 2:Differenttypeofrightsandcompensationmechanismsin Khao San&RambuttriRoad outside thebuildingthatoccursalmost24hours. of thenumbertouristsandactivitiesin vendors haveinsistedoncomingherebecause mobile many officials, the of supervision strict the to due difficult are Road Rambuttri and San Khao Although theaccessanduseofpublicspaceson relationship tocreatetherightstoptemporarily. with. connections good These vendorsrelyonthis front ofthebuildingorstallwheretheyhave tothe cart their push vendors Some officials. the of eyes the from safe are and pedestrians of traffic mobile vendors would choose areas with a good stop. Mostofthese for atemporary look they would the route. Entering KhaoSanandRambuttriRoad, along the products sell and of theaccommodation area. aparticular stick to cartout the push They tostandstilland vendors areunable Most mobile often referto themselves as“Peoplewithoutrights”. mechanisms. regulatory vendors mobile why is This and use of spaces, both by formal and informal from therightstoaccess they areoftenexcluded However, withlowereconomicandsocialcapital, the public spaces on Khao San and Rambuttri Road. another groupof people wishingto access anduse In addition to the stallvendors,mobilevendorsare Subtraction &Exclusion of socialmechanismsandriskmanagement. as aresult but also mechanisms result ofeconomic of foreignvendorsonRambuttriRoadisnotonlythe tenants. This finding demonstrates that the presence rights of Thai tenants while giving supports to foreign the deprives this Therefore, benefits. economic to occupant’s decision for tenants selectioninaddition affect can tenants the of values risks and the use,thebehavioural and access for open widely for regulatingthe rights. If the public spacesare the characteristicsofdefactorightsandmechanisms Type ofVendors Mobile vendors Stall Vendors Right totheunitofpublic Social connection Rental feeor Rental fee space as recordedbelow. mobile vendors. The expression of the unsatisfied is authorities to demandrepeated payments from these for the itpossible form ofproofpayment,making Importantly,the rightatall. any not receive theydo to stallvendors,andpaymentdoesnotguarantee that their rights from payment arenotcomparable vendors say is notalwayssatisfying.Manymobile mechanism payment ofa part being unobtrusive, kind of rights they will pay for. Although it seems whether toenterthesemechanismsornotandwhat vendors whoreceiveinformationdecide incoming is casually shared through referrals. The new The information onentering the payment mechanism can start from both the vendors and the official’s side. mechanism payment this into entering of process The space, most of them inevitably needto payentry fee. are freeto make decisionsregardingthe choice of for accessingtheroad. Although themobilevendors space. The secondpaymentistocreatetherights the rights for accessing and utilising the unit of public different de facto rights. The first payment is to create as “entryfee”. bring These twotypesofpayment officials the to payment (ii) and fee” rental “space as or thevendors owners payment tothebuilding into 2objectives:(i) The paymentcanbedivided problem ofdeprivationby“paying”(see Table 2.) Such reasonsled to several vendorsresolvingthe Right toenterthearea (without receipt) we needtodoourjob.We havetomake to bepushedoutfromtheareabecause ofourself.We careful to be want donot can’t claimanything. What we can dois the sidewalk, hestillcomesto arrest. We come toarrest.Sometimeswearenoton officials municipal the sidewalk, rough a come to collect money. When we are on police the surface, traffic the on are we “We havenorightto negotiate. When Type ofrights Entry fee - Right touseinpractical (with receipt) Monthly fine -

The Commodification of Public Spaces on Khao San Road

a living to support our family. We can not Economic value and unfair issues sell elsewhere. We have to pay. But the protection is not fully received. If he comes, The crucial factors in the vendors’ decision-making we still have to honor him and move the car in choosing a location are the potential of the road; away from its original position. We have to especially the number of tourists of up to 10,000 present in public that we do not recognize people per day. This number of tourists significantly each other.” impact the vendor’s income. Consequently, competition for access to the rights of space has The above conversation expressed the relationship occurred. This results in higher expenses for between officials and vendors base on the payment accessing public spaces. These expenses can be mechanisms. While the relationship between officials divided into two parts: (i) rent for space payable to and stall vendors is protocooperation (+, +), the the building or stall owners, and (ii) monthly fines relationship between officials and mobile vendors is payable to the officials. The market mechanism dependency (+, -). The more mobile vendors need determines rental rates, which vary according to access and use the positive potential on the road, to location, size, and duration. Rental rates are the more they need to rely on the officials. Such ranging from 1,000 baht to 10,000 baht per month. relationships result in the critical role of the officials in This could go up to hundreds of thousands of baht formulating rules. It is, therefore, a situation in which per month in the case of renting both indoor and officials can take advantage of these dependent outdoor space. The rates of monthly fines vary from mobile vendors. This relationship is even worse with hundreds to 10,000 baht per month, depending on the foreign mobile vendors presence in the area. the location, size, and duration of lease. The rate of fines on Khao San Road is much higher than “In my view, I am Thai but I think Vietnamese Rambuttri Road. This demonstrates that not only vendors have more privileges. If the officials does the market mechanism affect the rental rate arrest him, he will phone to his boss. In the but also has a significant impact on the rate of fines end, he returned to sell as before. He paid payable to the officials. This different cost ratio the boss for protection.” shows the centre of economic activity of Khao San Road (Table 3,4.) The expression reflects that Thai mobile vendors are restricted in the right to public spaces through Another evidence of unfair access to resources is the various mechanisms, placing their careers in a more presence of foreign vendors. The concentration of competitive and riskier environment. Although this foreign mobile vendors negatively impacts Thai mobile situation is unfair, they don’t negotiate. vendors in many ways, including loss of occupation, higher competition, violation of regulations and rules “We don’t think we have the right to of use, and the unfairness of the right to access and negotiate. What will we bargain with? We use public spaces. Thai mobile vendors confirm that can’t take the cart to block the road” the concentration of foreign vendors is made possible Nakhara : Journal of Environmental Design and Planning 17 (2019) 93 Figure 7: The mobile vendors have no rights in public spaces on Khao San Road. (Source: Field survey 2017) 94 Nakhara : Journal of Environmental Design and Planning 17 (2019) Table 4:Expensesforaccesstorightsinpublicspacesofmobilevendorsandtheirincome Table 3:Expensesforaccesstorightsinpublicspacesofstallvendorsandtheirincome the that confirms phenomenon This level. higher a structural power, both at an operational level and by aprotectionmechanismrunthepeoplewith Total Expenses Total Expenses (Benefit) (Bath/ (Benefit) (Bath/ Period ofTime Stall Vendors Stall Vendors (Bath/month) (Bath/month) (Bath/month) (Bath/month) (Bath/month) (Bath/month) Space Use Space Use Location Location Income Income Pattern Pattern month) month) Period Rental Rental Fine Fine According tothe Rambuttri Road mobile cartwith Mobile cartwith San&Rambuttri Only nighttime location onthe fixed stopped- Only daytime actual arrest stops onthe 2,000-3,000 2 temporary pedestrian traffic lane KS-B001 KS-A001 3,500 3,500 Road Khao 0 0 0 - Shop inbuilding Khao SanRoad Rambuttri Road mobile cartwith building area) (3,000-4,000) a temporary and stallon stop onthe 4 am-8pm pedestrian traffic lane (Including KS-B002 KS-A002 120,000 150,000 (1,000) 30,000 All day 500 500 0 Khao SanRoad Rambuttri Road benefit ofpeopleoutsidethearea. stakeholders attheoperationallevelandfor among happens spaces public of commodification Mobile cartwith location onthe fixed stopped- 5,000-10,000 pedestrian traffic lane KS-B003 KS-A003 2 -6am Stall on (2,000) All day 500 500 500 500 0 - moves alongthe According tothe Mobile cartthat Rambuttri Road Rambuttri Road Only nighttime actual arrest 6 pm-2am pedestrian KS-B004 KS-A004 Stall on 1,5000 street 500 500 0 0 0 - Khao SanRoad Khao SanRoad Mobile cartwith Only nighttime the shophouse location onthe Stall infrontof fixed stopped- 10,000(4,000- 10 pm-2am traffic lane KS-B005 KS-A005 10,000 40,000 30,000 5,000) 3,000 3,000 0 - The Commodification of Public Spaces on Khao San Road

The increase in value through the community norms and formal norms, such as the legal framework, with authority being an essential policy mechanism for implementation. The actions are based on economic rationale decisions and shared From the previous findings, institutions and interests of local stakeholders. As a private product, mechanisms that occur at the operational level the right to access and use public space is restricted, cause inequality and unfair access to public spaces. resulting in competition. Public spaces are not Intervening mechanisms from outside in the previous different from other private goods in which market years are merely informal at the operational level. price mechanisms determine competition for the However, since the political change in 2014, policy rights. However, the market mechanism may not interventions to increase the economic value of work perfectly because other mechanisms are also Khao San Road as an international tourism product working. The obvious ones are risk mechanisms, has been stimulated again. Khao San Road has authority mechanisms, and policy mechanisms. been declared a “Special area” under the Bangkok Street Food Program, therefore receiving special The risk mechanism affects the free-rider occupant’s permission to distribute the street vending under decision to rent. The decision to rent space depends the new rules. This program is considered an on the risk rate. This rule describes the concentration area-based policy that creates an exception to of stalls on Rambuttri Road that are owned by the central level policy at that time. That policy foreigners. The price mechanism is not the only encourages law enforcement to clear the street factor that selects tenants, but the risk. The authority vending from public areas across all districts of mechanism is a key condition that makes the right Bangkok. Academics, journalists, the general public of de facto possession to comply with the law and and various stakeholders criticise that the policy has can be used. Public areas that are recognised and been devised with a focus on tourism rather than the certified through the process will be able to be used welfare of people. The incident caused the name in practice. This factor increases the economic value of Khao San Road to spread throughout the world of the whole street and each spatial unit. The spaces through public media using the keyword “Street that have not been processed have higher risks and Food”. Although the policy draws heavy criticism, costs associated with higher risks. This cost is a there was an indirect positive impact on Khao San factor that pushes the occupants to enter the process. Road because the road has gained focal attention Entering the process makes the costs more stable. from both the domestic and international media. However, the cost of entering that process varies This situation has also increased the reputation and according to market mechanisms and location. This economic value of Khao San Road. Many people in mechanism prevents people with less potential from the society believe that the street vending on Khao accessing rights. The unequal access to resources San Road will continue to prosper. is, therefore, demonstrated through phenomena like other private goods. It may even be worse than others While outsiders are confident that Bangkok will as, dealing with this type of goods, there is no record not cancel street vending on Khao San Road, of transactions or formal written contracts. Breach of the insiders are worried about the future impacts contract can, therefore, occur at any time, especially from the policy. Little trust in officials from daily from those who have authority. As before, those with experience, combined with the experience of less potential are always the ones that are more likely negotiating with the BMA, which began for the first to be affected. They have no rights in the resource time in 2005, affects the confidence of many vendors and even the right to negotiate. in their future. They learned from experience that the policy that comes with the regulatory measures is to The policy mechanism is the factor to increase create new conditions for access the rights on public economic value at the highest level. The remaining spaces. Ultimately, the state and the authorities are street vending increases the value of public spaces the people who will benefit the most. and real estate on Khao San Road. Those who are positively affected by this event are not limited to Nakhara : Journal of Environmental Design and Planning 17 (2019) vendors, but also the building and landowners as

CONCLUSION well as business operators in the building. However, 95 opportunities come with conditions. The person with In conclusion, the study shows that the the least contract security is the one who is most commodification of public spaces in Khao San likely to be affected by the conditions. In the case of Road arises from the interaction between informal Khao San Road, those who are most impacted by the 96 Nakhara : Journal of Environmental Design and Planning 17 (2019) in C. Dunne, Thousand Oaks,CA:SagePublications approaches. methods mixed and quantitative, Creswell, and privatelife Crawford, M.(1999). Cole_paper /2015s_c ostromworkshop.indianaedu/pdfseriespapers in. back law the Bringing 4 (2),111-124, 14 Methodology, DOI Research Social Copenhagen Gehl, J.(2001).Life between buildings: Using public . spaces urbanism siege: under Graham, S.(2010).Cities (2015). D. Cole, Behavioral & Sciences: 6396-6399. Social Baltes the P. of & Encyclopedia Smelser International N. In construction. theory Charmaz, K. (2001). Grounded theory: Methodology and Methodology theory: Grounded (2001). K. Charmaz, (2003). al. et K., Caelli, Bollier, Habermas, Qualitative Methods research. qualitative generic in Press MA.: Amherst, state. and market beyond world authority mechanism and apatronagesystemamongthestakeholders. relationship into adependency develops condition level. at theoperational authority mechanism This more conditions from policy, the more effective is the time tobereducedfrompolicyenforcement. The mechanism shouldhelpsoften the shocksandallow reduction higher therisksthereare.V The greater the impact, the mor vendors. the lesspotential are inevitably conditions Parisa Musigakama society. Cambridge sphere: public REFERENCES grounded theory research, theory grounded : 10.1080/13645579 . D. . London . (2012). S. Helfrich, & mechanism. mechanism. Their answer goes back to the

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