A TU R N ING PO INT

IN TH E IN D IA N M UTINY

BY

IE E KIN I . GI BE RN E S V G

A UTHOR o r

‘ ' u EMo x R AND LETTE RS o r FRA NC IS w . N E WM AN

heirs is the a e % heirs wh oll T b ttl T y . For th at Day is a day W i ll be w ritten in story ' T th e rea w orld s end a nd for ever z o g t . 80 let hem have th e S urs and th e lor . t p . g y

No ma n w ho is not endowed with a comp reh ens i ve im a g i nation c a n g overn ‘ l i a im a i n i I ndi a W i th s uccess Da h ous e h d no g a t on . S I R Jo a n KAY E

' I e ieve it w ou d be e er for the and in w h ich w e l i ve i I n d i a b l l b tt l . f ' ' r z l z n h e n ere s s o c rea ed appea led m ore th a n it does to ou m x ag n a o . T i t t t w ould help to bridge over the gap be tw ee n Eas t '— M ACPH A 1L . and West .

Th e de fe nce of Arrah may be consi dered one of the m ost rem arkable feats '— l t t R . in Indi an h S O Y. S I R Vm c e ur EY E

L ON D O N DAVID N TT 5 7 5 9 LO NG AC R E U , To

19 10

D S

’ S‘S Vbt

THI S B OOK IS D E DICATE D

TH OM A S G IS B O R N E G O R D O N

IN M E MOR Y O F AN O L D FR I E NDS HIP

IN E AR LI ER DAY S

' 4 l l725

P R E F A C E

T H I S book aims at throwing a light on a very ’ crucial time in our Empire s history . It aims at lighting up that part of England ’s memory which is concerned with a certain siege which happened more than fifty years ago , lest she forget splendid deeds done by heroic Eng lishm e n in the Indian Mutiny ; men who , at

- of— - out the way stations , fought against gigantic odds , with only a few troops to support them ’ fought , and saved their country s colours . These were the men who held up the lamp of the Ideal high above the heads of their

- fellow men . Would there were more of them

- % here to day in England Men , who simply

' could not be disc oura ged by a ny amount of failure , by any amount of discouragement .

They were aware of the inner meaning o f

‘ those inspiring words : how far High Failure ’ overleaps the bounds of low successes . And vi PREFACE

for though many of them , the last words that sounded in their dying ears were those of

‘ ’ ‘ ’ defeat and disaster , though the bitter taste of of on the fruit War was their lips , and ghastly sights met their eyes , theirs was the

unconquerable spirit which can die , and yet — vic t r remain at the supreme moment of death o ,

a ll in spite of .

To - day in the hearts of many the light of

Chivalry has burned very dim ; that of Reverence

flickers low ; while the power of Idealising lights comparatively few . The following pages are full of the deeds of some of the greatest heroes the world has ever seen ; and in almost all these men

of l the fires Chivalry, Reverence , and the power of the Ideal , allied with absolute pluck and heroism , burned high . I should like to express my hearty thanks t o old those who so kindly lent me records ,

To -da a s s s ss v y, the e page go to pre , I ha e heard of a ’ v s u s w a s not in doctor s rare act of chi alry . (I ho ld tate he good n fi nan cial circum stances at the time . ) H e had been for ma y week s atten din g a patient at her reques t (though sh e only n eeded him i a nd w a s n ot on e his u c li en tél e a nd temporar ly , of reg lar ) , at us a u n the end of her illne ss he ref ed to accept ny ret r whatever , n a n u s in hi s simply because to have take y fee, wo ld have eemed , s be n n iv be ru s i i eye , to co trary to what he co ce ed to the t e p r t of i Ch valry . PREFACE l etters , papers and photos . Among these I

f H erwa ld would mention the names o Mr . Wake

f w e . o o and Mr J . C . Colvin , to both whom I

f of a very special debt o thanks . Also those

of Maj or Leather , the 5th Fusiliers , General

Broadfoot , Sir George Trevelyan , Dr . Theodore Maxwell (who kindly gave me permission to use

the letters of John Nicholson) , Miss Lucy Wake ,

Miss Bax - Ironside (who most kindly allowed me ’ ff access to her father s papers) , Mrs . Radcli e ,

- Surgeon General Sir James Thornton ,

ff . Fa rer . Lady y , Mr Sta ord Bailey, Mrs Ross ll T . M c Don e . o Mangles , Mrs , and many others one friend I am indebted for his great kindness

. one in reading my MSS , and stating (he was of the besieged party at Arrah) that what I have

written is correct .

I . GIBE RNE S IEV E R ING .

E% M PL C E H S NGS OUTH A , A TI ,

F ebrua ry 19 1 0.

CO N TE N T S

PAG E

A TU RNING POINT IN TH E INDIAN M UTINY

TH E S I EGE O F A R RAH

TH E R E LI E F THAT FAILE D

TH E R E LI E F THAT S UCCE E DE D

H E RWAL D WAR E : TH E M AN WHO HE LD TH E FORT AT A R RAH

KOE R S INGH Is HUNTE D TO H IS JUNGLE STRONG HOLD

TH E MAGI STRATE O F GHA% IPU R ; AND How H E HE LPED FORWAR D TH E R E LI E F O F AR RAH

L E TTE R S FROM JOHN N ICHOL SON AND OTHE R S

I L LU ST R AT I O N S

M R . H E RWALD WAKE . Ta ken jus t after th e M u ti ny to fa ce pa ge 2 1

A K O N A R R H SE 1 85 7 . F r m TTAC AH OU , o ’ a i ture i n th e ic ers ess 5 th p c Off M , F us iliers

M R V n o th b i d . . . o e e es e e a t J C COL IN , f g A rra h H ouse

M R . R SS E S V . C . o th e I n dia n O MANGL , , f Civil S ervice

M R . D E V . C . o th e I n dia n MC ON LL, , f Civil S ervice E Y R E S IR V INCE NT . W M R . H E R AL D WAKE . F rom a pa in ti ng done before h e w ent out to I n dia

E . A R R F r m a S ket h TH E H OU S AT AH . o c b i r i nt E re 785 7 y S V nce y , S U RGE ON -G E NE RAL S IR JAM E S THO R N

TO N , K . G. B .

R - E E R N S B R IGADI E G N AL JOHN ICHOL ON . F r om a li th ograph by B a ignet

R O F N S TH E MOTHE JOHN ICHOL ON . Ta ken for h im befor e th e M utiny

S TE R R E L SB R IR E CA TLE AC , I U N , LAND, i h l n w rn w h ere Joh n N c o s o a s bo .

R E S N S F r m a l ured CHA L ICHOL ON . o co o ph oto

R F r m a a intin CHA LE S N ICHOLSON . o p g

A T U R N I N G PO I N T

TH E I N D I A N M UT I N Y

WHAT is it that strikes one most keenly when one looks at the events of the M utiny of 1857 ? Surely this : the great lack of imagination in the ranks of English officials out in India at that

time . Indeed it was so palpable , so insistent , that it practically amounted to a sort of mental colour i blindness . For the signs of the times were s gnifi

cant enough ; patent enough , one would have

thought , in all conscience . And what is more , they were happening daily before the eyes of soldier, f civilian , and government o ficial . Those who knew the native most , who could put two and two together, foretold the mutiny long before it came Sir Henry Lawrence prophesied its probable course — ff fourteen years before it came but to no e ect .

n It is one thing to war , another thing to take the B 2 THE INDIAN MUTINY

warning , and the English Government in India chose not to be warned . They rode blindly

fo r . wilfully blindly, their fall , and they got it The lack Of imagination is a grievous blank in any character. Yet are there many people in

England to - day who would think such a lack O f no importance . Plenty Of people , indeed , would go one step farther , and consider it perhaps the ’ of thing too much , which was as well left out the qualities which go to make up a personality. But then , these are the people who believe that a man can be sufficiently equipped to all intents and purposes without that power that transposes the commonplace into a higher key, and , reading ’ between the lines in other people s lives , teaches sympathy .

o f na tion Lack imagination in a , however ,

o f is a deficiency so vast an importance that , interfering as it does with its progress , it inevitably brings di saster . How could it be otherwise For lack of imagination means missing the point when it is most imperative that it should have been — grasped . It means want of intuition that inva lu able guide which steers straight , notwithstanding f the absence , metaphysically speaking , O lighthouse or signpost . It means that w hat a man does not actually see for himself can never be grasped as a

. ff reality That he cannot , in e ect , put himself in THE INDIAN MUTINY 3

’ another s place ; see with his eyes , think with his thoughts , and live , in imagination , his life . That ’ he cannot realise , in short , that other s way of life .

n to And ot to be able realise , means also not to be able to sympathise , and with that last word the whole signification Of lack Of imagination becomes as clear as daylight . It stands revealed before us in its naked truth . H ow vast a disaster lack o f imagination is

capable Of bringing on a nation , is patent to us

O f when we look at the mutiny fifty years ago .

For what was it that precipitated matters so much then ? that stirred up the whole native mind ? against us that made that revolt possible , in fact ? What but that fatal lack Of imagination

our which prevented seeing , as a nation , that we were constantly sinning against -the native point of view ; constantly going counter to some deep

seated prej udice and religious conviction . Was it

not that unrestrained invective against the Hindu

ha m m eta n and M o religion , in which a good many

r missionaries indulged , which oused to bitterness so ? many natives They had apparently forgotten , in ’

. E India , all about St Paul s restraint in phesus in

of the matter Diana , the great goddess O f the

Ephesians .

o f 1 85 One those Englishmen who , in 7 , was most conscious Of our many ‘ false steps in the B 2 4 THE INDIAN MUTINY

of our ff conduct a airs with the native , was Martin

O f . Gubbins , the Bengal Civil Service It was he who

was then financial Commissioner of Oudh , and who

was , later on , at Benares , spoken of by Sir Evelyn ’ of Wood as the moving spirit the station . It was

he who , working daily among the natives , knew them more thoroughly perhaps than any Englishman O f

O f his time , with the exception Sir James Outram

and Sir Henry Lawrence . Martin Gubbins makes f a special point o the fact in his book , Mutinies in

Oudh (pub . that at the time of the outbreak

O f of the mutiny , the bulk the Europeans in India ’ practically knew nothing of the native s social life

of his real self, his principles , aims and grievances .

Gubbins , during the fourteen months which pre ‘ c eded the f mutiny , was in daily intercourse with

the native . He was the intimate adviser of Sir

Henry Lawrence , than whom no one understood the

native character better . He says that Lawrence

‘ was essentially a friend Of the natives . He thought Europeans t oo apt to overvalue themselves

and their own government , and to undervalue the

native government of the country . He thought ,

too , that the people had j ust cause for complaint , and that a ffection is a feeling we have no right to

challenge from our native subj ects in India .

Aliens we are from them , in blood , in feeling , in religion ; nowise mingling with them in social

6 THE INDIAN MUTINY

and prej udices . They seldom , if ever , touch a book on Indian literature or religion . They come out to this country steeped in the notion of the superiority Of the West . They never get a glimpse of an Indian home Of respectability , they hardly ever mix socially with any Indian gentleman ’ Of position or worth .

But at the time Of the mutiny , Englishmen went

o f farther than this . Beside their spirit aloofness ,

- were their ill j udged methods Of O ffi c ia ldom . If the former hurt , the latter certainly incensed . It was these which fanned the flame O f insubordi nation into the fierce fire Of rebellion , and universal

ff O f disa ection , throughout the length and breadth

India . It wa s this which helped to produce the

o f mutiny . It was not the mere presentment the idea O f the greased cartridge alone .

The greased cartridge , which we are accustomed ’ ff ra is on d étre o f to give as , in e ect , the shorthand the mutiny, was really, simply the last straw . The whole trouble dated much farther back than that . It finished there , but the rubbing o f the native the wrong way had been steadily going

out forward year in year , and day in day out , unnoticed and unrecognised at its real value , because Of this extraordinary lack O f imagination

O f the Englishman . The real wonder is not that the mutiny came THE INDIAN MUTINY 7

t 1 no . when it did , but that it did show itself before ‘ ’ Sir Evelyn Wood , in his Revolt in Hindustan ,

‘ says : Men had many grievances ; some dating

O ld from 1 84 3 . An native captain was Often commanded by the last joined ensign from England , whose carelessness in returning salutes was a source ’ o f of irritation . Our ignorance native soldiers feelings and inner life is shown by the wording Of ’ “ Lord Da lhousie s farewell minute : Hardly any part Of his ” (the native soldier ’s) condition is in need o f ’ It will be remembered that Lord D a lho usie s governor-generalship ended the year that preceded

the mutiny. It was he who , j ust before he left for

England , was actually unable to see the signs Of disaffection which were in evidence throughout

India , and foolish enough to disregard Sir John ’ nd Low s grave warning . But there were other a

worse grievances still . The unj ustifiable annexa ’ tion Of Oudh was Lord Da lhousie s last great act

o f unwisdom . And it was a measure which certainly

hastened on the mutiny . For this annexation seemed to the native mind

an act of treachery , done as it was during the time

of peace . Nor was this a solitary instance . For

on there had been , from time to time , going in

L s i : u in wa s v us i b no s n Mr . ecky a d If m t y e er j t fia le , tro ger ’ j ustification co uld be given than that of the Sepoy troops . 8 THE INDIAN MUTINY

Of their midst , the annexing small principalities, which from their point o f view wa s quite inde fensible and unj ustifiable . It was carried out , too , l ‘ as Sir Evelyn Wood says , without regard to ’ older forms of civilisation .

It is true that benefit came to the Sepoys , or peasantry, at Oudh when the English Government appropriated the province , for they had for long been suffering grievously from the cruel exactions f o the Talukdars , the hereditary revenue collectors o f for rent , who ground down the people their own selfish purposes . It was well known that their

ow n own purses were filled , their persons bene fi d te , and that the oppressed peasantry could get little or no redress . Then , at length , the people

of revolted . Many those who were dispossessed 52 became robbers , and Martin Gubbins tells us

‘ that there were hundreds o f these when the

E nglish entered Oudh . Faces that had not been seen for years , and men at whose names the countryside trembled , were seen to enter the

ffi crowds where an English o cer presided , and ’ nfi then became peaceful citizens . Then the c o s c a ted lands were restored to their rightful owners . But when Oudh became ours the difficulties with these Sepoys began . For j ustice had to be dealt

l R evo t i n H i n dus ta n . u n M ti ies i n Oudh . THE INDIAN MUTINY 9

‘ impartially all round , and the Sepoy resented ’1 ‘ the loss of privilege . When Oudh became British there were not less than discharged

soldiery of the native government . Service was given to about of them in our new local ’ regiments . But this did not provide for

others ; and the nobility, who had been used to receiving large pensions from the native govern

ment , were reduced to great privations during the inevitable interval between the cessation of the

latter and the establishment of British authority .

Here , then , were materials for discontent which

’ form idabl h were not slow to take e s a pe . Nor were the Brahmans and M oha m m eta ns slow to 2 stir the natives to boiling point . For a long time there had been a great number Of Brahmans in 1 the native army ; and this army, in 85 7 , was

vastly larger than the English army in India . But at the root Of everything was the dread in the native mind that the destruction Of the two things superlatively important to

iz v . them , their religion and caste , was being

aimed at by the English Government . This fear was ever present with them ; nor was it greatly

to be wondered at . For, from sheer inability to comprehend what the effect of their conduct was

in u ins u ti n i es i n u dh . Mart G bb , M O

Sir s H T n n em r i es o ven a m a i n Jame oward hor to , M o f S e C p g s . I O THE INDIAN MUTINY

f upon the natives , the larger number O those in

r authority rode roughshod over acial prej udices ,

- over religious scruples , over age long beliefs , without the slightest compunction or intuitive

TO f sympathy . the maj ority o Englishmen the fact that the Hindus and M oha m m e tans believed that their future state could be affected by the use ’ ’ or o n Of cow s pig s fat smeared their cartridges ,

in th eir was merely eyes an absurd delusion , _ impossible to be taken seriously by the superior

British mind . They had not the imagination to see how vital a point it was , any more than they could understand the native ’s point Of view who would throw away his dinner rather than eat what had been defiled by the shadow of an alien and

‘ : unbeliever . Martin Gubbins says I conceive that the native mind had been gradually alarmed on

of the vital subj ects caste and religion , when the spark was applied O f the threatened introduction ’ of the greased cartridge . He thought the Hindus had for some time been alarmed about caste and religion , and he traces it to the uneasiness in in 1 850 education which , , had been pushed forward so much . He tells us that so great was the impetus given to educational ideas by the Government about

‘ that time , that murderers and burglars who dis tinguished themselves as teachers were conveyed ’ from one gaol to another to educate the rest . THE INDIAN MUTINY I I

The Brahmans , accustomed to having the

o f ff conduct native a airs , educational and otherwise ,

ow n so largely in their hands , naturally resented the ’ for people s education , , as Gubbins says , they saw in it the certain downfall o f their faith and their

power . It was whispered , and extensively

of our believed , that the Obj ect government was to

t o destroy the Hindu religion , and convert them ’ t o o ur own . Sir Evelyn Wood asserts the same

‘ thing when he says : The maj ority really believed that the government intended to abolish caste as a preliminary step to their forcible conversion to ’ Christianity . Martin Gubbins expressed his own

o ur strong condemnation Of .way Of educating the

native youth , without at the same time giving them principles Of strong morality with the actual educa

r tion . He urged that ou methods were only turning out superficially educated youths who had thrown

i up the r Old religion , but only to believe in them

selves and their ow n superiority . Henry Carre

O f Tucker , Commissioner Benares , who distin guished himself in Upper India by his z ealous

o n educational measures , spoke strongly this point

in a letter from which I quote here .

‘ ’ The eleves O f our government are not well disposed towards us ’ (he was writing about the time

Of the mutiny) . We have released them from

their. own religions without substituting a better . 1 2 THE INDIAN MUTINY

Most of them are consequently puffed up with knowledge , discontented with their position , and in fidels at heart . I am strongly in favour o f government relinquishing its schools , and con

of f fining itself to grants in aid all e ficient schools , ’ without reference to religion . There are those among us who prophesy another

on e mutiny, and , moreover, on a far larger scale

. than that of 1 857 . There are those who say it is impossible . These last say that , warned by b experience , we could not again e surprised because

our of the far greater forces at disposal in India .

ne But , if our military force is larger, there is still o thing to be remembered . At the time of the first mutiny, education was young in India . The native has travelled far since then . He has learned many things in the last fifty years , and he will not forget

‘ them . Mr . Gokhale says : Half a century o f

Western education , and a century of common laws , common administration , common grievances , and common disabilities have not failed to produce ff their natural e ect even in India . It should really not be difficult for Englishmen to realise that you cannot have institutions like the uni versities working for more than half a century in

India , and then expect to be able to govern the people as though they were still strangers to ideas

1 4 TH E INDIAN MUTINY

for his mettle ; the unselfish man , as the occasion

- of supreme self surrender ; the man resource , as his chance to make a possible future out Of a black present . The following is the story o f how gallantly a small band Of civilians held the fort in the teeth Of

overwhelm in odds what seemed like g , and held it

O f until the relief, which they had wellnigh given

hO e . up all p , at last came to them For the defence Of Arrah was the achievement Of eight

Englishmen , civilians every man Of them . It wa s the triumph of personality against numbers . For outside Arrah house were more than two thousand besiegers , and these were all kept at bay by that indescribable but very real power . For Personality is like the vision of that armed force encamped round about Elisha on the day when his terrified servant recognised , as he had f never done before , everything that unseen orces

for stood , in the material things Of the world ; and how , face to face with spirit , matter steps

back powerless . It was j ust this force which kept those two thousand enemies from making

a charge for the house , when the little band Of

defenders must inevitably have perished . Perhaps nothing could have shown this fact up

o f Fo more Clearly than the story Arrah itself . r why did the first attempt at relief Of the garrison THE INDIAN MUTINY I 5

fail so ignominiousl y ? Was it not because of the want O f efficiency in its leader ; because of his total lack of individual power and foresight and

resource ? What , on the other hand , made the second relief a success ? Simply because Sir f Vincent Eyre was a force in himself, a man o

an d marked individuality unbounded resource . f The di ficulties , the enemies , were the same on

ma n h both occasions , but it was the w o was ff different , and this di erence saved the situation . Some people have thought that enough has been written about the mutiny . That we are tired of

- hearing about it . But enough can never be written o f deeds of splendid daring and courage ; Of men

undefeated , undismayed in the midst Of the worst

misfortunes , dangers and perils . It can never be in vain to try and do j ustice to feats Of endurance

- c rific es and self sa , prompted by that inspired

: Faites cc ue tu d i a French motto q o s , dvi en ne

que pourra .

l on The deeds themselves are g past and over, but they live on for ever as incentives to men and

- women Of to day , and also for others in days that

are coming . When the present grows monotonous , when the fixed star of every day’s duties fails to

lighten our spirits , when every day is so much like

our another that we feel lives at a dead level , now and again the thought Of some brilliant 1 6 THE INDIAN MUTINY

achievement done in the face of tremendous Odds , ’ our gleams , like a rare comet , across mind s sky , and we take heart again ; we pluck up courage to face monotony ; nay, more , we are gla d to be living in a world where such splendid

of deeds have been done , in supreme moments

i cri s s . T H E SI EGE O F ARRAH

s it i ti i s No , let me ta te the whole of , re l ke my peer , s of The heroe old , ’ B un i n inu i s a s ear the br t , a m te pay glad l fe rrear

O f in n s s and . pa . dark e cold su n w s u ns s r For dde the or t t r the be t to the b ave , ' in nd — R P u s e . S ICE The black m te at P O .

of 1 857 A RRAH , the defence which in was , accord ing to Martin Gubbins (who had the words straight from the lips Of Sir Vincent Eyre at Lucknow) ,

‘ n f O e O the most remarkable , miraculous feats in ’ Indian history , is in the district Of Shahabad , near the rivers Ganges and Soane , and ten or twelve miles from the former .

o f It is the Official capital the district , and lies between Patna and Buxar . It is forty miles from

- the latter place , and about twenty four from Dina pore , the military station . To reach Arrah from

e Dinapore on has , for some distance , to pass through thick groves of mango . In a small volume called

‘ Arrah in edited by Maj or Leather O f the ili 1 5 th Fus ers (and privately printed at Dover) , there

To which I have most kindly been allowed acces s by Major

Leather . 1 8 THE INDIAN MUTINY

is a paper by Mr . Halls (a civil surgeon , who was one Of the garrison during the defence) , in which is a description O f the approach to the station :

‘ h o ses w ith The O ld u , their quaintly carved balconies

o f and balustrades , many them in a very tottering condition , give a picturesque appearance to the

for scene . After extending about a mile the main street makes an abrupt turn to the left , and becomes widened into a broad straight road or

- on market place , flanked either side by the houses

h n o f the M a aju s (bankers) , and terminated at ’ n o e extremity by the Judge s Compound , and on the other by the road leading to the jail . A short distance beyond the market - place the eye wanders over a large expanse o f brilliant ver dure to the pretty little English cemetery f while on either side the Government O fices , the new Schoolhouse , and the European bungalows and gardens , give , with some fine large trees , impo rt ance and variety to the landscape . Such was the aspect of Arrah at the commencement Of the Sepoy mutiny in 1 857 ; perhaps even now its appearance is comparatively unchanged . In the early part O f the year 1 857 the usual kind o f European Offi cials to be found at any civil station in India, were to be found in Arrah . There were inspectors and railway engineers also , and , of course , there were the wives and families of the Officials THE INDIAN MUTINY 1 9

F . or living there (as they thought) in security , though warnings had been issued from time to time by those who might have been trusted to know what they were talking about , in large measure their word was not taken ; so , when in May the sudden open flare of the mutiny at Meerut struck terror into ’ wh o people s hearts , the panic Of those knew them

w a s selves to be unprepared , great and universal . f f At Arrah there Wa s grave reason or ear . For there was a little band o f English in the midst o f a ’ warlike native population . There could not have been less than two o r three hundred prisoners in the jail , and no one trusted the j ail guard , which numbered 1 50 men . It was daily expected the three Sepoy regiments at Dinapore would mutiny .

And besides all this , Koer Singh , the greatest land

or % holder ( emindar) Of the district , who was the most influential man in the neighbourhood among the native soldiers , was strongly suspected to be plotting against the English . Koer Singh had some reason for his growing a animosity . He had been origin lly very deeply in a debt , and his estates were he vily mortgaged . In

1 853 or 1 854 the Bengal Government stepped in

of with the intention saving him from ruin . They

o f took over the management his land , and saw to it that his creditors were being gradually paid out of the proceeds . H e promised to borrow some

0 2 THE INDIAN MUTINY

O ff rupees to assist in the paying of his debts , but was unable to fulfil his promise in the short time allowed him . Just before the mutiny, the Govern ment had settled to give up their unsatisfactory task of management , and later , a law suit went against him in the Sudder Courts , and he was left resourceless . But by this time the breath of the approaching mutiny was in the air , and Koer Singh , rendered desperate by his ill - fortune and his loss o f influence , incited the Dinapore regiments to insurrection . Apart from his debts and his insubordination to

British rule , Koer Singh , so Mr . Halls tells us , was

‘ - a fine , noble looking Old man . His manners were at once dignified and courteous , and bore the stamp of real nobility . He had been a great sportsman , and was much liked by the Europeans ’ generally.

As Sir George Trevelyan very tersely puts it , had Koer Singh been forty years younger— forty — yea rs old instead of eighty the defence of Arrah ff would have ended very di erently to what it did , and we may think ourselves very fortunate that O ld age had begun to slacken his martial powers and vigour O f resource . Placed as they were in such very evident peril from the causes j ust mentioned , the Europeans at Arrah were daily on the qui vive

or . for any news from Delhi , Dinapore , Calcutta

M r H E R A L D K E . . W WA

Ta k n s f r h M in ( e j u t a te t e ut y) .

B k m d e r m i s s io n o f M r H e r w a ld W a e h l S s o n . y p . k , THE INDIAN MUTINY 2 1

All through May no one knew where to expect the

on next outbreak . Then June 8th the Commis sioner of Patna l sent a letter which said that an insurrection of natives was expected to occur at

Dinapore . Mr . W . Tayler also despatched to f ’ 2 Arrah fifty O Maj or Rattray s Sikhs . In the diary

- i of Mr . Bax ronside , magistrate at Ghazipur, I find ‘ 3 — une . these entries J Mutinies at Benares ,

a nu oor . J p , and Allahabad

‘ — o f z June 7 . Panic in station Gha ipur — groundless however all the ladies and most of the gentlemen went on board a steamer lying O ff the shore . ‘ 1 — 50 June 3 . Went with Sepoys and a few Sowars to restore order in the district (it) had hitherto been in great disorder— gang ’

&c . r . robberies , murders , , ve y common ’ of After the receipt Of Mr . Tayler s letter warn

of ing , most the Europeans at Arrah spent the ’ ’ le l L itt da e s . night at the Judge s (Mr . ) house The ’ 3 next day a council was held at Mr . Wake s house ,

on and he decided , his own responsibility, that all the women and children should be sent to Dina pore by way of the Ganges , Mr . Wake having pro

vi e . d d ample boats for the purpose This decision ,

T w a s n is si n P n i . R ss Mr. ayler the Comm o er of at a , w th Mr o

n s s . a s hi s ssis n i s . Ma gle (afterward V . C ) a ta t mag trate 2 in n b his K dly le t me y daughter. 3 Mr . Wake wa s magi strate of Arrah . 2 2 THE INDIAN MUTINY

though very unpopular at the time , was acted upon 1 on June 9 th . Then ensued another discussion , in

n ot of on e which they were all mind , as to the

next proceedings to be taken . Some suggested the advisability Of an amateur cavalry corps being

made O f those who remained at Arrah . But this

of -be was negatived , as some the would cavalrymen were untrained in horsemanship and the use o f the

S word , and all the horses were eminently civilian

and untrained for war .

Then Mr . Wake insisted that it was imperative that the houses should be examined with a view to finding out which would be best suited for fort ific a

f t o tion , as he elt very sure that it was their duty remain and hold the station should rebellion break

o ut , as they feared would be the case , in Arrah .

When , however , he first stated his intention to

the remain , and asked who would stay and await

a on e Off arriv l Of the mutineers , only man ered , by 2 name Cock , and he proved later Of great use , and f distinguished himsel in many ways . Mr . Halls

‘ ’ ‘ Tw o f says , in his Months in Arrah , that all O

non - ffi the O cials there present , with the exception o f of t two made the best heir way , some by

on boat , some horseback , to Dinapore , carrying

. H l s an d B n i i i s Mr al Mr . oyle we t w th the r w ve to a place of s a n d n u n s in n afety , the ret r ed to erve the defe ce of Arrah . 2 H e w a s i Old s n i in s i a member of a fam ly of ta d ng Devon h re , s i s 1 62 0 who e ped gree date back to . TH E INDIAN MUTINY 2 3 with them a formidable battery O f double - barrelled ’ guns and revolvers , and leaving the party at Arrah reduced to six or seven men .

It is not difficult to picture the feelings of these six or seven 1 men as they watched the crowd

O ff setting for safety and Dinapore , and knew them selves left behind to an inevitable struggle against f almost overwhelming Odds . This dash o r safety ? took place at other stations , too At moments , per haps , they shared the same thoughts as had passed through the minds Of that other dauntless six o f

a o many a century g , who , to save their fellow ff townsmen , had O ered themselves and their lives to appease an English king , and had marched , unflinching , fearless Of death , wearing the most honourable ornament that was ever fashioned

f - rifi f r of the noose o self sa c c e o others . The men

too o f Arrah , , like the men Calais , wore the rope O f willing servitude in Obedience to what they conceived as their duty to their country , and by their timely defence of the station saved the

Empire at a most crucial moment , and prevented

T is nu wa s u n on u n B h mber a gme ted later , the ret r of oyle a nd H all s a n d Arm stron g . 2 In D a i l ew s i s 1 85 7 . s Bu the y N of th year , , Mr Well tler told ’

hi s s a nd s s s i n . H e of e cape from Gya , a ked for a afer tat o had no thought of the treasure the Commi s sion er had hoped he wo uld i n in but si s u i s i s i him br g , mply a ked the p bl c to ympath e w th s s sn - i P si n i n su u a nd at the lo of a ow wh te er a k tte , a perb creat re , ’ his pet dove % 2 4 THE INDIAN MUTINY

‘ the mutiny from spreading farther . Without the defence Of Arrah the road to L a kna o and Lucknow

O f would have been blocked , and the whole Bengal would have j oined the rebellion . What was done by this handful of Englishmen was done j ust at

O ff the right time and place . If they had run , as they might have done it is quite possible (so

Havelock said , I believe) that the mutineers would have triumphed all along the line , and India would ’l have no longer been under the British flag. i Mr . Wake requested Mr . Boyle (civ l engineer , and one of the small band of men who remained at Arrah) to go with him and examine which house it ’ would be wisest to fortify . Mr . Wake s choice fell ’ on . Boyle s bungalow He did not , naturally, urge its being fortified at once , as there seemed no immediate danger Of an attack . Indeed , for six weeks nothing happened , though suspense was a daily companion . The English party remained at the Judge ’s house— and their authority kept the town from anarchy— and kept watch over the jail f and its disaf ected guard , and ordinary daily busi ness went forward as usual . Mr . Wake was careful to ensure communication between Arrah and Dina pore , and Arrah and Buxar, and to have an added

‘ o f force at night native police , and a vigilant ’ patrol of Europeans .

ir S Herewa ld Wake . THE INDIAN MUTINY 2 5

Thus t he six weeks of waiting fo r the expected

1 1 th one of mutineers went forward . On June ’ those staying at L ittleda le s house wrote °

Here we are all right and very comfortable . ’ L i l a le Wake s arrangements are perfect . tt ed

i is most kind and hosp table . We have horse patrols during the night . The table in what

- o f was the billiard room , bristles with weapons all descriptions . f l The next day fi ty Sikhs , who had been sent

‘ to from Patna , arrived escort thither treasure to ’ the amount of five lacs Of rupees . A few days later news reached Arrah of the mutiny at Allahabad Of the 6th Bengal Native Infantry ; also that the Sepoys at Dinapore were expected

o t make insurrection on the 1 5 th .

‘ We are therefore - I quote again from a letter ‘ ’ in Two Months in Arrah keeping good watch , and Obtain intelligence from all quarters , thanks to f Wake , who is a most active and e ficient soldier , and well fitted for the emergency . There is no occasion for yo u to tell us to keep up our spirits

fOr there is no lack of them among our little party . 1 f ’ On June 7th the fortifications o Mr . Boyle s bungalow were complete . These were engineered ’

. h . by Mr Boyle himself, w o , after Mr Wake s

’ n Si s A s u n O ly fifty kh were left at rrah, after Wake rge t appeal T to Mr. ayler . 2 6 THE INDIAN MUTINY

decision a week earlier , had , unknown to the rest ,

gone forward with the work , collected cartloads of

‘ bricks , and built up with them the verandah

o f - arches a small two storied building, originally

fo - destined r a billiard room , and distant fifty yards ’ from his ow n house .

And here it is necessary to explain , that in ’ ‘ Two Months in Arrah there is a stateme nt not

altogether in agreement with the truth . It would h appear from what is said there , with regard to t e

O f fortifying the bungalow , that it was only Mr . Boyle who had the forethought and the resolution

on to act the suggestion , that a house should be fortified in preparation for the arrival Of the mutineers , and that he alone carried it into ff e ect . Whereas the facts were these , as a letter

(quoted later) from Mr . Wake himself plainly

of o f shows , and as one the survivors the defence has assured me . From this letter alone , however, we are very clearly given to understand that it ’ was Mr . Wake s initial wish and suggestion that a

for place should be prepared fortification , but that B Mr . oyle made it appear that he did it in spite o f of the opinion the rest , and that , indeed , he was laughed at for the very idea of a fortification and thus he puts aside the truth , that it was in f ’ consequence o Mr . Wake s original idea , and Of ’ o f his and Mr . Wake s consultation , that the idea

2 8 THE INDIAN MUTINY troops at Dinapore is expected to occur this day ’ (2 5 th Stand prepared accordingly .

r Still Mr . Wake hoped that trouble at A rah would be averted , as he had given orders that all the boats on the banks Of the river Soane (which crossed the road leading from Dinapore to Arrah) should be destroyed . Unfortunately for Arrah , this order was never fulfilled , Mr . Palin the engineer having forgotten his promise ; and o n 2 6th Sunday, morning early (July ) , news came by

of . means a native trooper, whom Mr Wake had

on of posted the shores the Soane , that the Sepoys ’ were then crossing the river . About ten O clock two railway inspectors came into the station at full gallop to tell the news that a large force o f l Sepoys had already crossed , and were burning the railway works and surrounding houses , and that they themselves had only j ust escaped in time . This was the signal for the magistrate and his party of Englishmen to take up their quarters in ’ Boyle s fortified bungalow . That evening they proceeded to brick themselves up , and each man

o f took turns watching throughout the night .

‘ ’ of 2 Happily a store atta (Wheaten bread) , flour, rice , dhal , grain and biscuits had been laid in for i prov sions , with plenty Of water and some wine

Tw o n th Mo s i n A rr a h . 2 A is fl u tta o r from which bread i s made .

THE INDIAN MUTINY 2 9 — and brandy all the food , in fact , which at such short notice could be collected , and all , indeed , that the garrison thought was needed , as it was confidently believed by them that the rebel Sepoy regiments would have been pursued at once by a

British force , and that the siege would have been a question of only a day or so .

Thus the defence of Arrah began . A defence made by eight European Civilians and fifty Sikhs ’ o f Rattray s Police Battalion , against more than ’ two thousand Sepoys under Koer Singh s command . ’ At eight O clock the attack began , the Sepoys having first gone to the jail , released all the prisoners , and looted the treasure , to the value of

on £8500. A charge was made the bungalow from all sides , and it was very evident to the garrison that their enemies confidently expected to ’ carry all before them . At fifty yards distance , however , a sudden volley quickly put a stop to this l ow . idea , and laid many of them The rest promptly changed their tactics , and began hiding behind the trees in the compound , and taking refuge in the house sixty yards distant from th e bungalow . They kept up an incessant and galling ’1 fire on us during the whole day .

‘

n A H us H . . Account of Defe ce of rrah o e , from C

s . i s b . T Es . Wake , E q , Mag trate of S haha ad , to W ayler, q , Com mission er of the Patn a division. 30 THE INDIAN MUTIN Y

% And it was now that the true worth o f the fifty

for Sikh po lice was shown , the Sepoys repeatedly tried to persuade them to desert their post under ff the English , and O ered them heavy bribes to do so . Every attempt to make them turn against the

‘ garrison , however , failed completely , and they ff treated every O er with derision , showing perfect ’ Obedience and discipline . In a letter written by one o f the garrison a few weeks after the defence 1 there is a stirring ’ account of the effect the Sepoys first charge had

‘ upon the defenders : Their trumpets sounded a charge , and down they came at a double quick , shouting like demons , and firing as fast as they

o f could . The first rush the vast force was certainly the most fearful ; and j udging of the

of feelings others by my own , I suspect few Of us had much hope beyond that of selling our lives as dearly as possible . Indeed , had the rebels had the p luck to advance , they might have kicked down our defences , or have scaled the walls and over d whelme us by their weight Of numbers .

of Wake , the magistrate Arrah , was , from the

O f buoyancy his spirits , the life and soul of our f ’ party , and a great avourite with the Sikhs .

The rebels made an attempt later to smoke o ut

Tw o Mo n th s i n A r ra h . THE INDIAN MUTINY 3 1

the garrison , by bringing quantities Of straw and

bamboos , which they lighted , and into which they threw chillies (red peppers) ; but thanks to the kindly

f S Offices o the wind , which hifted at a crucial

moment , the danger to the bungalow was averted . On the z 8th the natives brought two small cannon ’ - (4 pounders) to play on the garrison . Mr . Wake s

‘ account says , these were daily shifted to what ’ Our the rebels thought were weakest spots , but

one of ot u happily not the garrison g killed , tho gh

one O f the Sikhs was hit by the ball from a musket glancing aside from one O f the loopholes . This

‘ ball lodged in his head , fracturing the skull , and ’ e lodging on the brain , and though he seem d to

recover at the time , he died two months later

at Dinapore . Soon it became evident that the

no mutineers had gunner , and probably only ’ no country made powder , for they did t fire more

i i n than once or tw ce an hour , and then by far the

greater number of balls flew far wide ' of their

mark , for they went right over the house . Perhaps ‘ ? to call them balls is rather a misnomer , as very

loa ded ' with Often the cannons were castors , brass

- door handles , as well as with hammered iron balls .

‘ The rebel gunners (for lack o f a more suitable

name) were able to fire under shelter , as they had ffi ’ made a very e cient barricade with Mr . Boyle s

tables and Chairs (which they found in his house) , 3 2 THE INDIAN MUTINY

and of bricks and earth . One gun was about 60 f yards away rom the bungalow , and the other about 1 50 yards away . Mr . Halls says that the balls from this last scarcely ever hit the bungalow , ‘ but went over with a whizz and concussion that ’ shook every part .

‘ We were rather nervous at first lest they

o ur should bring the house down about ears , but ’ now we don t care much for them , only taking more precaution to put up more doors well covered ’1 with thick carpets against the windows . Among many devices for the better placing of their cannon balls was the following . The largest

o f gun was hoisted on to the roof the house , loaded behind the parapet , and run into position . Then

‘ a man was wheeled o ut in an armchair fitted with ’ of screen boards , to train and fire the charge , and then gun and man were wheeled back behind

of . barricade out sight When recharged , the gun was brought to the front again and fired in the same manner . But neither did this novel device

t now succeed much better, hough and then a shot

- one o f struck the walls , and once , at dinner time , the piano -castors struck the seat of one of the garrison , who happened that morning , happily for f 2 or . him , to be late dinner

M . un i n s sie b one From a S acco t wr tte hortly after the ge , y of

ri s n i in b n ss . the gar o , to wh ch I have k dly ee allowed acce ‘ H l s in Tw o n th s i n r ra h s s if Mr . al , Mo A , ay that the fire

34 TH E INDIAN MUTINY what eager hope sprang up in the hearts of the besieged , for they made sure that this must be the relief expedition which they had been so confidently

to expecting . But alas , after listening it for some f time , it gradually grew ainter and fainter, as if it were going farther and farther away, until at length the so und ceased completely, and the grim fear took possession o f them that the relief expedition must have been defeated .

one of Later on , the Sikh police contrived to elude the Sepoys and ‘ was drawn up by ropes into the bungalow . He was able partly to raise the ’ garrison s hopes , for he declared that the expedition had only been temporarily driven back , and would

n o ut certainly return erelo g . As events turned , he was quite wrong , for the unlucky relief party to which he had belonged had been completely taken by surprise by the enemy when they were on the ’ point of entering Arrah , owing to their commander s lack o f foresight in not sending out sc outs to re c onnoit re ; and , while great numbers were slain , the remainder , hopelessly disorganised , were in full retreat towards the river .

Happily for the men in the bungalow , however , this news did not reach them till later ; neither were they aware of how completely their own case was considered as hopeless by the authorities at Patna and Dinapore . Indeed , it was believed that their THE INDIAN MUTINY 35

destruction was only a question of time , and over in England their friends and relations had given them up as lost .

o f 30th In the afternoon July , a sally was made into the small compound at the back , and four sheep were brought in which were most acceptable

(I quote from the MS . account from which I gave extracts before) , as we had lived up to this time

low on e rather a biscuit or two , handful of parched

fo r grain or peas breakfast , with a cup Of tea , and

-a - half bottle of beer and a couple Of chupatties , a t ’ no . kind of Wheaten cake , unlike a scone , for dinner

With the sheep , were brought in two caged birds which had been without food for five days . Outside in the compound three horses had been tethered . One had been shot by the Sepoys , and the two others by the garrison sentries , who had taken them , in the dark , for Sepoys . It will easily be understood what a grave danger these bodies , in

their rapid decomposition , became to the garrison .

for One day , when three hours the wind blew the stench straight across to the bungalow, there was a

o f f very serious dread cholera , but happily or the inmates the wind shifted , and for the rest of the time set in the opposite direction , and their lives were saved . Among those who suffered most perhaps in that

of week suspense and dread for the besieged , and

D 2 36 THE INDIAN MUTINY

who death to many o f the besiegers , was a Sepoy ,

oo having ventured t near to the bungalow , was wounded fatally by a well - aimed shot from o n e o f the sharpshooters on the roof . For two days he

o f lay in the compound , where he had fallen , none his comrades being willing , apparently, to risk their lives by going to fetch him under shelter . He lay ff there helpless and su ering , with the dread certainty that nothing but death would come to set him free . And all through the hours o f each day he could be seen with a feeble wave o f his arm trying uselessly t o scare O ff the kites and crows which would not

on be scared , but settled here and there his body , not caring -if he were alive or dead . It is difficult f to imagine any more terrible ate than his .

On the night following , the mutineers twice tried to take the garrison by surprise , by the wild shout of Maro l Maro l ‘ Kill % Kill % but when

o n they found the garrison the alert , they did not follow it up by any assault : though had they had the courage to attempt it , there would have been no possible end but quick destruction for the

o f . defenders the bungalow Indeed , in the account o f the defence sent by Mr . Wake to the Com

‘ of missioner Patna , he expressly states that nothing

i n r but cowardice , want of unanimity , and the g o ance of o ur enemies prevented our fortifications being brought down about our ears . During the THE INDIAN MUTINY 37

entire siege , which lasted seven days , every possible ’ stratagem was practised against us . But curiously

ow n enough , considering their enormous numbers

o f and the smallness those of the garrison , there

on was no assault made the bungalow . Devices

no and stratagems without number, but attempt to carry the fort by the sheer overpowering force O f numbers . Nevertheless , the fear of this was before the eyes o f the English every hour of the day and

inc om re night . It must have seemed absolutely p h e nsible to them that such an attack failed Of being made . But no , the rebels contented themselves

of with constant threats annihilation , and the united attack which would have compassed this was never made .

l st ff On August , they O ered the garrison their lives and a free passage to Calcutta if they would at once give up their arms . When this proposal was rej ected , cannonading began again ,

n o - but t until half past five in the afternoon , though occasional small - arm firing had been going on throughout the day . However, when night fell , the booming Of the cannon kept on perpetually until

o n daybreak . They had raised strong barricades

o f the roof the big house , and from these they

‘ ’ could see right into the upper verandahs , and ’ it had become exceedingly difficult for Mr . Wake s party to hinder their proceedings to much purpose , 38 THE INDIAN MUTINY

an occasional shot being all that was possible .

‘ But the outer breastwork was built higher, doors

O ff taken their hinges , with mattresses used to ’ block up the front windows , and thus the bunga

- o 1 low was rendered more shot pro f . The Judge was an unfailing shot , and was dreaded by the natives n more than any of the others in co sequence . He had given additional encouragement t o the Sikhs one day , by pointing to the little gold

on cannon he wore his watch chain , and saying that that could do good service against the enemy % He constantly exposed himself un

in of necessarily the sight the Sepoys , and the others had often to entreat him to be more

f . . care ul in letting himself be seen Mr Halls ,

‘ ’ ‘ in his Two Months in Arrah , says the Judge

f for was undoubtedly the superior o ficer , but as six weeks previous to the siege the bulk o f the labour , all the executive arrangements , the

o f intelligence department , and the management the

O f ff Sikhs and the police , had by virtue his O ice ’ o f fallen to the share the magistrate , he did

‘ Th e m ud from the well w a s used to strengthen the lower n s a nd b s f i n n in s defe ce , ecame a mo t e fic e t defe ce aga t the cannon ; Thousands of bullets a nd cartridges were al s o ’ i s n n su s r in made. I am told that the garr o had o ly ch po t g powder a nd s hot (made in to bullets) a s they already had in their us s but i in u i s ho e , w th what we had , we certa ly made p cartr dge , ’ keeping Govern men t amm unition in ca s e of a real attack

( Tw o M on th s i n A r r a h ) . THE INDIAN MUTINY 39

’ ‘ ’

t or interfere . no take the lead , with Mr Wake s ’ measures . Instead , he supported him and backed

‘ on him up every occasion , and set a good example to all the garrison ; wherever hard work was to be done , wherever additional risk was to be incurred , there the Judge was among the ’ f to oremost . He is said have been always a f very retiring man , and never put himsel forward

O f in any way . Unless others had spoken them , his splendid services done during the Arra h siege would never have been known to the world . After

L ittle da le , Vicars Boyle and George Field were

O f the best shots the party, and were very soon recognised by their enemies as such , as was shown by their great care in no t vent uring

o r near the bungalow , showing themselves more than could be helped .

At last , when the garrison had almost de s a ired on e p of rescue , they heard night , from ‘ D O the shelter of the trees , a voice which said , ’ not shoot . I have news for you . Then , when the owner of the voice was begged to come

nearer, they saw two men come forward who told them that the Sepoys had had a crushing defeat six miles O ff by Sir Vincent (then Major)

Eyre .

— for Finding that this news was really true , a

sally, made to catch some sheep in the compound , 4 0 THE INDIAN MUTINY proved that the Sepoys had indeed left the

— o - neighbourhood , their j y at the long despaired deliverance was impossible to describe . Only those who have known the agony an d strain o f suspense can realise the joy when the certainty o f release is unexpectedly at hand . Examination proved that the Sepoy’s mine had

‘ reached quite to the bungalow walls , and that ’ powder and fuse were prepared , so that the relief only came j ust in the nick o f time . In a few hours the explosion must have taken place . The

o f mine , course , was destroyed by the garrison , and , their terrible week over, they waited and watched till about seven o ’clock next morning they saw the ’ advance - guard o f Sir Vincent Eyre s force come

‘ ’ riding up , waving their hats . This was the signal fo r the cheers which enthusiastically burst from the little garrison in hearty welcome to their relievers . The narrative of events which follows was written day by day on the wall o f the bungalow by

Mr . Wake with the stump Of a pencil . I have been kindly allowed access to it by o n e o f the

v f sur ivors O the siege . After the failure of the first

‘ o f 1 relief expedition , two the garrison expressed a wish that , in the event of their own destruction

(then considered more than probable) , some record

Tw o M n n o th s i A r r a h .

4 2 THE INDIAN MUTINY

‘ We went into o ur fortified bungalow on

O f 2 6th O f one the night Sunday, the July, 1 2 tw o na ibs 4 5 j emadar , two havildars , , and privates

o f and Bhisti (water carrier) , and cook Captain ’ l l . L itt e e . da Rattray s Sikh Police Battalion Mr , f j udge Mr . Combe , O ficiating collector ; Mr . Wake , f o ficiating magistrate ; Mr . Colvin , assistant ; Dr . l Halls, civi assistant surgeon ; Mr . Field , sub

deputy Opium agent ; Mr . Anderson , his assistant ; w Mr . Boyle , district engineer to the rail ay com

O udin H oose in pany ; Synd Azim , deputy collector ; iff3 m oons . Mr . Da Costa , ; Mr Godfrey, school f i . f (s c) ; Mr Cock , O ficiating head clerk o the

collectorate ; Mr . Tait , secretary to Mr . Boyle .

D el a rren Messrs . p and Hoyle , railway inspectors ,

and Mr . David Souza . ‘ The police abandoned the town on the

Sunday, and as we were wholly unable to

estimate the force coming against us , we thought

it right to remain in the station , trusting to

Dinapore for relief . ‘ — July 2 7 . The insurgent Sepoys arrived this

morning , and all attacked us in force . They were j oined by the N aje ebs (armed police f or of orce and j ail guard) , some them , and

1 in i n A jemadar is a commi ssion ed native offi cer of fer or ra k . 2 A n i a b i s a deputy. 3 M oo s s n iff i s a native civil j udge of the lowe t grade . TH E INDIAN MUTINY 4 3

’ numbers Of Ko oe r Singh s men . The Sepoys have repeatedly declared that they were acting under ’ K r ooe Singh s orders , and endeavoured to seduce to their side the Sikhs , who had hitherto behaved nobly, refusing to have anything to do with them and showmg perfect Obedience and discipline .

‘ — N a eebs M . th sa m e da 9 A . e y The j are firing o n us with the rest . ‘ — July 2 8. Two small cannon are brought to play upon the bungalow ; they load them with n hammered iron balls , and brass door ha dles and such like , fired at us all day from behind the

not barricades , but could get the range with the biggest , which seemed to carry heaviest metal . The little one has done us no serious damage

on e hitherto , only man (a Sikh) wounded , but — severely a ball in the head . The scoundrels ’ skulked behind trees and wall and Boyle s house , 1 which , unfortunately, is within eighty yards , so we cannot tell how many are hit . ‘ — l 9 . u 7 A . M J y 2 , This morning they are up to something new . Thousands are collected , probably the greater part villagers and disbanded Sepoys K — r 5 P . M . N O collected by ooe Singh . harm done ; ’ they can t touch the bungalow with the big gun . ’ The skulks won t come within shot , though now and then one of them is knocked over by rifle

A s s fterward fifty proved correct di tance . 4 4 TH E INDIAN MUTINY

— P . M . o f shots . Heard commencement engagement between troops sent to o ur relief and the rebels . ‘ — 5 A . M n u 3 . o e o f J ly 0 About . the Sikhs sent to our relief came in and told us that only 300 Europeans and 90 Sikhs had been sent to o ur relief— God aid them - Our well under the lower story is nearly finished . The relief has evidently f had to retire , but we hear rom the Sikhs that artillery is coming .

‘ There are four feet of water in the well % — B . N . The well is about eighteen feet deep and was dug within twelve hours . In the after noon we made a rally into the compound , and brought in some sheep and two birds in cages that had had neither food n or water fo r five days . ‘ — Ju l 3 1 . o f y They , have got the largest the guns

to close up the house , and fire on us , protected by f B . o N . the garden wall ( through a hole) . Several the balls , round and cast iron , have struck the lower story , but hitherto have done no serious damage . The balls are about four pounds ; how they do so little damage we cannot im agine . We have reason to apprehend that the Sepoys are mining from the outhouses to the south . 1 We have commenced a countermine . The Sikhs are Offered their lives and liberty if they hand

s Th e Sikh s were practically the chief workers at thi . TH E INDIAN MUTINY 4 3

over the j udge , magistrate and collector . The ladies and too , are not to be ‘ — S a turda A u us t 1 . N O y, g cannonade till

P . M . Occasional small arms firing all day . N O on e one inj ured , except Sikh had the wind knocked out of him by the bricks displaced by a cannon shot . Several rebels supposed to have been killed by long shots . They are raising strong barricades on the roof of the opposite house , from which they are likely to give us serious annoyance , as they can

‘ see right into th e upper verandah . The shaft Of the countermine has been sunk to the depth Of

b O ff a out seven feet , and the gallery carried towards the south and there stopped under the outer face f o f the wall . In the evening we were in ormed that it was the subha da rs that all our lives were to be spared if we would give up our arms , and we should be sent to Calcutta . Firing from the big gun (which they had placed on the roof

Of the big house) kept up all night . Two alarms

on during the night , but finding us prepared both occasions , no attack was made except with musketry .

‘ - S unda A u us t . y, g 2 Gun fired three times between daybreak and 1 1 A . M . Little musketry ; — few rebels to be seen gallery progressing . ‘ — S unda A u us t 2 . th e y, g Maj or Eyre defeated rebels ; and on the 3rd we came out . Viva t R egina % 4 6 THE INDIAN MUTINY

Another of the survivors o f the defence has written to me that the garrison never anticipated ‘ 4 being in the house more than 8 hours , as we had expected a rapid advance from Dinapore against the mutineer Sepoys ; and this accounts in a great measure for the weakness of the defences ; only on e brick thick laid without

or - mortar mud , and j ust white washed over to assimilate in colour with the rest of the building .

The loopholes , too , were inverted . However , as no serious attack was made on the house itself, the defences answered their purpose ; they were stronger , indeed, when we left than on going in , as the earth from the well and countermine had been piled up inside the bricks . Of course , after the attempted relief S we were in a very tight place , and with mall

of Chance escape , never imagining help coming ’ from the North .

There is nothing in all the world which . is more imperatively necessary than the presence o f or the man , the woman , who can stand

on e fire , if may so express it , in a tremendous emergency . f O ten their presence is missing . One has only to look at the history o f the Indian Mutiny to see how in such case the vessel of England drifted on the rocks . Two examples flash up in

C o LV l N . J . . M r . C

r r H us . O n e of the be s ieged at A ah o e

in 19 02 . P h ot o t a k e n

4 8 THE INDIAN MUTINY

account o f the defence sent to the Commissioner

‘

: . o f Patna , wrote Mr Colvin rendered the most

valuable assistance , and rested neither night nor

day , and took on himself far more than his share ’ of disagreeable duty . Such another splendid emergency- man was

o n ow n Sir Vincent Eyre , who , entirely his

initiative , went to the relief Of Arrah . Such

another was William Tayler, Commissioner of

of Patna , who , by his readiness resource and

o f foresight , kept the province Behar quiet and orderly when rebellions were seething in every

direction . Such another was Mr . Martin

Gubbins , j udge at Benares , of whom Colonel l for Malleson writes , but him there would have ’ been no ruling mind to guide the crisis . ’ Many other names throng into one s mind ,

of men to whom Emergency came as a friend , for it came as the gate flung wide into O ppor

t unit — for of of y the opportunity deeds honour,

- sa c rific e o f self , and Of valour for the sake their — country and their fellow-men deeds which shine

o n for ever, from generation to generation .

hi s i a nd s i over r ce alt , wh le the bullet s pattered on the wall like ' — i r . . . hail . S G O Trevelyan H i s tor y of th e I ndi a n M uti n b Sir n a nd y , y Joh Kaye n Colonel Malleso . T H E REL IE F T HAT FAI LE D

’ Wa s there a m an dismay d Not though the soldier knew ' Someone had blunder d i s not a The r to m ke reply , Theirs not to reason w h y Theirs but to do and die r Ch a rge of th e Ligh t B iga de .

Did we think victory great B u n w i s n i n S o it is . t o t seem to me whe t ca not be is helped , that defeat great . An is d that death and d may are great .

O N July 2 5th a note was sent at midnight to Ch upra h saying that the native troops at

on Dinapore were not to be relied , but that the regiment of the l oth Foot and the guns were prepared , should any revolt take place . Dinapore was the only station between Calcutta and Benares , which had a force Of British troops . The regiments there were the l oth Foot and other troops , and a battery of the East India ’ Co . s artillery . But two companies of the former were away on duty at some other place . Then came the revolt of the three Sepoy regi

one ments , as every had expected but the incapable , 4 9 E 5 0 THE INDIAN MUTINY

vacillating General then in command there . He had been given power to disarm these regiments , but , though he was fully aware that mutinies were ra mpant in the north , he was most unwilling to do this . He , like many others , insisted that the regi ments they had commanded so long could not

of harbour thoughts treachery towards them , and so this culpable lack of foresight and ability to read

e the signs Of the times result d , in many cases , in terrible disaster .

o t When the mutiny broke u at Dinapore , Maj or l General Lloyd was on board a steamer ; couse quently there was no one in authority to whom to

who in refer . No one knew was command of the

on e Europeans, no knew whom to look to for ’ no be f un orders , the General was t to o d . He had , it is true , ordered that should his presence be

tw o S needed , shots were to be fired from the hore ; but , nevertheless , the fact remains that when the

‘ ’ assembly was sounded , he was not among the ? on e troops , and there was no in command at all

, Afterwards he said that he had given authority

one o f to his colonels to act in his place , but at any rate he was himself responsible for what

happened . The three Sepoy regiments got away

H i s t r o th e I n di a n uti n b Sir n a nd n o y f M y , y Joh Kaye Colo el s Malle on . 2 L u s ss o s loyd o ght mo t a uredly to have di sarmed the Sep y . H e us a s di e n d so n m . tr ted them , ma y better THE INDIAN MUTINY 5 1

in safety with their arms and ammunition , and

o f . proceeded in the direction Arrah Even then ,

so had the General not been hopelessly incapable , they might have been pursued by the artillery at

do Dinapore , and this he was strongly advised to , but he obstinately refused , saying he needed all the Europeans at the station . Two days later news came that these three disaffected regiments had attacked the English stationed at Arrah . Most people regarded the case

' O f : these last as almost desperate indeed , their position was regarded as hopeless . Even now the General seems to have had no idea that it was his

o duty to send a relief party t save these officials . It was not until influence had been brought to bear

on . o f him by Mr Tayler , Commissioner Patna ,

to . that he agreed send help At first he refused , apparently from some selfish reason of wishing to keep all the troops at Dinapore for the protection

‘ c on of himself and the residents . But later he ’ o f 3 th sented , and sent 2 00 men the 7 Q ueen s and

50 Sikhs . The next day news came that the steamer in which they had been despatched had

M D onell on . . c gone aground a sandbank Mr ,

Ch u rah to magistrate Of p district , in his letter the

Tim s o f 1 5 e November 8 7 , says that it was believed at the time that this misfortune was caused by native treachery . The General , whose every move E 2 5 2 TH E INDIAN MUTINY

f at this time seemed weak , oolish , and vacillating , hearing o f this , sent to recall the troops . But this move could not be suffered by his subordinates .

Mr . Ross Mangles was then assistant magistrate f at Patna , and in a letter (to which his wi e has

‘ most kindly allowed me access) he says : Of course , as Englishmen , we were in a great rage at this— leaving a number Of poor fellows to their ’ fate ; SO O ff and I started at twelve o clock at ff night o n Tuesday last to pitch into the Old mu . When we got to Dinapore we found that he had been made to change his mind , and had consented

O ff to send another steamer , which luckily happened ’ j ust to have come in . This happened to be a second steamer which had j ust arrived with fugitives on board from

ff of di erent places , so a force , consisting nearly all

l oth o f h the Foot , and some the 37t and Sikh

o f regiments , started under command Lieut

. now Colonel Fenwick And occurred another hitch , at which General Lloyd again showed his in c o m

e en p t c e . The passengers declined to leave the steamer, declaring that it belonged to a private

n o company, and was t under the j urisdiction of the Government at all . I quote again from M D ’ Mr. c onell s letter before mentioned to show what ensued . He says that Mr . Tayler drove

. him and Mr Ross Mangles to see the General , THE INDIAN MUTINY 33

M c Don e ll e Mr . having gon hurriedly the previous ’ evening , at about ten O clock , in a native cart to

Patna to see Mr . Tayler as regards the importance o f relief being sent to Arrah at once .

‘ We woke up the General , and he told ’ Tayler (who had rather demurred to the sugge s

M c D on e ll tion that Mr . should go in the relief

‘ expedition) , that it was very important that I should go , as I knew the road and he could trust

to me . By this time it was the hour fixed to

% start . We drove down to the steamer , and to my disgust found all the passengers still on board .

There was great delay and squabbling , and at

M . five A . the General said , Oh , if there is not

room in the steamer , never mind ; the flat takes ” only 1 50 men .

‘ S O all the others went back . This caused

e nw i k endless confusion . Colonel F c would not go with only 1 50 of his men ; he ordered Captain

Dunbar to take the command . At last we got

O ff and came up to the other steamer, got her “ 00 o f 3 th flat containing 2 the 7 and 50 Sikhs , steamed o n and landed at B e ra ra Ghat about ’ f M . o two P . Captain Dunbar was in command the

relief expedition , among whom were Mr . Fraser

S M c D onell and Mr . RO S Mangles ; and Captain l 0th 3 h Ingleby led the , the detachments of the 7t ,

and the Sikhs . 5 4 TH E INDIAN MUTINY

l oth In connexion with the , another fatal mis

E n fie ld take was made . rifles and ammunition

o f were served o ut to the men , instead the muskets they had always used hitherto . This was most unfortunate , as they were unacquainted with the

on use of them , and later , when in action , most ’ of the weapons burst in the men s hands . The

on force disembarked an island , about two miles in breadth , which in summer is surrounded by a

o f branch the Ganges , through which a danger o usly strong current flows . Here a halt was made for out rations to be served to the men , as they had had no food since the day before at Dinapore .

l so Whi e this was being done , as to lose no time ,

M c D onell Captain Ingleby and M r . and two or ff three others o ered to go , with a small number O f

Sikhs , and secure the boats which were needed to take the army across to the mainland . The main land was known to be occupied by the enemy.

What followed had better be told in Mr . ’ ‘ ’ M c D onell s ow n words : On reaching the river s bank we found all the boats drawn up on the 2 00 other side , and about men assembled . They had four or five of those long native guns stuck on three sticks , and began blazing at us , whereupon ’ of o ur two party said they would return for aid .

As it happened , however, it proved that these two volunteers were actuated far more by their

5 6 THE INDIAN MUTINY

fo r found he had been completely misinformed , ’ Captain Ingleby s party had already driven O ff the enemy and taken possession of the boats on the opposite bank .

now Captain Dunbar , however, resolved to go ’ forward , it being now about four O clock . By the time the whole army had crossed the ‘ nullah ’ it ’ was nearly seven O clock . The sound Of the firing

f o f o big guns in the direction Arrah , as well as information given by some villagers that Mr .

Wake was still holding out , decided Captain Dunbar on going forward without any further delay . He had hoped that by this time the commissariat would have arrived , but as it had not , he thought it wise to push on without it .

It was a beautiful moonlight night by this time , but the first part of the march was very trying to f the men , for they had to go along a sort o track covered with wet , sticky mud , with wooded country f . o on each side At the end four miles , the going being very fatiguing to men who were getting very footsore and weary , a halt was made at ’ ‘ about eight o clock at the Kaim nugger bridge . None Of the enemy had been seen while on the march , although the troops passed through several villages

Captain Dunbar w a s certain ly wron g in n ot remaining the ni on i n u ght the br dge whe rged to do so. THE INDIAN MUTINY 5 7

At the bridge the men were allowed to rest for a short time , and as they were dead tired , having had hardly any sleep the night before , many of them lay down on the wet ground and went fast asleep . After waiting an hour to see if the provi si ons

o f would arrive , Captain Dunbar, in spite the

of ff protest the other o icers , who warned him of

e of the extreme dang r going on at night , in a strange country , with an army practically dead

of in beat from want sleep and food , persisted ordering the troops to march . The road was better by this time , but it was pitch dark , as the moon had almost set ; and now Captain Dunbar committed another mistake . He had previously sent out skirmishers in front of the army, but now this most necessary precaution was neglected . They all marched in one compact body steadily

forward . From time to time the enemy’s videttes were

seen , but these immediately galloped o ff towards f Arrah as soon as they were caught sight o . ’ ] In Mr . Kelly s account o f this expedition

there is . this account Of the sort of terrible fore boding which now sei zed on every man as the

‘ ’ force went forward in solemn silence . He says A feeling of something dreadful about to happen

Arra h i n 185 . E i b L 5 usi i s . 7 d ted y Major eather, th F l er 5 8 THE INDIAN MUTINY seems to have been experienced by every indi

O f o n vidual member the force ; yet they marched , ’ meeting some half - dozen men o f the enemy s

O ff videttes , who invariably galloped at their ’ approach . By this time they had reached to within a

‘ mile of Arrah , and were passing a thick black ’ mango grove with high banks on either side ,

of behind the shelter which the Sepoys fired , through which the moonlight showed dimly, when suddenly, without any warning , the whole wood

o f was lit up by a glare as vivid lightning , and volley upon volley of musketry was fired into their ranks at almost thirty or forty ’ ’ yards distance (according to Mr . Ross Mangles account) . This played terrible havoc among the men , and a great many were killed at the first volley. By the light of the musketry they saw that they were surrounded by a force of about

2 000 or 3000 SO Sepoys , whose fire was close and so deadly that it was impossible for the l 0th to stand against it . Indeed , nothing worse could have

. out happened to them Tired and footsore , they found themselves in an ambush surrounded by

t o enemies , not knowing where turn in the thick blackness o f the night— a blackness which was

of only broken by the ghastly fire their enemy , a fire which only lighted many Of them at the

M R V r . O S S L ES . C . MANG , , f h o t e l ri d i a n C i v il S e r m c e .

R e p r o d uc e d by t h e k i n d n e s s o f M r s R o s s M a n g l e s THE INDIAN MUTINY 5 9

f moment o death . In the panic which followed the troops got completely disorganised . Captain

Dunbar was among the first to fall , mortally

onell wounded . Mr . M c D relates that he fell against him , and that he himself was covered with

‘ his blood . A ball hit me in the thigh , cutting it slightly only I then shouted out that Dunbar was killed ; that the first Officer in com mand had best give orders . This brought another volley on us . We then tried to j oin the main body and ran from tree to tree ; the

Europeans seeing us coming , all Sikhs nearly, i thought we were the enemy, and fired nto us , killing several ; in fact , I fear as many of our men

ow n were killed by their comrades as by the enemy .

In the night it was difficult to tell friend from foe ;

‘ o he and after having to d dge round a tree , you , in t e dark , could hardly tell where your friends wer , and where your foes . At last most o f us got together and beat a retreat towards a tank , near i which was a h gh bank , and lay there all night , the enemy firing into us every five minutes , and

w uld foolishly our men o return the shot . It was bad policy, it showed where we were , and we could not afford to throw away a single shot .

In this tank Mr . ROSS Mangles helped the

u doctor to bind p the wounded men , though bullets were whistling over their heads all the 60 THE INDIAN MUTINY

time , for the English were all dressed in white , while the natives were practically nude except for

‘ - : loin cloths . He says in his letter I shall never forget that night as long as I live . We held a consultation , and determined to retreat , as the 3000 4 000 enemy was at least or strong , and had , ’ besides , several cannon .

In the dawn it was found (I quote from Mr . ’ e ll 350 o f M c D on s letter) , that there were still men the force remaining . The enemy could be seen now clearly ; the three native Dinapore regiments

‘ being drawn up in order . About 2 000 men with long matchlocks , belonging to , and headed by, f Baboo Koer Singh , and more than 1000 O the disbanded Sepoys who had managed to join him ,

c . and a large rabble armed with swords , spears , & , n t e formidable in themselves , but who made them selves useful killing all the wounded , beating them like dogs . We tried to make the men charge , but they were tired , wet , and a great number wounded . My leg , from lying on the damp

so ground and from the bleeding , was stiff I could hardly walk ; however, I soon warmed up

s There were no Dhoolies , o that the wounded had ’ to march with the rest .

N ow began the disastrous retreat , which was to last for sixteen miles until the troops should reach the river, and the boats .

62 THE INDIAN MUTINY

the men would make a sudden bayonet rush , and clear a way through a mass of foes and scatter ' them right and left . 1 Mr . Kelly mentions in his account that the

Sikhs were invaluable o n this terrible retreat .

They helped carry the wounded , saved lives , and

of e encouraged the despa i ri ng . One them succeed d in persuading a young English Officer to persevere who ff , almost exhausted from his e orts , was j ust going to sit down and give himself up for lost , by ‘ ’11 saying , Cheer up , you live to see it through ; hold ’ ou on 11 on while y can , and rely it you never be

for h e m om ent ou taken alive , , t I see y have given in , o ’ ’ I ll knock you r bra in s ou t on the spot. His words proved quite successful , for the young man , think ing the Sikh was j ust about to execute his threat , j umped up promptly, and was helped on again by his attendant , who eventually managed to get him to a place of safety . Perhaps there has never been a more disastrous march than this retreat Of sixteen miles through

f . the unceasing fire o thousands o f muskets . Mr Ross Mangles gives a very graphic description of what it all meant to those who took part in it . ‘ The whole distance , sixteen miles,we walked under a tremendous fire . The ditches , the j ungles ,

s o f the house , and , in fact , every place cover along

A r r a h i n 785 7 . THE INDIAN MUTINY 63

the road was lined with Sepoys . We kept up a ? fire as we went along , but what could we do we

ff of . could see no enemy, only pu s smoke We tried to charge , but there was nobody to charge ; o n S all ides they fired into us , and were scattered all over the country in groups o f tens and twenties . Dozens O f poor fellows were knocked over within

o f on a yard me . my right and left , but , thank

'

od I . G , escaped in the most wonderful way The last five miles Of the road I carried a poor wounded

not fellow , who begged me to leave him ; and though we had had nothing to eat for more than

- for twenty four hours , and I had had no sleep two nights , I never felt so strong in my life , and I stepped o ut with the man as if he had been a u feather , tho gh he was as big as myself. Poor % f fellow the men , most O them wounded , were leaving him behind , and the cowardly Sepoys , who 00 never came within 2 yards Of us , were running up to murder him . I got the poor fellow safe

o over the Nullah . I swam out and g t a boat , put him in , and went over with a lot Of others . The poor fellow thanked me with tears in his ’ o f n l n eyes . It was this splendid act u se fish e ss

wo n . and determined bravery , which for Mr Ross

. Mangles the well - deserved He makes very light O f what he did in the foregoing letter ; but in reality one cannot realise what it must 64 THE INDIAN MUTINY have meant to him to carry on his back for five miles o f broiling heat , and under incessant fire , this poor wounded man , keeping back as best he could

i . with his r fle , the enemy who pressed close on him

Into the day of common things , into the life of dull , uninspiring duties , such an act as this brings that thrill of enthusiasm which an appeal to the absent Ideal in the midst of the very prese nt

‘ commonplace will always bring : and our souls ’ in glad surprise are lifted higher . For when others were only struggling to sa ve their own lives in their frantic efforts to escape from ‘ that horrible Valley of Death to the distant river

o f where lay their only chance safety, he had been forgetting himself in his pity and sympathy fo r the

o f one o f sake the troops who fell , wounded , at his side . In such a despairing retreat as this many must

o r have dropped every two three minutes , but those many had in most instances been left where they fell , and their fate had been sometimes torture , always death . But Mr . Ross Mangles was willing , at that supreme moment , to minimise his own chances o f escape for the sake of another ; and to do it , moreover, unnoticed by others . Indeed , no on e would have known o f it at all had it n ot been that the man he saved , after a twelve ’ o months search , was able to find ut the name

O f O f his benefactor, and thus his deed valour

M r . M c DO N ELL V . C . n i n i i S r i . , , of the I d a C v l e v ce

' R e prod uc e d by M r s M c Do n el l s k i n d p e r m i s s w n TH E INDIAN MUTINY 65

f became known to the authorities . One o the Officers Of the 37th was badly wounded during the march to the river , and was helped forward

of d by two his men , who , woun ed themselves , could hardly walk . They had n ot gone fa r when he suddenly received five other shots and both his ankles were broken . This made his

n o escape impossible , for his companions could t carry him , and they were forced to leave him behind . Then , knowing the tortures that awaited

f o f him if, alive , he should all into the hands the enemy , he shot himself with his own revolver . And would there be any who would deny the

us ifia bl en e ss j t of the deed , done with such a motive in such a terrible predicament ?

V At last the river came in iew , and surely never was the sight O f promised land more passionately welcomed than was the gleam o f its waters o n f o . the eyes the weary , harassed fugitives In ’ D on ell s Mr . M c letter there is a very graphic

of of account this part the retreat , in which occurred his ow n daring feat of cutting the rope f which held back the boat , in the bottom O which

o f S quantities the troops crouched under helter,

f O f . in the ace heavy fire Here , again , a ll . M c D on e o ne of was earned . Mr , by those fine , splendid impulses which show up unfailingly the really great nature among a crowd of ordinary 66 THE INDIAN MUTINY ones which are swayed by purely personal con

siderations , finding that the rope had got hitched round the rudder of the country -built boat in which they had taken refuge , and that it was

on fastened to the shore , gallantly climbed to

hi h stern O f the g . (the rest the boat was covered

‘ ’ in) , and amidst a hail of bullets unfastened it an d allowed it to drift out to the middle of the river . ’ M c Don ell s ow n This is Mr . account By the time we reached the boats 100 (men) must have been killed , and then commenced the massacre . The boats which we expected to have been taken away were all there , so with a cheer

' w hen to our we all rushed to them , , dismay , we found a they had f stened them securely to the shore ,

o ut of and had dragged them up the water , and

300 o ff had placed about yards a small cannon , with which they blazed into us . The men ,

S of to escape the hot , got into the boats , and , course , as long as they were in them it was

O impossible to push the boats O ff. S a number o f men stripped themselves , throwing away their

of th em ' m a na e d rifles and everything, and some g

to . o f reach the other side The wounded men ,

of course , could not swim , and some us knew we

o ut could never reach the shore , so we j umped

off and managed to get two of the boats ; well ,

68 THE INDIAN MUTINY

100 Since then nearly more , from wounds , ex

of 300 out osure &c . p , , have died , making a loss — O f 4 50 the worst that has befallen us yet , and nearly everyone was wounded . Of the volunteers who went with the troops , eight were killed , two wounded , poor Garston badly , shot right through the body from hip to hip , myself slightly in two places The eighth volunteer, young

1 on Mangles , was knocked the head and stunned fo r some ten minutes . ff Mr . Ross Mangles gives a slightly di erent statement of the numbers of the force and its losses

‘ I never before knew the horrors o f war . I am sure G od spared me because H e knew I was n ot fit to die ; and I pray God that He will prepare me . I had several extraordinary escapes— o n e bullet went between my legs as ’ I was walking , and broke a man s leg in front o f me ; another bullet hit me on the back Of the head , knocking me down , but hardly breaking the skin . Out of the 4 00 fine fellows that 2 00 started for Arrah nearly were killed , and o f the remainder I do n o t think more than 50 to 80 were not wounded . Out o f seven volunteers

five were knocked over , four killed and one

Who had join ed the expedi ti on becaus e of hi s frien dship for

Mr . H e rw a ld Wake . THE IND IAN MUTINY 69

wounded . This has been the most disastrous

ff o t . a air that has happened u here I hope , how ever , we may soon get some more troops again

o ur . from Calcutta , and get back name I cry

of of to think the way we were beaten , and the number o f poor fellows who were killed .

on The crack my head hardly broke the skin , and is nothing ; the bullet hit me sideways , and the folds of cloth I had round my hat saved me . The authentic return I have j ust seen— 1 50 men 50 killed , the rest wounded , except about men who got O ff untouched . I suppose such a dis astrous affair was never heard O f before in India — most dreadful mismanagement throughout . Of course we did not relieve poor Wake and his garrison . We have at Dinapore only 600

of Europeans , and course cannot send any Of them . We want a good general here . I think if we had a good head , things might yet turn ’ out well at present they certainly are not bright . In the book entitled ‘ Arrah in the estimate o f troops who started on this expedition

5 50 w ho is given as , and those never returned are quoted as 300.

ho . w Mr Kelly tells us there , that men had never swum before in their lives , on this occasion were driven to such extremity that they managed 50 to get across a river 2 yards wide , and one 7 0 THE INDIAN MUTINY

f in which , moreover, there was a swi t and dangerous

of f current . He gives the case two young O ficers who had started to cross the river in one of the oarless boats , but who were forced eventually to trust themselves to the river only . One Of them was shot in the leg while in the boat ,

‘ ’ and he took to the water as his only chance ;

or and though he sank six seven times , during

O f the time his unconsciousness he must have ,

ff for unconsciously, made e orts at swimming , when he came to himself he found he was lying on the shore of the opposite bank .

S l R V l NC E N T EY R E .

B y k i n d pe r m i s s i o n o f h i s s o n T H E RELI E F T HAT S U CCEE DE D

WHEN the Clash o f tremendous forces has brought

to the birth a crucial moment , a decision has now and again to be made upon which hinges the fate

o f multitudes . Sometimes that crucial moment roughly pushes

O f aside , in the stress circumstances that seethe

around it , all preconceived ideas Of what should

O f . rule conduct , what should guide action

Sometimes , indeed , it reverses the rule Of life so

completely, that what was right yesterday becomes ’ wrong to -day ; that although a man s honour is concerned in his strict Obedience to his superior ffi O cer, yet a day may dawn , an occasion happen , ’ own when , to save others , God s foresight falls

upon him , so that he has to disobey earthly orders in order to Obey those which intuitively he recognises

as being from the Most Supreme Authority O f all . These occasions are seldom ; but they do — s om ethin w e occur , and g have no name to call it by— supersedes all recognised normal conditions o f right and wrong as generally understood . 7 1 7 2 THE INDIAN MUTINY

’ Where should we have been but for Nelson s blind eye We have , in fact , to face this contra diction in terms : Obedience to a superior authority ’ is an absolutely necessary item in eve ry soldier s

a re education ; yet there rare occasions , as I said , ’ f O f when God s gi t foresight , bestowing greater long

f O f sightedness , en orces the chance condemnation ’ for a man s self , and makes him break his

Obedience , because he sees that his disobedience is somehow imperatively necessary for the well being o f others . Arrah had never been relieved at all had it not been that a man came back to India in ’ o f 1 85 f f the summer 7 , a ter two years urlough in England , was sent up the Ganges to Buxar, and when there , heard that the three mutinous regiments from Dinapore were gone to lay siege t o Arrah . Maj or Eyre did not then know O f the failure o f the first relief expedition under Captain

Dunbar, but he knew that reinforcements would

so most probably be strongly needed ; and , instead o f t o for proceeding Cawnpore , which he and his

o f troops , a battery the Bengal artillery, were under orders , he came to the decision that his — in duty lay elsewhere other words , that he was 1 wanted at Arrah . There were no troops at Buxar , so on he went to Ghazipur, which was garrisoned

a n d s n H i s t r o th I i t Kaye Malle o , o y f e nd a n M u i ny .

74 THE INDIAN MUTINY

failure of the first relieving party and forbidding

or if him to start , , started, ordering him to return

immediately to Buxar, and there wait for further

o orders . But Eyre turned his blind eye t this

command , and went forward to Arrah , as he had

his decided ; and thanks to decision , the station

O f . was saved , and the province Behar as well Malleson speaks very strongly o f his action in thus

taking the law into his own hands . He praises

‘ for him having risked his reputation as a soldier , ’ O ffic er his very commission as an , in thus saving

‘ f fo r all Behar from the ate which , but him , would ’ have overtaken Arrah . Sir Vincent Eyre (Major as he then was) had already served with distinction in Afghanistan

O f during the war, and indeed he was one those who had been chosen by the English General

as hostages to Muhammad Akbar Khan . He

f for remained in captivity, with his wi e and child , nine months after the English army was with

. 1 84 3 drawn In Eyre returned to India, and was

quartered at Meerut . Here he started a Club for — soldiers the very first Of its kind . Later on , in 1 84 4 f , he was appointed to the command o the artillery Of the Gwalior contingent , where his great talents Of organisation showed themselves in 1 O f - various ways, notably those road making and

h H . . n a ti n a l B i r a . G Kee e , N o og p y THE INDIAN MUTINY 75

engineering , as well as in the architectural way, for among other things he was largely instrumental in building a church there . Vincent Eyre was on e Of the bravest and best

- o f soldiers . In war time his best self came to the front . Brilliantly clever, witty, artistic , and

O f attractive as he could be in time peace , yet it

of was as a man action that his true , best self

showed up , and there can be no two opinions as

. to the great part he played in the fortunes Of

f r British India . Had it not been o his prompt action in organising the relief party which went

to the rescue of the Arrah garrison , in all proba bility the Indian Mutiny would have ended in a

very different way to what it did . And now it is necessary to make a slight

to for digression , in order account the statement ’ that Sir Vincent Eyre s relief O f Arrah was the

means Of saving the province Of Behar as well .

out . When the mutiny first broke , Mr William

Tayler was Commissioner of Patna . He was the

for i 1 very man a cr s s ; one who was , according

‘ to Colonel Malleson , incapable even under the darkest circumstances O f showing hesitation or

fea rf

After the outbreak at Meerut in June , Tayler called all the Europeans together for a consulta

o tion as t the best means to be pursued at Patna . 76 TH E INDIAN MUTINY

On June 7th he fortified his own house and invited a ll the Europeans in the station to take refuge

in it .

own Then later , finding that his native guards were in league with the disaffected Dinapore

of regiments , he at once sent for a supply Maj or ’ Rattray s recently enrolled regiment of Sikhs . f Every day there came news of resh revolts ,

fresh mutinies , but Patna remained quiescent and

untroubled . It was a matter Of great wonder that mutiny had not been heard o f in its immediate

neighbourhood . But that it should have been a wonder was simply because people were quite unaware what rare powers of dealing promptly with an emergency were possessed by the

f . un commissioner in O fice He tried , but quite

- successfully, to persuade Major General Lloyd to 1 disarm the native troops . He himself held under

ow n his immediate supervision six districts , and

ui vive by being unceasingly on the q , and in touch

on with all that went in them , he practically had his finger always on the pulse o f events . His plan was to send for the native chiefs , and all the ff natives who showed signs of disa ection , ostensibly for consultation o n matters Of immediate local moment . He prepared carefully for their comfort and suitable accommodation while they were with

n K a n d s n H i s t r o th e I n di a n M u ti . aye Malle o , o y f y

78 TH E INDIAN MUTINY

His letter to Mr . Alonzo Money , magistrate

‘ : o f Gaza , was worded thus Fall back with ’ European residents and troops upon Patna ; and he directed that he should bring the treasure

(worth about Of Government money) ,

‘ unless by so doing the personal safety of ’ European residents should be endangered . ? What happened Mr . Money and his escort evacuated the station before even any immediate danger threatened , and left all the treasure behind . But one Of the party was not without his serious

O f . . of qualms conscience Mr Hollings , the opium department , felt more and more as he rode away, and the distance lengthened between Gaza and the Government party, that they were all doing

‘ a disgraceful act . At last he could bear it no ’ longer , and he said out his thoughts to Money .

After some talk , the latter became also convinced that he was right , and he came to the decision that he had better go back to Gaza with Hollings ;

o f and this he did , leaving the rest the party to continue their way without him . Eventually he took the treasure to Calcutta . Yet it was this man whom the Government — B rewarded this man whom they made a C , while the real saviour Of Behar, who had maintained order all through a most crucial time of unexampled

ffi ff n f di culty, was dismissed O ice o account o the TH E IND IAN MUTINY 79

misrepresentations of the magistrate of Gaza with regard to the withdrawal order .

Mr . Frederick Halliday , then in authority in ’ f Bengal , and Tayler s superior O ficer , was a man whose nerve failed him absolutely in the presence

o f . a great crisis His incompetence , and that Of

- ff Maj or General Lloyd , in e ect nullified all that

for Tayler had done Behar , and later , allowed the

province to drift into absolute disorder . When Eyre stamped out the rebellion at

u des ore J g p , he restored Behar to the state in f which Tayler , until he was dismissed O fice by a

hopelessly incompetent government , had always

maintained it . I cannot help quoting here Colonel ’ ’ M a lleson s words relating to Tayler s work for his province

‘ In the history of the mutiny there is no story

which appeals more to the admiration , than the

o f story this man , guiding , almost unaided , a province through the storm ; training his crew

foe and keeping down the , while yet both hands

were at the wheel , and in the end steering his

o f vessel into the harbour safety . Character ,

of o f courage , tact , clearness vision , firmness brain ,

were in him alike conspicuous . The wisdom

and daring of Mr . Tayler , the energy and de

O f termination Major Eyre , had atoned for the feebleness and timidity o f the leaders who did 80 THE INDIAN MUTINY

e not guide . This man (Tayler) had a com plish ed as much as any individual to save India ’ ‘ : in her great danger . And again He had sup pressed unaided the rising O f Patna : he had been a rock on which every hope in Behar had rested ; had cheered the despairing , stimulated the ’ o f wavering . Nevertheless , to the shame the

out Government , this man was disgraced turned of Office , and denied j ustice . And his is not ,

n f r . ot o unfortunately , a solitary case It has been — — gotten never will be forgotten how it treated on e of the finest knights o f the nineteenth century , Sir James Outram . So it would have treated Sir Vincent Eyre (for whom Sir James 1 Outram begged that a might be given , and whom he repeatedly mentioned in his des ’ n ot f patches) , had it been for a riend s chance meeting with him in Pall Mall . This was the f f cause Of his case being set be ore the War O fice ,

O f and the lack attention being rectified . When

- ff Major General Lloyd retired , later , from O ice , the honourable garrison at Arrah , the splendid f relief under Sir Vincent Eyre , were all orgotten ,

, and no recognition of any sort taken o f feats which had saved the Empire .

‘ Sir James Outram wrote to Eyr e in 1 85 7 If act s of devotion ’ n s un n i ss t n s u to o e co try e t tle to the cro , he rely the devotion you ’ i s Ar u s u it ou m en d played at rah o ght to ec re to y of all .

82 THE INDIAN MUTINY

’ f - ffi L Estra n e of Hastings , his sta f O cer , Captain g the 5th Fusiliers , Captain Scott , and Ensigns l Lewis , O dfield and Mason ; also Surgeon General Et e son and Surgeon - General (n ow Sir

- James) Thornton . Mr . Bax Ironside , magistrate

r f of Ghazipu , also went with them in his o ficial

of capacity as civil officer ; eighteen volunteers , whom the greater number were mounted , and three officers completed the number .

- — Mr . Bax Ironside then Mr . Bax (he did not take the name of ‘ Ironside ’ till later)— was

‘ detailed for duty when Maj or Eyre returned from f f Ghazipur , to be civilian o ficer with the orce to aid in collecting supplies , summoning rich natives , and aiding , by legal process , where and ’1 ’ - ll s when possible . In Lieut Colonel M a e son

‘ ’ ffi Recreations of an Indian O cial , he thus

‘ - ' speaks of Mr . Bax Ironside The knowledge

o f . the district possessed by Mr Bax , his coolness and determination , together with his influence with the natives in procuring carriage ,

of rendered his presence with the force , no

’ ‘ small advantage . And later : Through Mr . ’ B ax s exertions , four elephants were contributed

D um ra o by Rajah , for conveying tents and ’ bedding . These proved later on in the

f t o expedition un aithful their charge , for, before

S u n - rgeo Gen eral Ete so n . THE INDIAN MUTINY 83

Arrah was reached , the elephants turned tail , and f were soon in ull retreat , and with them went

o f h % the beds , bedding and greatcoats t e men

No horses were available , so the guns had to be drawn by bullocks taken strai ght from the 1 ‘ plough . Carts for the reserve ammunition and commissariat supplies had to be secured . In this work Major Eyre found an able and willing ’ coadj utor in Mr . Bax , the district magistrate . The bullocks had the greatest difficulty in

for making way with the guns , the roads were e almost impassable from the rec nt rains , and this

v . made it very hea y going Indeed , frequent if stoppages for rest were an absolute necessity . they were to drag them at all , and it was day break before the first camping ground was reached . f The men were by this time very ootsore , and had suffered much from the heat ; and besides this , they had but j ust returned from a long sea voyage . Before halting , the volunteers , who were

of a rt bec a m e in advance the p y , , aware that their steps were being dogged by a native on a white horse . When they . recognised that he must be — a spy , some Of them promptly gave chase no easy matter considering that the land was more or less under water , and that it was impossible for any but light weights to gallop in pursuit of

a nd s n H i s t r o th e I n di a n M u ti n . Kaye Malle o , o y f y G 2 84 TH E INDIAN MUTINY

him . But happily there were two or three men

for f who were not too heavy the j ob . One o i these , a Frenchman , succeeded in coming up w th him ; when he immediately turned in his saddle e and dealt a savag blow at his pursuer, which ’ cut deep into his horse s neck . Two others coming up at this moment , the supposed spy was taken in charge , brought into camp , proved to be

for what he had been taken , and paid with his 1 life for his temerity . At three o ’clock the following day the march was resumed . From time to time videttes of the enemy were seen at a distance , and once a native approached near the camp , and , on being perceived , galloped away, but was pursued and shot . As Sir Vincent Eyre felt quite confident that the enemy’s

n ot off for forces were far , a halt the night was

h h r l s made at S a pfi . August t found them still going forward , but not yet could they see any ’ signs of Koer Singh s rebel army . It was on this day, however, that they first heard of the terrible defeat which had befallen the first relief party under Captain Dunbar ; and though at first Sir Vincent Eyre did not give absolute credence to the story, yet he determined to press on and do his utmost for the relief of the garrison at Arrah .

As they went on , news was brought him that the

. s li e o A Mr Charle Kelly , R e f f rr a h .

86 THE INDIAN MUTINY

‘ ’ assembly from a wood straight ahead , through ’ which Eyre s troops would be obliged to pass on

of their way to Arrah . On each side the road were inundated rice and poppy fields . Sir Vincent

on Eyre halted his men and opened fire the wood . This soon showed the enemy that their ambush

' was no longer a secret , and they could now be seen galloping round on both flanks in order to attack in the rear . This was the signal for Eyre to send skirmishing parties in all directions , while f his three guns opened fire on the ront flank .

Sir Vincent Eyre , in his despatch to Maj or

‘ : E nfield General Lloyd at Dinapore , says The

Rifles kept our foes back at a distance , and we succeeded in forcing the woods , beyond which as

’ ‘ B ubu un e far as g g , it (their course) lay across ’ an open swamp , which greatly befriended us .

Unluckily, however, the , same thing happened

‘ here , as happens very often now in a railway — j ourney they lost all their baggage . The rebel

on force was practically surrounding them all sides , and as they were well within rifle range , the drivers

of &c . the carts , elephants , , took to flight , and made for the fields . It was now that the elephants , v as I ha e said , paid their drivers the sincerest

flattery of which they were capable , and imitating

off their stampede , went with all the bedding , ’

& . c . men s greatcoats, , and were seen no more TH E INDIAN MUTINY 87

ff There was a village about two miles o , called

B ibi a n g j, and here the Sepoys took up their position in readiness to Oppose Sir Vincent Eyre ’s force . Seeing this at once , Eyre halted to reconnoitre ; and his troops took what refresh ment there was to take , which was not much , as most o f the commissariat stores had been lost when the drivers decamped . Eyre saw that before his force could reach

Arrah (now within measurable distance) , a wood

o f must be crossed , and a bridge sorts manu fa c ture d , as the enemy had broken down the on e which had been there , and were occupying houses in the village ; so he determined to

‘ to make a detour the right , as far as the ’ off railway earthworks , about a mile , and issued orders to that effect . He tried to mask his

on movement by firing the village with his guns , while the infantry and carts made the best o f their way along the road t o the embankment .

This ruse , however , was soon discovered by

wh o the enemy, went in great numbers to intercept the troops at the angle of the thick wood , knowing it was imperative that they should pass it on their way to Arrah . Sir Vincent Eyre saw very soon that the enemy would reach the wood before he did himself .

‘ t o He saw o , that he must carry the wood or 88 THE INDIAN MUTINY

’ s no t be lost . The Sepoy did wait to be

‘ ’ attacked , but the bugles sounded the Advance , 500 and their forces , about 2 strong , headed by 1 For Koer Singh himself, Charged the guns . more than an hour the English army , who were

f of fighting a orce twenty times their strength ,

‘ ’ ’ were compelled , as Sir Vincent Eyre s despatch

‘

on . says , to act solely the defensive The Sepoys made two determined rushes on o ur

on guns , but were both occasions repulsed with f ’ showers o grape . And now indeed Eyre ’s army had reached f the most critical moment o the whole day .

The enemy , confident in their greater force of numbers and in their superior position , began

n to press in o all sides . Men began to fall fast under the fire poured into their ranks by i the Sepoy musketry , and it became ev dent to

?“ Captain Hastings (for Eyre was of necessity obliged to remain with the guns) , that some f thing must be done at once to avoid de eat .

He galloped up to Eyre , and told him that his men were becoming disheartened , and that

‘ ’ the position was becoming critical . f Eyre , who be ore all things was the man for emergencies and critical moments , ordered

i . Trevel a n n S r . O I ter l udes i n Vers e a n d P r s e. G y , o 2 in Mr . Colv tells me that H a stin gs w a s s plen di dly energetic a nd s re ourceful .

90 THE INDIAN MUTINY

The Sepoys were completely taken off their guard ; they did not wait for the onslaught , but broke rank in complete disorder and panic . Their retreat soon began to be an utter rout . Flying bands of the enemy were seen in all directions and the little English army swept them across ’ “ o the country . Six hundred of the enemy s f rce are said t o have been slain on this occasion .

The road was now clear, and Maj or Eyre

o f made his way to within four miles Arrah , when he found their farther passage stopped by a river about sixty feet wide , deep , and with rapid current . By this time it was late after noon , but the troops at once set to work to ffi make a bridge , and by daybreak it was su ciently strong for the army to cross , though not yet for the guns to do so . When the troops had la nded on the other side , a native came up with a letter , which proved t o be from Arrah house : We hear that — I a relief has arrived , we are all well know f — ’ o . . A E nothing the bearer Signed , H W K . The native told them that on the previous evening Koer Singh ’s army had gone back from Arrah in haste , and , taking away their baggage , had retired % ’ altogether from the village . As Eyre s troops m ca e from the north to Arrah , the ghastly sight which awaited them later of rows and rows of TH E INDIAN MUTINY 9 1 those who h a d fallen on the ill - fated first relief expedition under Captain Dunbar , and of the corpses which hung on each side from the branches of trees which bordered the road beyond

Arrah , was not then visible . On the morning of Tuesday there was not

‘ ' a Sepoy left at Arrah . And then o ur country men came forth , unwashed , unshaved, begrimed with dust and powder, haggard with anxiety and

of want sleep , but very j oyous and thankful at heart , pleased to stand once more beneath the open sky, and to roam fearlessly through their old haunts , in which the twittering of birds and the chirping of grasshoppers had succeeded to the ceaseless din of musketry ; pleased with the

o f - first long draught sherry and soda water , and with the cool breath of dawn after the . atmo

of or sphere a vault , without window punkah , filled to suffocation with the smoke of their

old rifles . Still , as in Londonderry of , the real strength of a besieged place consists not f in the scientific construction o the defences ,

‘ f nor in the multitude o the garrison , nor in abundant stores of provision and ordnance , but in the spirit which is prepared to dare all , and to endure all , sooner than allow the assailants ’1 to set foot within the wall .

i n r e a n d P r se. ir . . Trevel an I n terl udes Ve s S G O y , o 9 2 TH E INDIAN MUTINY

a c c om Well , the relief of Arrah was an plish ed feat ; achieved in the face of almost f overwhelming odds , and by a orce of only half the number of that of the first expedition under Captain Dunbar . But then it is necessary to bear in mind that Captain Dunbar had learnt all the soldiering that he knew in a school of

o f theory , not practice ; whereas Sir Vincent

o f Eyre was a born leader men , a born ‘ f strategist , a man who could turn the orlorn ’ hope into the brilliant , unexpected victory

Mr . Ross Lowis Mangles and Mr . William 1 Fraser M c D on ell were both personal friends of m H erw a ld . Mr . Wake , the Arrah agistrate The 1 . 85 3 former , Mr Mangles , came to India in , and 1 57 was in 8 assistant magistrate at Patna , under

Mr . William Tayler , who was Commissioner there .

on Later , he served as Judicial Commissioner o f 1875 - 6-7 Mysore ; in , as Secretary to the Government of Bengal ; and from 1879 to 1882 was one o f the members of the Board of

Revenue in the Lower Provinces .

M D onell . c 1 Mr Fraser was , in 857 , magis

h u rah trate of C p , and afterwards for thirteen f years Judge o the High Court . He retired from the Indian Civil Service in 1 886 .

l ’ i s on e s i n s R ss Wake of the greate t fr e d I have got, Mr . o n s in Ma gle wrote a letter of that year .

H E R WA LD WA K E

h w n t In i Fr o m a pa i n t i n g d o n e be fo re e e t o u t o d a .

W a e h i s s o n . B i n e r m i s s w n o f M r . H e r w a ld y k d p k . H E RWAL D WAKE : T H E MAN WH O H ELD T H E FO RT AT ARRAH

A ROU ND the past history o f the man who has distinguished himself by some great achieve ment hangs always a special interest , a special mystery , into which we long to look . We like f to go up the stairs of his li e , and to see the very rooms o f thought and purpose in which his personality gradually developed . Or is it that we regard his childhood and young man hood as the rungs of the ladder on which he

to climbed , step by step , to higher deeds , better

o our achievements , and desire greatly t see for

we not own selves , if could rise by the same f medium to heights which we see from a ar , and

o ut of our below , and which seem so infinitely reach ? f In the life o f the hero o the defence of Arrah ,

of ener o f there is no lack gy, no lack purpose ful determination . Though but a civilian , many a soldier would have been proud to have held

of the fort as he did , during one the most 9 3 94 THE INDIAN MUTINY

critical moments of the whole mutiny ; and that ,

o f o f too, in the teeth an overwhelming force

not Sepoys . It was by might , nor by power , but by sheer force of personality that this was done , and because he was a man for whom

Fear was an unknown quantity . He had never even seen its face , nor had its cold breath ever come near him . There are few greater powers than Heredity

- that power o f Handing Down all along the line , f o some quality which , incomprehensible it may ld . H erwa seem , is inherent in the blood Wake had a notable ancestor, from whom he inherited his

fearless valour, his determined courage , his clever — foresight ‘ in outwitting his enemies Hereward

the Wake .

‘ ’ ‘ ’ The names H erwa ld and H erew a ld are

‘ ’ ff o f e simply di erent ways spelling H reward ,

‘ ’ but H erwa ld is the way it is spelt in the ’ f H a ld Chronicle o f Ingul . erw Wake s family have every reason to believe that they are

for descended from the man who , three years , defied the Normans openly and continuously ; and under whose banner ‘ all the valour and nobility of Old England yet surviving gathered ’ hief a in l around the great C t . That man who , when the worst fate befell him and his adherents ,

A . . R H i s i i . D Crake, Fellow of the oyal tor cal Soc ety

96 THE INDIAN MUTINY

rida Everm ue daughter (by Torf ) married Hugh de , and that it is from her that the family of H erwa ld

Wakes is descended . f H erwald C . B . o Mr . Wake , , the hero Arrah , 10 1 82 9 was born March , , at Tapton Court , near l f . Chesterfield . His ather, Mr Charles Wake , was living there in order to be near his brother - in

law , Sir George Sitwell . They had both married f sisters of the Rev . A . C . Tait , who was a terwards

erw ld Archbishop o f Canterbury . From Mr . H a ’ Wake s son 2 I have many anecdotes o f his ’ father s boyhood and youth . He was a very

- bo high spirited y, and his governess found the managing of him an impossible task , for disputes ended once or twice in her being thrown down .

w a s to Consequently he sent school , at Bath , when he was seven years old . Later on he went to Rugby, where Dr . Arnold was then head

for master . Here his talent fighting showed itself more than any special taste for study . ‘ I remember a meeting between him and an old colonel who had not seen him since the Rugby

wh o : D O ou ? days, said y fight much now , Wake

H i s b in R . N . B u l l do w a s rother, Capta Wake , , of the g, one s s s fin e s of tho e fearle , character , whom the world often mi s un der s n s A hi s n s u a n E s ta d . fter galla t re c e of ngli h vess el off the

u H t i n w a s u i - harbo r of Cape ay e , he act ally tr ed by a court martial ’ w a s i i ff n for what called a pol t cal o e ce . H erw a ld s n Mr . Wake , of Folke to e . THE INDIAN MUTINY 97

My remembrance o f yo u was that yo u were always

fighting % He was often in ho t water at school ;

fo r - once , I believe , scaling the clock tower and ’ carving his name on the hands of the clock (perhaps this feat o f his was the ori gin of the

‘ ’ ’ To m story in Brown s Schooldays , where Tom Brown and East are reported to have done the

H r l same . e wa d Wake was certainly at Rugby under Dr . Arnold) . He was flogged and confined in a room to which there was only a skylight , but he squirmed up the ropes that opened the window,

on of and , escaping , went a ride one the elephants in a circus procession , which must have been a ’ somewhat painful amusement , after being flogged . Wake went to a tutor at Godalming after leaving Rugby , and from thence to Haileybury . His first appointment in India was as assistant

M a c Killu to Mr . Charles p at Dacca , and later

M D onell he was with the Mr . c who won the

V . C . during that disastrous relief expedition to

Arrah , for cutting the rope which fastened the

of boat , full English soldiers , to the land , under a heavy fire of bullets from the enemy . Wake went out to India in the usual sailing ship of those days . During the voyage a quarrel broke out between him and a maj or of artillery, and they agreed to fight a duel when the ship touched at the Cape . But that duel was destined H 98 THE INDIAN MUTINY

ff never to come o , for the ship never did touch at the Cape , and eventually the quarrel was thrown overboard , figuratively speaking , and before they reached India they had become great friends . When the mutiny broke out Wake was magis trate , as has been shown , at Arrah . Mr . Colvin

(who worked under him during the defence) , went 1 857 to Arrah as his second station in February , to be assistant magistrate to H erwa ld Wake . They both lived together until the defenc e of the bungalow began , and , as the former says

‘ o f in a letter to me , I had every opportunity knowing him well and appreciating him . He

- was rather quick tempered , but never bore malice .

o f Energetic , most courageous , commanding dis position , rather brusque in manner, at times in high spirits , but in poor health . Altogether

- he had what one might call a highly strung nature .

He was a good magistrate and a firm friend .

He served some time after, but , I think owing to bad health , had to retire on sick pension .

on 1 6 I met him when home furlough about 8 7 ,

on 1 876- 1 877 and again leaving the service , , more frequently . Latterly he became more unwell , and spent the last years of his life abroad as an invalid . Although I did not always agree with him , I preserve the most pleasant recollections o f our f intercourse and long riendship . I cannot

1 00 THE INDIAN MUTINY

H erwa ld Wa ke to J . C . C olvin .

‘ CO U RTEEN HALL, ’ F eb. 7 , 1 85 9 .

c The facts simply are , that in the first pla e

for I wished t o prepare a place for defence , and that purpose got Boyle to go with me and examine ’ ’ the Collectorate , and Burne s and Co . s bungalow , both too large for the purpose , and that afterwards I pointed out to him that his bungalow was the

o f place , but this was not until the flight the ’ ‘ 1 8 or 9 th railway gents (about June th ) , so that nothing could then be done , and nothing was settled, we being so few in the station , and our ladies in safety, and myself very seedy, the subj ect was not renewed ; but that afterwards when , from the reports , it became evident that a mutiny would be attended by a simultaneous insurrection of ’ Kooer Singh s followers , which would probably

on i be followed by a rush the stat on , I certainly should again have brought that subj ect forward , and requested Boyle , as we had him present , to have prepared a place of refuge had he not already done so without letting us know what he was doing until he had done it , and this some time before I should have thought it necessary . He

Probably j ust after they had announced their determin ati on b a nd b B i his to olt , efore oyle left w th wi fe . THE INDIAN MUTINY 1 01

has certainly let it about that he was laughed at

for the very idea of a fortification , and this made

s it e of of it appear that he built it in p . us , and

o his own idea entirely . N w I remember there

o f ff was a good deal cha , not at the bungalow ,

t h e which I from first , if you remember, thought

of capital in case an emergency, but at the idea

of our f six or seven men , before the arrival o the

Sikhs , holding it against Sepoys and villagers .

He knew that the bungalow was my pick , and his fortifying it was certainly the result o f our n previous consultation , but (he) wa ted it from ’ the first to be B oyle s bunga low or he would

have , of course , as he ought to have done , spoken

to me before commencing it .

‘ Harry Mangles , the accountant , has j ust

arrived , and he says he could not find out from any Official in Calcutta that the grant to Boyle was

true . They knew nothing about it , and he does not believe it . If it is a lie it is a very bold stroke

(on the part of our friend or his friends) . Lord Canning has never sent home his list of deserving ci ilia ns takeeds on v , though he has had several the

M a D nell subj ect . Mrs . Mac ( c o ) and Vincent are coming home next March . Write and tell me whether you have much work and how you

i . like t . Make haste and pass the exam , or they

not ou will make it an excuse for promoting y , 1 02 THE INDIAN MUTINY which I think they must do if you do ; you

c la im s must not be modest , but push your which are j ust .

one This advice , however , was not which the writer himself followed % When the recital o f any achievement was going on , in which Wake

o n e o f had really been the Chief actor, no his listeners would have guessed the great part he

to had played himself . He never cared blow

- his own trumpet . Self advertisement was his abomination . Though Wake did not receive at the time the credit due to him for his splendid work at

for Arrah , in choosing the best house fortification , in insisting , though his decision was an unpopular o ne , that all the women and children should be sent away some time before the mutineers came to Arrah , and in directing , encouraging and arranging the work o f the defence throughout the

not sa siege , it is too much to y that had it not been for him Behar and the North -West

Provinces , as wel l as Arrah , must have fallen

of completely into the hands the Sepoys .

Arrah stands out for all time as one of those ‘ ’ great , little things which , as William Pitt , Earl o f Chatham , said , stand for so much more in this H life than the world is apt to recognise . ad it

‘ ” fo r - not been the presence of the Tiger spring ,

1 04 TH E INDIAN MUTINY

But he had a brother there , and his mother per

sua ded him to give up the idea , as she thought ’ ’ this might inj ure his brother s prospects .

Mr . Wake never had liked the Indian Civil Service (although he said he should have cared

- for more for work in the North West Provinces) ,

he never could trust the Hindus , as , owing to their

untruthfulness , he never could be sure if he was

not administering j ustice or . However , later ,

when he had lived some time in England , he said

‘ on he wanted to go back to India and apologise ,

his hands and knees , to the Hindus , for he found that there were nearly as many liars in England His great delight was to buy horses at Tatter ’ a sall s , that went che p because they were so bad ff tempered and di icult to ride . He was a very Alexander the Great in ridi ng horses that no one could manage ; and in his hands they soon became

rs - tractable and good goers . Wake was a fi t rate

of hunter and capital j udge horses , always liking

th e - best wildest and most high spirited ones .

old When he was quite an man , and had given

on up hunting account of family expenses , he

on e ff b was day o ered a mount y a friend , who was

himself unable to manage the horse , and so wanted

Wake to tame it , and break it in to ordinary behaviour in the conventional hunting field %

o ut Wake took it with the Harriers . Later in THE IND IAN MUTINY 1 05

one o f o f the day, the owners the pack said ,

‘ This is nonsense . First came the hare , then ” then the hounds . Wake , then the huntsman , and It is said that most of the members of that

on hunt were old gentlemen , who stayed quietly

o of of the t p the hill , never thinking actively j oining in the chase ; and Wake , who knew their ‘ ’ habits , replied , I don t know how you know that , for you were none of you within sight %

As has been mentioned in an earlier letter , ff Wake su ered much from ill health , and eventually he was ordered abroad o n account of it . He died 1 1 in 90 . KOE R SI N GH IS H U NTE D To H IS J U N GLE STRON GH OLD 1

N o sooner was Arrah relieved than martial law was proclaimed , and thirty Sepoys taken captive among the townspeople . Sir Vincent Eyre held a

- drumhead court martial , at which he , as President ,

o f took precedence the Judge and magistrates , who sat under him . Many of the townspeople testified against these captive rebels , and they

‘ o r ff were promptly hanged , in e ect strangled , in ’ o f the gardens Arrah house . The request made in most instances simply was that they might be

‘ allowed to adj ust the rope themselves ; and all ’ met death with dignity . These last six words testify strongly to the point of view with which the Indian regards death . Death to him is no great matter ; the only question which does really matter is whether

There had been an unfortun ate previous exp editi on agai nst

Sin n w a s i n s s s in 1 85 8 a nd Koer gh , whe he dr ve acro the Gange , u in his un h u n took ref ge j gle. T e force that wen t from Arrah to t r him o ut wa s u its uns n s a nd thoro ghly defeated , g , elepha t , baggage ,

i - un i n s a nd ffi s m en . amm t o lo t , the death roll of o cer a nd great 1 06

1 08 THE INDIAN MUTINY

The punishment o f the rebels having been completed , Sir Vincent Eyre decided to take an

u des ore out expedition to J g p , to track the escaped

Ra jah and his army , who had retreated to their

des ore j ungles . Jug p was distant from Arrah about sixteen miles , and it was generally considered that there were great risks in connexion with such an expedition as Eyre proposed . Koer Singh was believed to ow n an impregnable fortress situated in the midst of almost inaccessible j ungles . But then Arrah had been considered a forlorn hope , and Vincent Eyre had not taken people ’s opinion in that matter, so neither did he propose to take it in this . He had faced and defeated the

C t old hief ain once , now he meant to destroy his dominion utterly and altogether . He only waited until he was reinforced by the l oth ’ 1 o f Foot , and by 00 Rattray s Sikhs from

o n Dinapore , and then he started from Arrah h August 1 1t .

H erw ald is son . B A Wake, who the of Mr erwald Wake , of rrah ‘ : u in s u i s vi a w a s us fame D r g the e co rt mart al , a ll ger acc ed of u i n s n a nd i n n ins him m rder g ome wome ch ldre , the evide ce aga t b in s s un in hi s us in o ut e g ome boot fo d ho e . Mr . Wake po ted that i s w a s no i n a s wa s and him ui . th ev de ce , he a bootmaker, got acq tted H e sa w n ma u , however, that whe the n left the hut where the co rt w a s s s i s n s un him held , ome old er of the E gli h regi men t clos ed ro d

and us him . r a un h tled away Mr . Wake an out nd fo d they were in go g to hang him . When he interfered they threaten ed to han g him s but wa s s u b i ffi s n him al o , he re c ed y the r o cer , who war ed ’ ui b i they were q te capa le of carry ng o ut their threat . THE INDIAN MUTINY 1 09

I quote now from the same MS . account ,

“ written by one of the survivors of the defence o f

: Arrah , from which I quoted before ‘ — A ugus t 4 . Remained quiet at Arrah waiting for stores and reinforcements . Burned a village in which plundered property was found . ‘ — A ugus t 5 . Ammunition which was much

- wanted came in to day . Wake put in command

f o o ur Sikhs who were in the bungalow , and I under him . ‘ - M H . l o h A ugus t 6 . Two hundred of . t Foot

- arrived to day, and went over to where the detachment sent to o ur relief from Dinapore were so dreadfully mauled ; saw ropes hanging from the trees which evidently had been used to hang , as

. on e we suppose , the wounded We saw round of ’ 1 the skeleton s necks a piece o f rope which put an end to any doubts we might have had on the subj ect . ’ ’ in The Judge s , and his subord ate s courts were totally destroyed by fire , with all records , also the ’ magistrate s . The Collectorate had escaped , as the rebels had made it their headquarters . We ’ could from o ur bungalow see the Raj ah s parade

Sir Evelyn Wood says in hi s R evol t i n H i nd us ta n that j us t

u si A i wa s b b i n s o t de rrah road , wh ch ordered y tamar d tree , the

s s 04 B i i s i s i i l - corp e of 1 r t sh old er , who were k lled n the i l fated

fi s i i i n un . r t rel ef exped t o , were h g 1 1 0 THE INDIAN MUTINY

in the evening , and Koer Singh was seen with silver chowries (emblems of power) waving over

him . The jail is a good deal damaged ; and the

town very deserted .

‘ - A ugus t 7 a nd 8. Remained at Arrah .

‘ ’ — of A ugus t 9 . One hundred more Rattray s 500 Sikhs arrived , so that now we are nearly

strong .

‘ - A ugus t 10. Nothing doing .

‘ t — for u de s re A u u 1 1 . o g s Left Arrah J g p , the headquarters of the rebel chief ; we expect some

hard work and fighting before we get in . I went

our ou in the advanced guard with Sikhs , throwing t skirmishers at every wood and cover— met no

o ne . We . passed over the battlefield , and it seemed miraculous that o ur men escaped being

one beaten , as the rebels at time had almost entirely surrounded them , and very fortunate it was that Maj or Eyre had more than the 2 5

Highlanders with him , which was the force he at one time proposed bringing with him ; fo r such a little party would inevitably have been destroyed , ’ and the guns lost . Koer Singh had never b elieved that Sir

Vincent Eyre would go beyond Arrah , and he himself proposed to take his army to Delhi . H ow

of ever , there was no danger his being taken by

ow n surprise , for the Raj ah was in his country ;

1 1 2 THE INDIAN MUTINY

when this move produced a retort from them , 1 he opened on them a deadly hail o f grape which drew them from their Shelter . Now followed a ’ l oth sudden rush from Eyre s men of the Foot , and a hearty cheer , which drove the enemy across the stream into Dilawar and the j ungle . ’ L Estran e In the meantime Captains g and Scott , with the 5th Fusiliers , tackled the left flank of ’ of Koer Singh s army, which consisted irregulars ff both o f horse and foot . These o ered practically no resistance at all , but fell back at once on to — the j ungle that Last Hope of the Indian native .

the of Dilawar was soon in possession the English , and Eyre sent his men right and left through the j ungle (a matter o f about 1% miles in length)

of in pursuit their foes , who by now, having

e d become hopeless and dish artene , were retreating

- in all directions . By mid day Eyre had taken ’ des ore - -a - Jug p , after only about two and half hours 2 ’ fighting. Koer Singh s men had rapidly grown more and more disheartened . They could not hold the fort , and so the retreat across the j ungle had been universal . They left their guns behind , and contented themselves with only a dropping f fire rom time to time . The total loss in Koer ’ 2 00 Singh s army was about men , whilst in the

. l s n R e rea ti n . o a i a i l Col Ma le o , c o s f n I nd n Ofi ci a . 2 and s n H i s t r i n Kaye Malle o , o y of th e I ndi a n Mut y . THE INDIAN MUTINY 1 1 3

English camp there was no loss of life , only six men wounded . On August 14 th Eyre received an order

on of recall from General Outram , who was

o f his way to the relief Lucknow , and wished him to j oin forces with his army . Before he

‘ u de s ore v l left J g p , howe er , Eyre , in order more thoroughly to destroy Koer Singh ’s prestige ’ among the natives , blew up the palace (and a 2 ‘ new Hindu temple ) and principal buildings , where he had established a manufactory o f arms i and ammunit on , and had laid up large stores o f ff provisions ; and which , therefore , o ered a tempting rendezvous for malcontents in such ’ dangerous times .

It will not be forgotten that it was , ostensibly , on account of the blowing up o f the Hindu ’ temple , that Eyre s services did not meet with the recognition which was due to them at the

-in - hands of the Commander Chief . Koer Singh managed to keep his army together

for many months , and made his way to Oudh instead o f Delhi and an intermittent warfare consequently

went on between him and the English , until Sir

. s n R e rea ti ns o a n I ndi a n i i a Col Malle o , c o f Off c l . 2 On e of the survivors of the siege of Arrah tells me that he in s a s w a s us a s i i th k that the temple ed a m l tary depot, Sir Vin cent

E did i in in it n u a yre r ght hav g blow p , nd that the sub sequen t n him wa s un i a nd treatme t accorded fa r wrong. 1 1 4 THE INDIAN MUTINY

Edward L uga rd forced him back to his j ungles . Eventually he was mortally wounded whilst

crossing the Ganges , but not before he had provided for the escape of the greater part

of his army . The following MS . account of one of the offi cers in command of Sir Vincent ’ Eyre s force has been kindly lent me for . quotation . Evidently, at first , things did not go

of so unresistingly in favour the English , when ’ the chase of Koer Singh s troops across the j ungle began ‘ The mutineers for a short time seemed as if they were going to make a good

of fight it , as they kept up a steady fire

h rk from the breac wo s . Getting ahead of and separated from my Sikhs , I went with

5 for the th some time , who seemed to me j ust to fire , give a cheer, rush on , load and fire , and so on . When we rode back across the nullah (during which time the balls fell pretty thick

on or about me , and e two of our shells pa ssed over-head ; the rebels evidently had some E nfield 37 l th rifles , taken probably from the th and o , which had been defeated by them on their way

our to relief) , and the guns, where the fire was

thickest , finding Maj or Eyre here , I volunteered

' my servic es a s an or in any way I

could make myself u seful .

1 1 6 THE INDIAN MUTINY

’ the Company s caps , which showed the absurdity of the report we had heard that they were short of these necessaries . Plenty of grain was

of . stored up , which course we made use of The soldiers ‘ came out in rather extraordinary dresses in the evening , having wrapped them selves round with shawls and all kinds of native dresses . ‘ — l A ugus t 1 3 . Was cal ed at daylight to go ’ to a hunting box of Kowar Sing s , some eight miles in the j ungles , with a party of Sikhs and

. . We Europeans , to see if anyone was there had a very pleasant march through the j ungle

‘ (which reminded me a good deal of the Leather 1 ff head common , making allowances for the di erent trees) , and arrived at the place without meeting a soul ; we found it utterly deserted , except by a few geese and a tame deer, which were ’ immediately sacrificed for the men s breakfast .

o ur On leaving the place we fired the bungalow . Some of the mounted volunteers went off to

off another place , a little the road , belonging to ’ of some Kowar Sing s people , which they burned and plundered . On our return to Jugdespore we found the Sikhs had been very busy looting , at which they are perfect vultures , seeming to scent out where any money or valuables are buried .

1 L eatherhead , S urrey . THE INDIAN MUTINY 1 1 7

They began fighting among themselves , and three o f them were rather out about with tulwars . They

m o f afterwards ade a division property , and said

. 4 0 1 50 that they only got Rs , among the , but

o everyone thought they g t much more . Rather a bad feeling between the Europeans and the “ Sikhs . As the former say : Look h ow those fellows loot we get nothing , and had the heaviest ” work at the fight , which was true enough , for the Sikhs being only a Police Battalion were u almost undisciplined , and did not nderstand the skirmishing . They did not come forward quite as well as could be wished . However, I uphold

s them , as I have good rea on to do , seeing that if they had not proved faithful , I might by this time have been served as we found an f o . unfortunate spy ours , viz hung up by the hands , hamstrung , and his throat cut . There

' is no doubt they are shocking hands at plun dering , for whenever they saw a dead Sepoy , they rushed o n him and stripped him o f his

rupees in a twinkling .

‘ - A u u t 1 5 . out g s Moved into camp , and made a grand blow up of the principal buildings , and

a temple . ‘ — A ugust 16 . Marched at daylight through the

j ungle and rice fields . 1 1 8 THE INDIAN MUTINY

— Arra h where A ugus t 19 . The force arrived at , we found orders that Major Eyre was at once to go with his guns and the detachment of the

5 th to the river, where a steamer was waiting his arrival to take them up country . No

our orders for the civilians , and as last were to remain at Arrah , we did not fancy it without any troops , so Wake determined to go in during

a nd the . night inquire from the Commissioner what we were to do .

‘ — ou A ugus t 2 0. Just as Maj or Eyre got t of the gate with his men , an express came in countermanding the river route , and ordering him to go by land to Buxar, and there await a steamer. I and a few others , though we had

one 6 only horse apiece , and the distance is 2 miles , determined to ride to Dinapore for a change . We arrived there about 1 1 A . M . with the horses almost dead beat . I got another

on horse lent me , and went to Patna , and the

Fa r uharsons q , neither of whom at first recognised me , as I was so unclean and hairy about the muz zle . A nicely furnished house and well

o co ked dinner made an excellent change . Saw

Richardson , who is magistrate at Patna . Left the house about ten found my horse , which I rode into Arrah . ‘ — 2 2 . Marched at daylight . From the place

1 2 0 THE INDIAN MUTINY

must , in some degree , be that of every soldier in his first battle , on the eve of the most momentous — — discovery ln such case that could be imagined . ’ Fear , lest one s personality should not come up to the scratch , so to speak , at the most imperative

o f demand its owner ; sheer j oy, if it rises to the occasion , and clears its fence careless and

r regardless of danger . Of what pe sonal con

n e fide c can a man be gladder , than that fear prove an absolute stranger to him in the moment of his greatest emergency ? I remember talking to a man who served through the war in the

‘ Transvaal on this very subj ect . He said : When

of a you hear the whizz your first bullet in battle , perhaps you do feel in a cold sweat fo r a moment , but afterwards you get absolutely careless when they begin to whizz and patter o n ’

ou. all sides of y Wake , in describing his first

: battle in the open , says I have been in situations o f h danger often , but I was curious to know ow I sh ould feel in a Situation where it was in my

out power to court or to keep of it as I chose , and I was glad to find , that when heading o ne part o f a force under a perfect shower of

m on l eelin a i t r u bullets , y y f g w s one of bo s e o s

’ ‘ ha i ness pp (the italics are mine) , verily man is ’ a destroying animal . And he adds , You remember ’ my old doubts as a boy on this subj ect . THE INDIAN MUTINY

Indeed , there must be many of us who can ’ testify to the absolute truth of Wake s feeling of ‘ ’1 boisterous happiness . What enthusiasm of joy often rises up from the depths of o ur being when some vital moment of danger and its accompanying excitement calls us urgently into the fray of sudden action . It is the moment in which we taste the thrill of real life . No man can deny this .

‘ TH E B % FORT, U AR ,

‘ S HAHAEAD ,

u A gus t 2 7 . A R L TH ER M Y D ING MO ,

‘ Thank God I am alive and well , for nothing but His infinite mercy preserved me and

' i le ba nd my l tt not only from death , but from torture and indignities such as have everyw here been practised on offi cers who have fallen into the hands of the fiends . The whole thing was a miracle ; not only had we the three rebel regiments besieging us , but they were j oined by — the Station Guard of 150 men numbers o f disbanded and furlough Sepoys- and thous a nds ’ o f the rebel Baboo Koou t Sing s men with guns

of and matchlocks every description . Had they

O n e of the s urvivors of the Arrah siege tell s me that he b s a s bs u e ss a nd us i n remem er Wake a ol t ly fearle , joyo ly career g ’ ahead of all . 1 2 2 THE INDIAN MUTINY

persisted in any o ne of the plans they formed

for our destruction , they must have carried us by

assault in ten minutes , but every time we picked

off a few of them , what they were doing was

aban doned and something else done . They tried

out to starve us out , burn us , smoke us out; and blow us up ; but the only thing they carried on

continually, was the fire night and day from the

on opposite house , the top of which they were

under cover , and the peppering from the two

guns , the shot from which , however, seldom

came through our walls . The doors and windows were riddled with shot and bullets , which also came smack into our only living

room , and yet , although we killed and wounded

one a lot of them , we only had man wounded , and a few scratched and bruised , after a siege o f seven entire days an d nights ; God did indeed “ ” confound our enemies . Of course , when the

first attack was made , I did not expect we could

o ff possibly beat them , but after the first twenty four hours I had every confidence in our making a good fight of it , and when we got to water in o ur well , had perfect faith in our eventually ’ escaping , as we had fifteen days grain and

o f flour, and a good deal ammunition , and kept the S eikhs making cartridges faster than they used them . I had made up my mind not to be

THE INDIAN MUTINY 1 2 3 n taken alive , and , after a long conversatio as

us ifi ili w to its j t a b ty, had agreed ith another man , that if possible , when we were overpowered , we would shoot each other at the same moment . I was so thankful to hear that both Harry Sitw ell and dear Mrs . John Lewis had been in time to

or write and tell you of our safety , f I could not write in time , and I saw by the papers what sort o f of news you would get us , and you must have despaired of our life ; and after all the

of horrors you had heard , it was dreadful to think what a state of mind you would have been

a c in , especially as being eng ged in the se ond

Koo ur u dees ore campaign against Sing , at J g p ,

I could not write by the next mail again . ‘ The first relief force sent to help us from

4 50 eikh s Dinapore , consisting of 00 Europeans , S ,

of ffi C heaps o cers , and several ivilians and l volunteers , fel into an ambush close to the ffi entrance of the town , owing to the o cer in command wishing to press on , and thinking every moment was of importance to us . Pressing

o r on in the night , without an advanced guard s kirmishers , they were beaten back with fearful

— ffi killed one loss four o cers , all but wounded ,

ne 13 o volunteer killed and several wounded , 8 rank and file killed and 50 wounded , being followed up and fired on the whole way of 1 2 4 THE INDIAN MUTINY

the retreat to the boats , while they were swimming a small river —and the wounded killed on the ground by the villagers . After this there was no idea , at Dinapore , of giving us any further assistance , and we were given — up as a bad j ob very sorry for us , but nothing could be done— pleasant for the wives of three ' B - r a t Dina ore . of the pa ty, who were p y the bye I had written a letter in French to the commanding officer at Dinapore , telling him I could hold out for some days longer , and could

out I have got it of our fort , all that happened

for would have been avoided . Well , luckily us ,

sic Major Eyre (the Caubul [ ] man) arrived at Buxar , on the other side of the district , by steamer , 4 with some guns and 0 European gunners , and taking command of 1 50 of Her Maj esty’s 5 th

Infantry and a few volunteers , and Hastings (a ’ brother of Lord H untingdon s) and Jackson of

L idda ll 1 the Stud , and the Vet . and 6 volunteers , started with three of his guns for Arrah . The greater part of the rebel army met them eight miles from Arrah , flushed with their last victory , and thinking they could eat such a little handful .

However, they were mistaken , for they got a ’ thundering licking , chiefly owing to Hastings s heroic conduct , in heading a charge at a critical moment , when the guns were nearly surrounded .

1 2 6 THE INDIAN MUTINY

to be demolished , as I had information that they had retreated o n his stronghold at Jugdeespore in the Jungle , and after communication with Dinapore , ’ 1 h we got a reinforcement of Her Maj esty s 0t Foot , and set out on what was looked on by everybody but our little force as a foolhardy expedition ; many of our little garrison who were not obliged

off to to remain , started Dinapore to enj oy the sweets of reposing on their laurels ; some , however, came with us , and Maj or Eyre put me in command i of my gallant Sikhs . One hundred men of h s

ofli rs regiment were also sent to j oin us , with two c e , so that we mustered 2 00 strong of all sorts . Every body but /us looked on the expedition as a forlorn

one . , and the letters one got were like farewells ’ fo On the second day s march , j ust after a halt r

o of a cheroot and a t t grog all round , about twelve ’ o clock , our volunteer skirmishers came upon the

o f ambushes the enemy , and in five minutes we ’ were engaged . We had two hours j ungle fighting , and then we charged and scattered the brutes in every direction , killing and wounding numbers o f on them , while the loss our side was trifling .

The guns could not act much in the j ungle , but they got one dose o f grape slap in the middle of

n them . I was mounted o a little stud mare which I bought on the spot ; she carried me over mud walls and ditches , and three times through a small THE INDIAN MUTINY 1 2 7

a h eav river out of her depth , under y fire , all the time as coolly as if nothing wa s going on out of the

of way . I have been in situations danger often , but I was curious to know how I should feel in a situation where it was in my power to court or to

o keep ut of it as I chose , and I was glad to find

of that , when heading one part a force under a

of on perfect shower bullets , my only feeling was e — o f boisterous happiness verily man is a destroying v animal . Eyre mentions me ery handsomely in his 1 ’ t despatch . I don t tell you his in the way of l boasting , nor for you to ta k about , but because you may remember my o ld doubts as a boy on this subject . The enemy were in such numbers that we must have lost half our force had they ffi fired decently ; but they had no o cers , and evidently thought more of getting quickly under cover again than taking aim . The greater part , too ,

Enfield that I was exposed to , were armed with the rifles , which the unfortunate defeated force had l lost, and the ammunition cart for which had a so fallen into their hands . These they did not know h ow to use ; so that although I was mounted within forty o r fifty yards of them , and was recognised and fired at , the greater number of the bullets went

1 is A ha s us i n in Mr. Wake , the mag trate of rrah , j t r dde to H is n hi s us s s v be n m s camp . defe ce of ho e eem to ha e e al o t ’ s miraculou . 1 2 8 THE INDIAN MUTINY

over my head . Two men were struck close to me . When his troops were defeated Koer Sing abandoned his stronghold , and we marched in , finding two guns loaded and pointing down the street . If one o f them had had the pluck to stop and fire them there would have been a pretty smash among the advanced guard , as they were round a corner . We ’ took our ease in the Baboo s house for two or

o n three days , hanging all we could lay hands , and making one expedition with a small force to another house of his , where he was said to be again making a stand ; and then we blew up and burnt everything belonging to him , and returned to

Arrah , in which place , everything being destroyed , I obtained sanction to temporarily removing the station to Buxar, in the fort of which we are located with 1 50 Sikhs for the terror of evil doers ; though the rebel chiefs have not left the

o f i district , but are hiding in the j ungle , most the r troops have left them , and all is at present quiet and likely to remain so . My present worldly

three s hirts on a ir o a ck possessions are , e p f j boots with s urs tw o um r th a irs p , j pe s , ree p o s tocki s tw o ocket ha ndk hi t o f ng , p erc efs , w brushes one toothbrush thr a ir r rs , , ee p s of t ou se ,

one broken do a rt old damaged ; gc , and an bu ma re - ggy ; and a dressing case , the greater part of the contents o f which were unfortunately

1 30 THE INDIAN MUTINY

drink. The bungalow was only a billiard room ,

’ the int erstic es built on arches , between which we

w ithout m or ta r filled up with bricks , , and

- white washed outside to look like a real wall , in which we were successful . We ate parched grain till dinner, when we had , alternately, a

a damper or a little rice for dinner . I was r venous the whole time . ‘ ’ H . C . W . h This letter, of course , was written about eig t days after the expedition in Chase of Koer

Singh was brought to a close . Thus , after a cam ’ i n of pa g about three weeks , Eyre s forces were withdrawn , and his improvised troops disbanded .

‘ of 0 On the night August 2 , Eyre suddenly awakened from slumber, to find the companions of his recent toils and successes standing round his

ff of bed , to o er him the parting tribute their esteem % and gratitude . Mr . Halls read aloud the verses he had written on the defence of Arrah ; and three hearty rounds o f cheering brought the interview to an end . And the following day Eyre set o ut ’ O utra m s n ut to j oin Sir James forces , e ro e for

Lucknow .

Sir James Outram , than whom no one was quicker at recognising splendid service in the field , wrote to Sir Vincent Eyre on August 19th : Your glorious little campaign % what a refreshing TH E INDIAN MUTINY 1 3 1 contrast to the bungling that has prevailed else ’ where % If acts of devotion to one s country entitle to the Cross , then surely the devotion which you displayed at Arrah to your country , a nd the advantage that resulted to the country ’

of . from that act , ought to secure it to you all men ’

. h Yet the coveted V C . was never given . Bot Havelock and Outram ‘ repeatedly mentioned ’ Eyre honourably in their despatches ; 1 and ‘ of Outram called him in one these , the gallant

’ Brigadier Eyre , whose victories at Arrah and Jugdespore have already given him a European ’ reputation .

Many other instances might be given o f ’ O utra m s readiness to recognise courageous service

in the field . From among them may be chosen

r the following sto y (hitherto unpublished) , in

relation to the relief of Lucknow . It is quoted from a letter to his mother from Captain Stafford ’ O utra m Bailey , of General s force , and it is a story

o f daring pluck and courage .

‘ We captured the two guns and pushed on again at the “ double under a tremendous fire

foe from the invisible , until we were checked by

o f the fire three guns placed at the bridge . I ,

from my position , happened to be the first man on

C the bridge , losely followed by Arnold . I reached

1 n r a ti n a l Col . Malleso , Rec e o s of a n I ndia n Offici 1 32 TH E INDIAN MUTINY

the middle of the bridge , received a shock , and remember no more that occurred until some hours ” o f r subsequently . A shower g ape was poured in over the prostrate upon the leading division. Poor ’ r Arnold s leg was broken , the guns captu ed , and many of the m en bayonetted . Afterwards

s when I was in hospital , Sir James Outram aid to “ me on hearing where I had been hit , Ah that bridge affair will be a great credit to you %

In a letter to Eyre , written when Arrah siege ,

of and Koer Singh , were things the past , Outram speaks very warmly o f his services : I avail myself of on e of few the leisure moments allowed me , to

ou for thank y the able , zealous , and invaluable service you have rendered me ; to give utterance to the strong feeling of admiration with which I f regard you as a man , a soldier , and an o ficer ; and to assure you of the warm affection I bear to you f f as a riend . Your uture career I shall continue ff to watch with deep and a ectionate interest , and

o r if at any time , in any manner, I can be of the

ou slightest service to y , I shall esteem it alike a personal favour and an honour to be permitted to aid you . But you are now far above the

for necessity help from anyone , for you have well and fairly earned the higher position the ff Service a ords , and doubtless will obtain it when f ’ opportunity of ers .

1 34 THE INDIAN MUTINY during an action ; she bestows prize -money upon men wh o were hundreds o f miles from the place

% o f ff capture , whilst those by whose daring e orts and brilliant victories in the vicinity , that capture was made possible , are left unrewarded . She showers with an indiscriminate hand , crosses and n decoratio s ; whilst an action , which in any other country in the world would have raised the originator to high command and great honours , which in France was regarded as the brilliant

of action the mutiny campaign , is in England rewarded with a decoration such as is ordinari ly given to military men for the most ordinary services . It will never be forgotten that it was Vincent Eyre who first dealt the most fatal and deadly

‘ blow to the rebellion , at whose hands the mutineers first received a retribution as prompt as ff it was e ective . Looking at men as they are , we may well assert that there are very few wh o would have taken upon themselves the responsi bili ty at which Eyre so eagerly clutched . There

i for was no tarry ng , no delay , no telegraphing instructions , no sheltering himself under the wing o f others . For , however much some people may be inclined to undervalue the effect o f the great success of Arrah , this we know for a fact , that at the time it was regarded as the turning

. B - H O R TO K . G . S U RG EO N G EN E R A L S IR JA M ES T N N ,

1 36 THE INDIAN MUTINY rewarded ; and but for an accidental meeting with

E re w ou ld ha ve been or otten Sir Hugh Rose , y f g , since the incapable general of Danapur was soon afterwards dismissed from his post , and the services of those who worked under him were ’ disregarded . 1 And Sir J . Howard Thornton , in his Memories ’ ‘ o f : o f Seven Campaigns , says Speaking the

f f sa de ence and relie of Arrah , strange to y, nothing has ever been done for the force that so gallantly saved them , though a clasp might well have been granted to signalise a victory , which

t of n o only rescued the garrison Arrah , but ’ crushed the rebellion in the province o f Behar .

D a il N ews of 2 2 1 85 8 o f The y January , ,

‘ : which I have seen a copy, said The country rings with the well - earned praises of Inglis and ’ his heroic garrison ; Wake s defence of the Arrah bungalow was in every respect a miniature edition — of Lucknow . The same stake the same similar ’ — — a odds equal pluck like issue .

‘ In the article entitled The Havelocks of the ’ H om ew a rd M a il o f Civil Service in the , 1 6 1 85 7 October , , mention is made of Sir John

Lawrence , Sir Bartle Frere , Mr . Robert Tucker ,

Mr . Ross Mangles , and Mr . Wake , whose defence ’ of Arrah Sir Vincent Eyre called miraculous .

1 ’ Who came to Arrah with Si r Vi ncent Eyre s relief force . T H E MAGIST RATE O F GHA% IPU R ; AN D H OW H E H ELPE D FO RWARD T H E REL I E F O F ARRAH

A M AN landed in India in the early months of the

— 1 5 7— o f Mutiny year 8 who , in his capacity

of o f magistrate Ghazipur, was to be great service in the expedition to Arrah , as well as a steady; calming influence in his own district .

John Henry Bax (afterwards Bax - Iron side)

- was about twenty nine at this time , having been 1 born in December 82 7 . He was the eldest son f o f . o Mr John Bax , the Bombay Civil Service , who had served in India for about twenty years . 1 of o f He was President Indore , head the East

India Company, and the first Englishman who ever rode through Persia .

‘ ’ The name Bax is o f Dutch origin ; and the ancestors of Mr . Bax came over to England with William o f Orange . Ralph and Marcellus

o n o f Bax were knighted the field battle , and

1 h e i n i li i si n i i s T Mahratta pr c pa ty , compr g terr tor e of the

H ol ka r dynas ty . 1 38 TH E INDIAN MUTINY

’ ‘ mention is made o f them in Motley s United ’ Netherlands . John Bax— father o f John Henry Bax— married

- le - a Miss Ironside , of Houghton Spring , who was descended from King Edmund Ironside . She made over the Houghton property to her son

on (during her widowhood) , the condition that

’ ‘ ’ he should take her father s name of Ironside . This he did in amalgamating the coats o f whic h a re now arms , , held by the family by

o f letters patent , obtained by the payment several hundreds of pounds . The younger branches of the family have since called themselves ‘ ’ Ironside Bax . 1 84 3 He was at Eton in , under the head mastership of Dr . Hodgson . In the records to which I have had access , there is an Indenture

‘ o f 4 3 e between John Bax Wimpole Stre t , and the East India in which mention is made o f

of 1 9 the appointment John Henry Bax , now , to

o f be a member the Civil Service in Bengal . He

‘ went out to India , by the overland route , on

0 1 4 . November 2 , 8 7

1 In L nd n Ga z ette 1 9 1 86 wa s the o o of October , 6, there a ‘ notice that the Q uee n had been plea s ed to gran t H er Royal ’ ‘ Licence a nd authority that John H enry B a x a nd hi s i ssue may un 1 866 a nd n use s u n n si from J e, , take he ceforth the r ame of Iro de , i n i i n a nd Ba x a nd add t o to after that of , that he they may bear ’ s nsi x the arm of Iro de with thos e of Ba .

1 4 0 THE INDIAN MUTINY

&c . gang robberies , murders , , and everywhere disorder reigned . 4 On July , finding that the force under his

on command was not to be depended , he asked fo r reinforcements ; and there were sent two

- five o f 64 th days later , forty soldiers the Foot , and two officers . The next day the expedi tion set out , and a village in which in subordination had been rife was attacked , the mutineers dispersed , and order restored . Then on 2 5th came the n ews of the mutiny o f the three Sepoy regiments at Dinapore , and their march to Arrah . i Mr . Bax thus mentions his own share n the

o expedition under Sir Vincent Eyre , which set ut on the 3oth instant

‘ — Gh a z ee oor - five 2 9 . Left p with twenty

78th of Highlanders of the , and three . guns Maj or ’ of Eyre s Battery , with an appropriate number

L a d B la ckw ell artillerymen , in the steamer y , and arrived at Buxar at 9 R M .

‘ — o n 30. Went shore and preparations were made for our march to Arrah to relieve the

of garrison there , invested by the Mutineers the

Dinapore Regiments . We marched all night , a weary, uncomfortable , and troublesome j ourney, ’ twelve hours o n foot . The letters which follow were written to his THE INDIAN MUTINY 1 4 1

wife by Mr . Bax during the expedition o f which

o f his diary has been speaking , and the first them was written on 3oth instant .

B % u l U AR , J y

'

2 P . M .

The post goes at four , but as we are all busy for o ur start I sit down and write at

. fo 4 o 5 once We shall not be back , deary, r r

a nd relieve days , as we must go . the poor people f shut up in Arrah , though I am a raid there is little hope of saving them . O ur force musters

1 50 of 5 4 0 the th (Fusiliers) , artillerymen , and

- three guns, two nine pounders and a howitzer , beside some 2 0 volunteer cavalry ; so we are

of . well backed up , and are confident success

There is no danger at hand , the country here being perfectly quiet but these are troublous times , and the storm is bursting all round .

I do not expect to get to Arrah till the third day .

And if we manage it , we intend to let the steamer drop down and fetch us up and go straight back to Gha z e epoor.

‘ The accounts last received from Arrah are no t favourable to the authorities shut up in the ’ Collector s Kutcherry , and we very much fear 1 4 2 THE INDIAN MUTINY

that some , if not a great many , are killed , there were twelve in all , and fifty Sikhs , who were all doing their best to save themselves ,

h u but no assistance was at hand . C pra h is deserted by the authorities . I am still very

h z r G a ee oo . anxious about you , deary , at p I depend on your good sense to view the matter in a calm religious manner . I am in great hopes that the Patna commissioner 1 has already made arrangements to relieve me . I go forth

God with a firm trust in , and a knowledge that ’ I am doing my duty. ’ 1 st % On August he wrote from illah Arrah , eighteen mile s from the station .

We have not heard from Dinapore in answer to a letter we sent in a steamer . Major Eyre

old f is an experienced artillery o ficer , and there f 5 are six o ficers of the th Fusiliers , besides many volunteers . We have found everything quiet ; some of the villages have been looted around , and are still in great fear . His diary for this date contains the news that he has but j ust heard of the fate o f the unfortunate expedition under Captain Dunbar : Heard o f the 1 2 th mutiny of the Irregulars , and of the murder f o &c . Major Holmes and his wife , ; and also o f

1 i i Mr. W ll am Tayler .

1 4 4 TH E INDIAN MUTINY

4 000 and 5000 o f all sorts We halted f A . M . o on at 10 in a small tope trees the road . We here buried o ne o f the 5th who had

died of cholera . We commenced o ur march

at noon , making a flank movement to the 1 right skirting the nullah , intending to cross it

at the railway , where we expected to find a

our bridge . On way we were continually fired

upon . Proceeding about two miles , we arrived

o f at a tope of trees , in front which was a brick

of kiln , and plenty bricks heaped up . The

railway embankment was on o ur right . On the

left and in front , the country was very wooded .

our We here made a stand and planted guns ,

on for and acted solely the defensive , the firing

o f the enemy was very continuous and heavy . f Their bugles sounded requently for the charge , and they were evidently closing in upon o ur f little band . A ter being nearly an hour here , it was thought better to make a charge with 5 the bayonet . The th rallied , the guns were

. vol n limbered up , the baggage collected The u teers were ready and a Charge was made in

earnest . The enemy at once fled , and we gained

the open country , our loss being two artillery

o f men killed , and thirteen wounded , both the artillery and of the 5 th . One offi cer (Oldfield)

1 ’ u i N llah , r ver . THE INDIAN MUTINY 1 4 5 wa s wounded . Having gained the open

o f country out shot , we were unmolested until we pulled up at a A few shots from a house across the nullah were fired into us ,

no o f but we took notice this . We were engaged

‘ at night in repairing the bridge . We were about four miles from Arrah , and expected to ’ ’ be attacked during the night . The next day s

M . wa s entry states that at 3 A . news received

‘ that the Arrah people were all right , and ’ that the Sepoys had left the place . Later, after Mr . Wake had ridden into camp , the ‘ march was made into Arrah . The house in which they fortified themselves was riddled

of with balls . dead carcases horses and Sepoys were lying about impregnating the air with putrid odours . We hung several wounded Sepoys , and those who had taken service under Koowa r Singh The defence altogether was most gallant . The enemy opposed to us during o ur engagement were armed with the E nfield rifles which they had taken from the

Europeans of the ill - fated expedition under

Capt . Dunbar . As soon as the rebels had dispersed the villagers came immediately to our ’ assistance . ’ h e In a letter to his wife , describing t day s ‘ : fighting , he says The bullets actually were as 1 4 6 TH E INDIAN MUTINY

h ow thick and close as rain , and we were not

' The rebels one all killed is a miracle . were at

one time within sixty yards of the guns . At time I thought that I should not see you again .

There were thousands against us , and many armed with the rifles which they had taken from the Europeans killed of the party from

350 1 50 . Dinapore . men were sent and (l) killed

So the Patna commissioner - writes me in a letter this morning , and therefore true and authentic . The villagers all round are crowding to assist ’ us now the rebels have gone . On the 4 th Bax wrote in his diary : Rode o ut

- in the afternoon beyond Arrah i mile , the scene f o f the engagement and ambuscade o the Sepoys .

It was a melancholy sight . Numerous accoutre

o f ments European soldiers were lying about .

- or Bodies half buried eaten up . Ropes pending from trees , showing how many had been hung .

Shakos lying about in every direction . It was cert ainly the most insane step that could have been taken , for the country was thickly

. on wooded It was quite dark , and yet they c

n -I tin ed their march , thinking , suppose , that three entire regiments well armed would flee at the

of 3 0 o f approach 5 men the Europeans . Out o f the whole number , only fourteen returned to ’ un t d Dinapore ou che .

1 4 8 THE INDIAN MUTINY

despatched to relieve Arrah has been defeated , and driven back with great loss in men and offi cers .

Under these circumstances , it would be very unwise to march with so small a force as 1 50 men and three guns . The rebels are in great force , having been , as it is supposed , j oined by some f f I. o o 5 th N . companies the 2 , with a supply ammunition .

‘ We are about here to occupy a military pontine at Dinapore , and the obj ect will be to concentrate as many steamers and troops as possible , and , when strong enough , strike an effective blow at the enemy .

‘ I now send your letter to the general , and if he approves the idea , I would suggest that you come down to Dinapore with the troops and guns , where , if more come , we may be able to ff act e ectively . If he does not , I have requested him to add to this note whatever he may advise . Another unsuccessful attempt would be productive of the worst consequences .

‘ When next we strike we must hit hard o r not at a ll .

‘ Yours sincerely,

A LER . W . T Y

‘ B — N . . The force that marched to relieve the THE INDIAN MUTINY 1 4 9

Arrah garrison consisted of 350 Europeans and 60 150 Sikhs ; Europeans have been killed , and there is scarcely a man not hurt . 2 8 Sikhs were ’ killed .

From this letter it seems that the first expedition really suffered far more than other

‘ accounts led one to believe there is s c a rc ely a ’ h u t m a n not r . Toll was taken , practically, from every single man o f the party . On the back o f the letter from Tayler is

‘ written : This is the original letter sent to me

o f by Mr. Tayler , Commissioner Patna . It reached me j ust after we had successfully engaged and defeated the enemy , which the letter warned us to avoid . There is no telling what would have been the consequences to the

z . whole of Tirhoot , Behar , Gha ipur , &c , if the letter had reached us before we went into action . ‘ ’ - . B Ax J I RON S IDE .

’ B x 5 h Mr . a s diary for th and 6t August

‘ contains these words : Remained at Arrah .

of The sick and wounded , with a few the Arrah people , were sent into Dinapore . News was ’ h f . t brought o a rising at Gija On the 7 inst . h e and his servant left Arrah , and reached the 1 39 THE INDIAN MUTINY

Ganges at noon . Here they found 1 50 Sikhs

M c D onell under the command of , who had shown such pluck and promptitude in saving life during the retreat and defeat of the first ex

pedition to Arrah . They had come to punish a village for having ill -treated the Europeans at

that time . 6th In a letter to his wife , dated August , he

writes : Koor Singh is at Jugdespoor. One regi

ment has deserted him , and two are still with ,

him . They have no guns and are short of

for caps . Koor Singh is fishing about assist

ance he is very short of money, and is letting ’ the Sepoys loot his own villages for money . This

in itself reveals , more than anything else , to what a strait he had come ; for hitherto he had been

very popular with his people , and had really done a great deal at one time to deserve their respect and affection .

‘ re The field force here , after having been

100 on inforced by Sikhs from Buxar, is going to

u de s oor J g p , and thence , if all is well , to protect the Trunk Road . I think Koor Singh has no ’ obj ect but to retain Arrah .

n On the 8th , when he was o board the steamer

B ulliah on to off , his way back Ghazipur, his last letter to his wife was written .

‘ You will be glad to hear of our safe

1 32 THE INDIAN MUTINY

o ut of themselves as anything the common . There are a few whose religion backs them up so unfalteringly that duty alone is the thing worth

of considering , and the fact whether their action wins public approbation , or whether their own life is the forfeit , are things absolutely beside the mark . Among these few was John Henry Bax , 1 magistrate of Ghazipur .

The disarming had to be done . That was all that mattered : and he faced the rebels— unarmed —and that something which in a man ’s real self comes to the front in these crucial moments ,

on had its effect the mutineers , and they did what they were told to do at once , unhesitatingly .

1 . On October st Bax was appointed by Mr . J P .

- o f Grant , Lieut . Governor , to be Superintendent

on Supplies for Troops the Grand Trunk Road , ‘ of and was given as well , powers Collector and

M irz a oor Magistrate in the districts of Benares , p , ’ Allahabad and Futtehpore . But he was obliged to decline , as he had been ill with fever since his

not return from Arrah , and was able to stand the exposure and fatigue which such a post would have entailed . And now it is necessary to say a few words

1 e s b si A s n a x a s On of tho e e eged at rrah tell me he k ew Mr. B ’ ui and s n not stron in bu i in i n q et plea a t, very g health , t w th determ at o hi s marked on face. THE INDIAN MUTINY 1 5 3 about two men whose strong characters influenced all— both Europeans and natives— with whomthey

came in contact at this time : Mr . Henry Carre

Tucker, Commissioner, and Frederick Gubbins ,

Judge , of Benares . Colonel Malleson tells us that f . o Mr Gubbins had acquired , by a grand display

energy in a local crisis , an immense ascendency

over the minds of the people . Lord Canning also

was strongly impressed by his abilities . Mr . Carre Tucker 1 had thus written to him with regard

‘ to Gubbins : He is a very superior man feel very thankful to have such a coadj utor to make

up for my own great deficiencies . He is carrying on the work in this district most ener i ll ge t c a y. Under the blessing of Providence he has been the mean s of securing great peace and ’ quiet in the city and neighbourhood . Mr . Carre

Tucker had such perfect confidence that his work , carried on as he believed a Christian should carry

it on , was blessed by Heaven , that he persisted in despising all human means o f defence He even went so far as to say that to take precautions of f f h 2 the sort was in point o fact a want O fait . He

: wrote to Lord Canning Rather against my wish ,

1 Tu wa s in a su n u i Mr. cker gre t mea re a fa ati c and f ll of fa th , d b w a s u h But a n no dou t m ch respected by t e Hin dus of Benares . in s hi s un w a s in worldly matter for co try he s mo t practically m ded ,

rea d to i his i and n c u s so. y help w th all m ght, to e o rage other to do 2 H i s t r o t n n u n an d s n h e I dia M ti . Kaye Malle o , o y f y 1 34 THE INDIAN MUTINY

’ but by advice of Messrs . Gubbins and Lind (magis

of trate of Benares) , and at the entreaty European

residents , arms and ammunition have been issued ’ For o ut to all who require them . himself, he had often declared that in case of an attack by the

‘ o ut rebels , he would go to meet them with a ’ out Bible . Every evening he rode in the most

C . exposed parts of the ity, with no escort He did not ow n a single weapon of any description with

which to defend himself if need were , except a ’ - hea vy handled riding whip .

There are extant some little drab - covered volumes containing the demi -o ffic ia l correspond

ence of Mr . Carre Tucker and Mr . F . B . Gubbins

. 1 57 1 with Mr Bax , dating from October 8 to 859 . What I ca n see of the remains of these volumes

somehow gives me the impression that Mr . Carre ’ not Tucker s talents did lie in a literary direction .

for But there are not many remains , his and Mr . Gubbins’ letters are bound up between the cut

’ ‘ o ut leaves of the former s Brief History of the

r Jews , f om the Time of Abraham to the Last ’ Rebellion under the Emperor Adrian . This work ,

- I see by the title page , was published by the Calcutta Christian Tract and Book Society in

1 857 . And instead of being any longer a ‘ Brief ’ of History th e Jews , in the case of one volume

1 56 THE INDIAN MUTINY

5 1 5 35 3 meet this I have carts , it is true , but only pairs of bullocks .

Bullocks are my great diffi culty . I can make carts , but I cannot manufacture bullocks when m t they do not exist . Cattle fit for carts we us have by the hundred .

If you can send over 500 pairs do so sha rp .

ou We look to y for cattle , so you must not ’ disappoint us . Nothing is impossible . Don t have such a word in your Dictionary . J ust remember that men , with an incredible amount of ordnance and commissariat stores m us t be passed up to the N W. to restore our

'

. 80 u our Empire j ust make p . y mind to send

u me 1000 carts and b llocks , with at least 500

our extra pairs of bullocks for Benares carts , as quick as lightning . The thing must be done , unless you wish to see some thousands of

English troops kicking their heels here , while urgently wanted elsewhere . He goes on to

‘ a il i hi say : D o not f us n t s job. The efficient performance of this job will be one mode of dis tinguishing yours elf pec ulia rly a ccepta bl e to ’

M r . Gra n t .

one In of his later letters to Bax , he says ‘ I think your part in the Arrah affair is little k ’ nown . And I cannot help quoting here Frederick Gubbins’ stray words to the same effect sent to his ’ THE INDIAN MUTINY 1 57

' ‘ chief : I would in the Gha z eepoor District par

tic ula rl o f . . x y notice the conduct Mr J Ba (Ironside) , the Joint Magistrate who accompanied Maj or V . Eyre to Arrah in perhaps the most brilliant passage of arms that has been witnessed on this ’ side o f India during the rebellion .

In the letter from Mr . Carre Tucker from which I am now going to quote , he gives a salutary warning as regards the lesson English

men should have learnt by the mutiny , if they do not want the next row to be infinitely — worse a warning which is one we at the present day should do well to lay to heart more

‘ : 1858. than we do February 2 8, Thanks for your very kind and friendly note of Fare

well . I feel myself more and more drawn

to the Religious point of view . The great problem at present is to bring the stray Christian feeling of the English middle classe s to bear intelligently upon the Government and the administration o f

affairs here . We must try to make all the

Christians in India worthy of the name , if we ’ hope to retain God s blessing .

‘ If we do not take warning by this mutiny,

, depen d upon i t the nex t row will be infin itely ’

w orse.

In 1 860 Mr . Bax was awarded a medal by

t o f the Home Depar ment the Indian Government , 1 38 THE INDIAN MUTINY

for ‘ general distinguished service during the ’ Mutiny ; and later on appointed , by Royal War

‘ a of rant , Companion the Most Honourable ’ Order of the Bath . 1 6 ffi In 8 2 he was in o ce at Benares , and i winning h gh praise from the J udge there . In 1 867 he was appointed to Agra , and did valuable

s ervice as Civil and Sessions Judge there . From this post he retired in After his return ff to England , he su ered a great deal from ill

health , and the doctors considered that his

1 8 9 was death in 7 largely due to overwork , f and the ef ect of the climate , while he was in

1 f - India . He was only fi ty two at the time of his

death . Bax was a great rider and keen sportsman ; an unfailing shot where leopards and tigers were

o f concerned . In one his shooting expeditions his gun brought down a large man -eating tiger which had j ust eaten thirteen postmen % So that probably many letters went astray at that time .

1 A n ss w a s i e him on in hi s lo g addre del ver d to leav g, from “ u ffi i s in i s s u : Y ou v co rt o c al , wh ch the e word occ rred ha e ever li sten ed patien tly to all arguments addre s sed in the Co urt of in a nd e us i s i n s i plead g, have protect d the j t r ght of Cl e t , wh le at ’ a r the same time you have educated the B .

B R l GA D l E R - E E R L H L O G N A NIC O S N .

F ro m a i o ra B a i n l th g ph by g e t .

B y i n p e r m i s s w n o f D r . T e o o re a x w e l h is n e e w k d h d M l , ph LETT E RS FRO M J O H N N I CH OLSO N AN D OT H E RS

TH E name of John Nicholson is one that rings through the hearts of many a man and

- woman in England to day . Though it is more than fifty years ago since the man who bore it

o n died splendidly, while leading his troops at the storming of Delhi during the Indian Mutiny , yet because of the magnificent strength and

of consistency his character, it stands as a watchword for all ages , as long as England is still England . Fo r what was it that was so compelling about Nicholson ’s individuality ? Before all things it was

lfish n unse ess . its power , its rare His greatest friend ,

‘ o f Sir Herbert Edwardes , speaks these two

of : r o f phases his character the powe his public , the tenderness of his private life ’ Individual

of power is the most compelling force all . To be strong and consistent are qualities none too common . Some of us can be strong , splendidly,

but brilliantly, strong on occasion , there are very few who can be both continuously . For most 1 5 9 1 60 THE INDIAN MUTINY men have their weak times— times when they f break away rom their moorings , and are well aware they are neither strong nor consistent , but lamentably, contemptibly weak . It may be their friends do not outwardly subscribe to the fact that a they have f iled , but none the less , the subconscious self in each man of them has , with inexorable pen , registered the temporary break in the continuity of the character . It may be their friends find their love no whit diminished by this break , for there is no doubt whatever, that there is incalculable charm in brilliancy , in spontaneity , in passion . Yes , but there comes sooner or later a turn in the tide , a time when the wind drops and the sails

flap idly , and the buoyancy of swinging freely

i o f before the w nd a brilliant wit , on the tide of a wonderful charm of personality, is exchanged fo r a sudden stagnation when conditions alter, and — . then then it is that the value of an absolute unchanging strength and consistency of character is felt most absolutely . John Nicholson was f like a rock against which tides had no ef ect . He was not perha ps always popular among his

fi brother of cers ; he was too taciturn , quiet and reserved . He was not a brilliant talker , he was not a brilliant writer . But he was a strong do fift er , and that fact saved India to us in the y

- years ago time when we so nearly lost her .

TH E H E R O F JO H I H M O T N N C O LS O N .

( Ta k e n fo r h i m be fo re t h e M ut i n y t e a s a d ouble D a g ue r ro yp ) . THE INDIAN MUTINY 1 61

These letters have been quoted from by ’ o f Colonel Trotter in his Life John Nicholson ,

in toto but they have never before been given , and

they are well worth reading as a whole . I am indebted for the possibility o f offering them to the

of public now, to the great kindness my friend

. o f w Dr Theodore Maxwell , Wool ich Common ,

nephew of John Nicholson . John Nicholson never fulfilled wha t so many people regard as one o f the great objects of

existence % He never married . There are those among us who hold that there are natures whom

a strong friendship with a man , can so satisfy

o f that they ask no more , but with many us men ’ ffi w om en s it is di cult to forgo friendship and love . It may be that Nicholson was one of those who

could forgo it . His mother was his greatest

friend . To those who read his letters and can

construe them with inward perception , it is clear that his mother stayed in the same place in his thoughts out in India as she had done while he was

o f in England . His own points view remained

the same , there , as here . To travel , and yet mentally to keep in sight of home bearings is

rare . Nicholson was rare in this , as he was rare in force of character and consistency ; as he was rare in his faithful friends hip with his mother . 1 62 THE INDIAN MUTINY

The earliest letter to which I have access

18 one from Mrs . Nicholson to her son John .

He was at school at Dungannon , County Tyrone , where he had been sent in his twelfth year.

This letter was written when the boy was fifteen , and evidently he had overstepped his weekly allowance , for his mother (though she asks the head - master to supply him with the necessary

enjoins on her son the necessity of, in future , being content with the weekly sum allowed him . It is clear, I think , for many reasons , that John Nicholson took this letter of ’ his mother s to heart ; at any rate his after character showed that he had carried her words as the breastplate of his character as regards

‘ ’ gaining an honourable independence hereafter, ‘ ’ and being afraid of nothing . To whom can we point as being more splendidly ‘ afraid of nothing more surely than to the hero of Delhi ? In the hands of the Mother is the building of the ship of character upon which her : son ’ for puts to sea his life s voyage . It is true that it often happens that a good but weak mother ’ proves but a poor ship s carpenter, and her son meets with shipwreck on the high seas ; but it is also equally true that every really great ’ man has had the planks of his character s

1 64 TH E INDIAN MUTINY

ou do . I want y to be an open , manly character ,

thin of afra id of no g but doing what is wrong .

dili en t You will , if you are g in your studies n w o , have the opportunity of gaining an honour able independence hereafter. In the meantime you must endeavour to acquire good principles , ff f good habits , and a su icient degree o know ledge and information to carry you respectably

' ever bea r through life , and in mind that without a good character, education cannot serve you .

Mr. Ormsby told us in his sermon last night ,

ra ed ou ht that if we p y as we g , we would strive

. o f to live as we prayed Think this , dearest , ? and ask yourself, how do I pray

‘ Your Sisters and Brothers unite in love with ,

own dearest John , your Mamma , ’ C . N ICH OLSON.

h h n F rom Jo n Nic ols o to his M other .

LEC R O LE ,

t ber 1 3 1839 Oc o , .

‘ EAR TH ER MY D M O ,

‘ I believe I mentioned to you in my last letter from Calcutta that I was appointed to do duty with the 4 l st Native Infantry at

. on 1 th Benares I left Calcutta the 2 of August , THE INDIAN MUTINY 1 65

and in three weeks I arrived at Benares . Mr .

Dickens , the gentleman I was staying with in

o f Calcutta , gave me a letter introduction to

L inde sa a Dr . y, Civil Surgeon here , and I

for remained with him three weeks , and then removed into a bungalow within cantonments , and I have been living here all alone for the last four weeks , which is not the most agreeable thing in the world when you have servants who cannot

one o f speak word English , and you yourself

o f are master about fifty . I should have

ou written to y by the last overland , which left about a fortnight ago , but I was laid up with a severe bilious attack (the only one I have had) and unable to write . I do not know what I should have done , had not Uncle Richardso n most luckily happened to be in Benares at the time , and he very kindly came over very often and saw I had everything I required . He has

o f made me a present a horse . Uncle James told me I should not keep a horse for the first

now three or four years , I could not do without on e not . A civilian might , but I could walk about

- i & . c c & . in the sun to court mart als , parades ,

‘ Perhaps you would like to hear h ow I am

ou. getting on , so I will tell y I pay forty

for rupees a month for my bungalow, thirty

-five for food , forty servants (I am obliged to 1 66 THE INDIAN MUTINY

keep nine of them) , seventeen to military funds , ’ seven for my horse s food , and twelve for all .

Then there are clothing , postage , and other t minor expenses . I am now living wi hin my pay and can do it easily, but I am not yet perma

- uently posted , and I may be ordered to morrow to go and j oin a corps some hundreds of miles up country ; then I have to buy a tent , to hire

&c . camels , , so that if I was to remain always

n in o e station I could have money, but I must

. 4 00 incur these expenses A tent costs rupees ,

r which it would take me a yea to save up .

- If I am ordered to march to morrow, I have not

e one for 4 00 rup es to buy (a camel) , I have been only two months receiving pay ; however, I am

off an d very well have no reason to complain , on the contrary , I am thankful for having got i such a good appo ntment . I am getting very steady, and I am beginning to learn the language . When you write will you give me a full account of how everything goes on at home , and how you are and the children . You will be glad to hear that in consequence S of ome new Regiments going to be formed , it is not improbable I shall get my Lieutenancy in twelve months . I go to Church every

Sunday, and read my Chapter every day as you advised me .

1 68 THE INDIAN MUTINY

f o f habitable buildings , but rom the haste with

re which they were necessarily constructed , they a

very ugly and badly planned . Since my arrival here I have been sharing a stable with a brother

f . o ficer, until I can build something better My

new house shall not , however , cost more than

o o f thirty or forty pounds . Even the laying ut that sum will put me to some inconvenience

for a few months , as the expense was quite

unexpected . ‘ ‘ I like what I have seen of my brother oflic e rs

first very much , and the corps is considered a

one . rate My march up here was very pleasant ,

being in the coldest part of the year . I , however,

met with two losses , great ones to a subaltern . At Meerut one of my servants robbed me of my

Ka rnoul spoons and forks , and at my tent was

cut open at night , by some practised thieves ,

and a small trunk in which were my pistols ,

my dressing case , which belonged to my poor

father, about ten pounds in money, and various

r off. other articles , we e carried As usual all

attempts to discover proved of no [avail ?J. On

- of my arrival here , the twenty third this month , I wa s much gratified to find your letters of date n November and December awaiti g my arrival . Y o u write that Uncle Hogg has offered a cadet ship for Alexander if the Nicholson family will THE INDIAN MUTINY 1 69

f 1 no or f . t pay his out it I am sure they would ,

not and asking would only irritate them . I do besides think Alexander at all fitted for it . Should the Bellinghams offer to make A NYTH ING f o ff . him , I would by all means accept their o er

fo r A cadetship would do J ames , when he is sixteen , much better, and I think that by that time I might be able to pay his outfit and

fa r passage ; I mean , if I am at all fortunate as

. n ow 3rd as promotion goes I am Ensign , and if in two o r three years I should get my

or Lieutenancy, and should get an Adj utancy

or Interpretership , any little regimental promotion ,

s h im out . I could , I am ure , bring

‘ I am very sorry to hear you have met with so & c . much annoyance respecting rents , I hope matters have been settled to your satisfaction

by this time , but , my dear mother , I never would (as long as there was the remotest probability

o f matters being amicably settled) , expose one

o f my own relations by a law suit .

Believe me , dearest Mother ,

‘ Your ever affectionate Son ,

‘ ’

H S . J . N IC OL ON

‘ Ma r ch

1 B hi s b s A n a nd s n out n i oth rother , lexa der Jame , we t to I d a

n a d died o ut there . 1 79 THE INDIAN MUTINY

This postscript follows ‘ I do not know whether I mentioned to you that I had managed to preserve the little locket with your hair in it . It was the only thing worth a shilling that was kept by any of us ; and

I was allowed to keep it , because , when desired to give it up , I lost my temper and threw it ’ at the Sirdar s head , which was certainly a

- thoughtless, and head endangering act . How ever, he seemed to like it , for he gave strict orders that the locket was not to be taken ’ from me .

It has been often said that Nicholson , though i absolutely j ust , and a rigid d sciplinarian with the natives under his command , was yet , from his unyielding sternness , and unbending de termination to be obeyed at all costs, far more feared than loved . There have been grim stories circulated as to punishments he caused to be executed on rebellious natives . It may be said with truth , that he had no touch of that strong sym pathy which laid the foundation of that wonderful friendship and understanding which v existed between James Outram , Colonel O ans, and others, and the natives under their employ and j urisdiction . But very early in his Indian career Nicholson had had to pass through the

1 7 2 THE INDIAN MUTINY relieve another regiment which was serving in

an d 1 84 Afghanistan , in January 2 the war , against

- which , had the authorities been more far seeing , precautions might have been taken , suddenly flamed in their midst . Defeat followed for Colonel Palmer and the English at Ghazni . Provisions ran short ; ff winter was upon them , the a air was hopeless from the very first . All who were not shot down by the

Afghans were imprisoned , and among these last was John Nicholson . After a long imprisonment the prisoners were released by the advance of ’ Sale s column from Argandab , and with him was

Sir Henry Lawrence .

S i a h i ht H n . r m i H To t e R g o J es We r ogg .

E % E P E F RO OR , ‘ Apri l 6, 1 84 0.

EA R LE MY D U NC ,

‘ ‘ I arrived here on the twenty- third o f

o f last month , after a march nearly three months from Benares . I was much gratified to find by letters from home up to December last , all were well . From what I have seen of my Regiment (the 2 7th) I like it very much it is a corps highly spoken O h ‘ The Station is a very unpleasant one for a new comer , as there are no houses to be let . Ten years ago there was not a habitation of any TH E INDIAN MUTINY 1 73

description to be seen here , and it was only when the Army of the Indus marched past last year that orders were given for three regiments to but themselves for the approaching winter . At present each offi cer on his arrival builds

f r a bungalow o himself . I must follow this

on plan , as the hot weather is coming , and

of build a couple rooms , which will last me as long as the Corps remains here . ‘ I am now sharing with a brother offi cer the f stable ofan o ficer who has gone to Cabul . We are all on the qui vive for intelligence from China j ust now . Cabul , by all accounts , is quite quiet , f and has almost ceased to af ord us any interest . On my way up here I passed through Lud kiana . Whilst there I was introduced to Colonel

Wade , the great political agent in this part of the country . He was very kind to me and gave 1 2 me a P erwa nna h to the Jemadar of all the villages I should pass through on my way, order ing them to supply me with everything necessary

o n . my paying for it However, at several of

Pun ub these villages (which are in the ja ) , the Jemadars desired the people to give me

for nothing , adding what do we care Colonel ” ? S eiks Wade we are , you may [word torn

1 A li n . ce ce , or order 2 n v i i ffi in i n A ati e m l tary o cer of fer or ra k . 1 74 THE INDI AN MUTINY out] unless you bring an order from— Nas Nihal ” Na ic ks Singh . Fortunately I had a guard with

S eiks me , and by threatening these refractory with a good flogging I managed to procure enough to eat . ‘ It is reported here that we cannot keep o n good terms with the Lahore Court much e ' longer , and what I have j ust m ntioned , shows ,

I think , they do not like us . ‘ e B lieve me , dear Uncle , ‘ ff Your a ectionate Nephew , ‘ ’

. H L J N IC O SON .

T A l x a n der i h l o e N c o s on .

‘ E J LLALAEAD ,

‘ F br ua e ry 19 , 1 84 1 .

A R LE% A ER MY DE A ND , ‘ As Mamma writes to me that you will probably come as a Cadet in Spring next , I sit down to write you a few words of advice , which

a I am sure you will take , as I me n them , in goo d part . I must first say, however, that I was really sorry for your own sake to h ear that you were rather idle . Depend upon it , you will deeply regret it , if you do not to the best of your ability improve the time you have left before yo u arrive a in India . On bo rd ship , you will have little to do ’ if you borrow a S tra ith s Fortific a tion from one

THE INDIAN MUTINY 1 75

Addisc ombe o f the Cadets on board , and study

of it well , you may find a knowledge fortification o f great advantage to you hereafter . You should

on also endeavour to improve your manners , your passage , as without good manners you can never advan ce yourself . ‘ Be reserved and prudent in your communi

- cations with your fellow passengers , and with those with whom you may be associated on your arrival in this country . ‘ I suppose you know that I have been in Cabul for some time ; it is a dreary tract of country ,

n a d I hope you will not be ordered up there .

- We go out the day after to morrow , to reduce some small but strong hill forts at a place called P eish Bolak ; and there is no saying how long

“ we shall be out . How do you like England ?

not so well as Ireland , I suppose . I was very sorry that circumstances rendered a move nec es

sary . I hope to pass my examination in

the native language s . I should have done so

months ago , were it not for this marching

continually . ‘ f Your af ectionate Brother, ‘ ’ J . N ICH OLS ON .

The next letter relates to the death o f ’ l a h Nicho son s younger brother , Alex nder, w o 1 76 THE INDIAN MUTINY

o u had but j ust come t to India . He was killed in action by the robber tribes of the

Khaiber .

Q uite unexpectedly, when he was riding down the pass with his friend Ensign Dennys , John

Nicholson found a body, naked and fearfully ff f o o r . mutilated , lying the line ma ch The know

in ledge was suddenly borne upon him , as he

of gazed at the face the dead man , that it was his own brother whom he had last seen well and strong at Dacca . Can one wonder that he speaks of the Afghans in the letter to his mother as ‘ the most vicious and blood

ih thirsty race existence , who fight merely for ’ love of bloodshed and plunder Can one wonder that he adds in that same letter , when the scene was still , with ghastly vividness , in his ‘ memory , I was sorry to leave Cabul while ’ on one stone of it remained another .

h l n . To M rs . Nic o s o

‘ M P PE S W CA HA UR , ‘ 4 N ovem ber 8, 1 8 2 .

‘ EAREST TH ER MY D MO ,

‘ I wrote to you yesterday, but as letter i bags are sometimes lost in this country , I S t down

of to inform you again , what I entreat you to bear with Christian resignation and fortitude ,

1 78 THE INDIAN MUTINY

w at Jella laba d. When it arrives I ill also send it you . There were many subj ects on which

I had intended [to write] to you , but I must

x keep them for my ne t . I hope both you and grandmamma enjoy good health . Pray write soon and frequently ; my greatest pleasure is hearing from you .

‘ With love to all , I remain , ‘ My dearest Mother ,

‘ f on Your af ectionate S , ’ N ICH OLSON . ‘ n Please excuse the short ess of my letter , but I am not in spirits to write about any ’ thing at present .

M r i h l n . To s . N c o s o

EE M RUT,

‘ A r p i l 1 8, 1 84 3 . ‘ EA R TH ER M Y D MO , ‘ I duly received your and Mary’s letters of January , and I was glad to learn from them that you had been enabled to bear up so well against the shock occasioned by the news o f ’ poor Alexander s death . The President of the

of Committee Adj ustment will , ere this , have communicated with you about his property . But some delay must necessarily take place before

o f the accounts the Cabul army are adj usted , and till then , the exact amount can scarcely THE INDI AN MUTINY 1 79

Y be told . ou ask me to write you the f details o the last year fully . I sent you

F eroz e oor from p a newspaper, containing a brief but well -written account o f the siege of

Gh uz nee our , and imprisonment , after which nothing of any interest occurred . I cannot help being amused (though disgusted) at the ideas of the people at home , regarding the war in Af Afghanistan . One would suppose that the

o f ghans , instead being the most vicious and bloodthirsty race in . existence , who fight merely fo r of love bloodshed and plunder, were noble minded patriots . The stories told , too , of the

o ur excesses committed by troops are false , o r greatly exaggerated . The villages or forts o f only such people were destroyed , as had signalised themselves by their treachery and hostility towards the force of 1 84 1 . Cabul itself, for instance , where a whole Regi

. L da ba d ment was destroyed without pity y , where an officer and a hundred men were 1 murdered in cold blood , as the Afghans

do n always commit murder . I do ot think myself the retribution was heavy enough , and I wa s sorry to leave Cabul while one stone of it

on remained another .

1 ’ On e i s reminded of the beginning of the Afgha n s prayer 0 T u ho , Who knowest how hard it is for a n Afghan to be good N 2 1 80 THE INDIAN MUTINY

‘ ’ You will have heard of Sir C . Napier s

ha two victories , the last of which s been so decisive that no more fighting is expected in

. Ra nc e Kh eel that quarter The of yt , a pro

t ec ed t Sikh State , has taken up arms and is being joined by a considerable number of the disaffected in that quarter ; a large force is in

consequence ordered to take the field . A cavalry

o regiment left this yesterday by f rced marches ,

and a European one will probably follow . Our friends the Sikhs are supposed to be assisting

the old lady in an underhand manner . ‘ I was glad to hear that William and Charles were thinking of giving up the army ; though I think it is a profession in which Charles would

l h er s distinguish himself. Richard O p t and his

sister, Mrs . Dunkin , are living here . I see

th em frequently, and like both exceedingly.

Believe me , ‘ ff Your a ectionate Son , ‘ ’ J . NIC H OLSON .

H T M r . o s ogg.

‘ M a y 8, 1 84 3 . EAR T MY D AU N , The receipt o f your l etter a few days ago gave me great pleasure . When I wrote I

1 82 THE INDIAN MUTINY

’ - Commandant s Court Martial reach home , he will

a n a l make the m ende ho or b e.

Believe me , my dear Aunt , ‘ ff Your a ectionate nephew , ‘ ’ J . N ICH O LSON .

Before his next letter to his mother, Nicholson had been moved with his regiment from Meerut 1 d R ohilc und to Mora abad , an outpost in , within sight o f the Himalayas . He mentions to his mother that he had been offered the adj utancy of his regiment . It was some time , however, ’ before he accepted it , for his uncle s friend , Colonel

Stuart , military secretary to the Indian Govern ment , had led him to suppose that if he passed his examination he would be able to procure for ‘ ’ him some better appointment . However , later, Nicholson came to the conclusion that it would

‘ ’ be far wiser to secure the bird in the hand , consequently he accepted the adj utancy offered

i 4 5 e e . n 1 8 th him Nevertheless , , wh n examination at Umballa had been successfully dealt with , the ‘ ’ better appointment really came , and Nicholson f was made commissariat o ficer , thus proving to f him that the good o fices of Colonel Stuart , though delayed , were indeed to be depended upon . There is something in this following letter

1 Moradabad is a city in the di strict of the same name in l n the Provin ce of Rohi c u d. THE INDIAN MUTINY 1 83

which reveals to us , more clearly than could anything else , the character of John Nicholson as a young man . He had been in great monetary

ffi of di culties , and , through no fault his own , in debt , because after his imprisonment in Afghani stan , his loss of property was not made good to ’ 1 him , and his lieutenant s pay was but 2 0 rupees a month during those six months of imprisonment , ‘ not and , as he says , this did even half cover my ’

o r for . losses pay a new outfit Nevertheless , his

- steady resolve , when once , by his self denial and the steadiness of his resolute economy, he has freed 100 himself from debt , is to send home { yearly to

f r his mother , and he hopes also to pay o his ’ brother s training at Addisc om be . To note these signs of a strong Character in the making is well

for f worth while , they show very clearly the di ficult ’ steps which had to be cut in the life s ascent of this man who was later to be his country’s hero and saviour .

i hols n . T0 M rs . N c o

‘ B MORADA AD ,

u A g. 7 , 1 84 3 .

‘ EA R E T TH ER MY D S MO ,

‘ Since I last wrote you , in J une I believe , we have been removed from Meerut to

R ohilc und Moradabad , an outpost in , where we

i . now are , and wh ch we like very much I did not 1 84 THE INDIAN MUTIN Y write to you by the last overlan d because I was on the road when the last packets for it left this , and

v da too on my arri al I found I was j ust a y late . From what you say in your last letter of May 2 7th you will be glad to hear that I have accepted the adj utancy of my regiment , although I was a long time before I could make up my mind to do so , as I was in hopes that if I passed , Colonel

Stuart might procure me some better appointment .

However, before it was too late , I discovered that

on he was not to be depended , and accepted the

f r o ne . adj utancy, which I am indebted to no o I had so much to do for the first two months after

I was appointed , that I was obliged to give up studying , and I have only j ust commenced again , but cannot give so much time to it as formerly .

‘ In your letter you say I must have plenty o f money, as I drew arrears as a lieutenant . I was , it is true , a lieutenant during my imprisonment , but ’ I did not get even ensign s allowances , nor was I allowed the 14 50 rupees generally granted for compensation on account of loss of baggage in

For Six war. the months I was a prisoner I drew only 1 2 0rupees a month , and this did not even hal f cover my losses or pay for a new outfit , so that I am really thrown into debt through no fault of my own . Before I knew that compensation allowance would be retrenched , I wrote to Uncle James

1 86 THE INDIAN MUTINY

n was well k own at home , and they themselves claim descent from Saul , which I think not unlikely to be the case . ‘ You say nothing in your letter about the probability of a rebellion in Ireland , though the papers are full of it . The knowledge that you are in one of the most loyal parts of Protestant Ulster makes me feel less uneasy about you than

I otherwise should .

ff son Your a ectionate , ‘ ’

H . J . N IC OLSON

It will be remembered that , until the year 1 838, there had been no definite movement in the country against the laws which taxed all corn on its importation into Great Britain . But 1 3 in 8 8 Cobden , John Bright , and Villiers started

- an Anti Corn Law League , and upheld publicly the cause o f the people who were the chief sufferers f from this tax , which made their daily bread di ficult to obtain . They met with much opposition from

of 1 84 5 the owners the land , and it was not until that Sir Robert Peel tried to repeal these unj ust

. 1 4 5 was laws Now , 8 the year of the Sikh war ; it was also the year of a noth ef misfortune (for war must in the very nature of things be always a misfortune to a large proportion of those con cerned) , that of the Irish Famine , in consequence TH E INDI AN MUTINY 1 87

of the failure of the potato crops , through the f plague o blight which fell upon them . The year 1 84 6 was marked by the end of the Sikh war and by the passing of the Bill which abolished the tax on corn , but it happened too late (as is not seldom the case) to avert the ruin of thousands . Three ff years earlier the Irish , whose su erings by unj ust taxation had been far greater than those o f d Englan , though hitherto the loyalty of the

of North had been worthy all praise , had agitated f in vain for a different method o government . 1 4 3 The next letter is dated December 8 , and

r . is to his sister Ma y It is very short , however, and the only items of interest concern the Repeal

Agitation , about which he questioned Mrs . Nichol son ih of the last letter, and the flight locusts which he had seen . As regards the effect of the

‘ : agitation in Co . Down , he says If the people

to are as loyal as they used be , it will not make ’ much way there . The flight of locusts he describes as being so large that ‘ at a distance they looked exactly like Clouds . They have done great mischief in ’ this part of India Si nce summer . 184 4 The following letter is dated January , and here again , for those who are on the watch for the revelations of character that lie so often between the lines of a letter , are clear indications 1 88 THE INDIAN MUTINY

’ of the writer s nature . He had received no home

on letters for the last two mails , yet he does not

of that account , (as would be the temptation thoughtless, selfish characters) , at once j ump to the conclusion that none have been written . There

- are no half inj ured , querulous complaints at his ’ home people s forgetfulness and neglect . On the contrary, he takes it for granted that the reason for his di sappointment does not lie at their door ; rather it is the fault of the Bombay

- post offic e . H e is full o f his plans for defraying his ’ Addisc om be brother Charles s training at , and very keen that he should not be among those who

‘ come o ut to India with no knowledge of their ’

or . profession whatever, either practical theoretical How right Nicholson was in his j udgment of these ’ young offi cers lack of military knowledge was conclusively proved later .

not And , unfortunately, it was only their lack of military knowledge which made them an

' da n er to i element of g the r country, it was the lack ’ of any power of understanding the native soldiers

of n r point view, the consta t disrega d of native religious prej udices , and the way they attempted to ride over these last roughshod , which hastened , ‘ — without doubt , the final strike the mutiny of

1857 .

H R L E N l H C A S C O LS O N .

Fro m a c o o ur e ot o e o n i n t o D r T e o ore a x w e l d ph b l g g h d M ll . a n d re ro uc e e re t h e Ia t e r i n r i p d d h by t s k d p e m s s m n . THE INDIAN MUTINY 1 89

B MORADA AD ,

‘

a n u a r 8 1 84 4 . J y , ‘ EAR E T TH ER MY D S MO , ‘ I was disappointed at not receiving any home letters by either of the last two mails . I have no doubt about the letters having been written , and I fancy [they] were lost or mislaid at ffi Bombay post o ce , in which great carelessness and irregularity exists .

‘ I have been thinking that Charles must be

ld Addi o e o s . now fourteen , and enough to go to c mb

If so , in my Opinion , the sooner he goes there the better , for , though more expensive than a direct

o — app intment , it is worth the money that is , the education he may receive there , if diligent , is worth the expense , which , as I before said , I will defray .

‘ Young men who come out to India with direct appointment have no knowledge of their

h eore i profession whatever, either practical or t t cal ; and are sometimes , very shortly after their arrival , placed in responsible situations (as many subalterns were in Afghanistan , the other day) , when a military education would be of invaluable advantage to them .

‘ I took my accounts this morning , and I believe , that , please God , I shall be able to send 1 90 THE INDIAN MUTINY you £ 100 by the mail which leaves Bombay on ’

1 C . s J une , which ought to pay expenses for

Addisc ombe nearly a year, at least , at , and I believe I can manage to remit a similar sum in a twelvemonth afterwards . I should have {2 00 n now , in hard cash , had I got all my allowa ces

‘ when a prisoner, and compensation for the loss o f luggage , which I was entitled to , and which

Government very shabbily retrenched . Y ou will know by this mail of the fight which ’ Ol her s has taken place at Gwalior . Richard p t

4 h f . regiment , the 0t , were in it and suf ered severely He will be much vexed that he was not present with it .

‘ ff S on Your a ectionate ,

‘ ’

H LS . J . N IC O ON

1 The next letter is not until November 84 6 . It i s necessary to remember that in 1 84 5 war was declared between the British forces and the

Sikhs . By this time Nicholson had been made m ffi co missariat o cer , and he was carrying out his f new duties at the battle o Feroz epore . After

of the taking Lahore , the first Sikh war came to an end . A little later Sir Henry Hardinge sent Captain % Broome and Nicholson to Cashmere to help train

1 92 THE INDIAN MUTINY

t been since , laid up with a severe at ack of fever and ague . I am now getting better , but living in an open house . I dread a relapse , as the

w . weather is very ra and cold Lawrence , Broome 1 6 and the others started on their return on the th , and I am quite alone here. ‘ Between ourselves , Lawrence has appointed me to o ffic iate in the Agency pending a reply to hi s application to Government , to have me per

l of manent y appointed to it . In the event its v being favourable , I shall lea e Cashmere when my work is finished , and go down either to Lahore o r h e ullender t J , wherever it may be decided to station me . In either case , I hope we shall have the pleasure of meeting one another . Our mother asks me if I intend availing myself of my furlough when entitled to it .

I have suffered so much from ill - health within the last eight months that , unless some improve e ment takes place , I f ar I shall be obliged to go out of India somewhere on the S C . before long . I have had more sickness within this twelvemonth than in the previous six and

I - m a half years , and so etimes fear that my constitution is going . ‘ Nothing brings home to a man ’s mind more

o f readily than illness . He then thinks the nursing and grateful acts of attention he would THE INDIAN MUTINY 1 93

ow n . receive were he among his friends Here , I have not even the sight of a white face to cheer me . May you never be in a like predicament . ‘ Believe me , dear Charles , ‘ ff Yours a ectionately, ‘ ’ J . NICH OLSON .

An interval o f nearly four years elapsed 1 4 between this letter and the next . In 8 7 Sir Henry Lawrence set Nicholson in authority over the land between the Jhila m and the Indus . Here the latter worked hard to bring peace to the district , and succeeded so well that before the year ended he was able to report that the disturbances which had been so continual had now at last ceased .

F o r , in Nicholson , lawlessness (which formerly carried things before it unimpeded) recognised a force which there was no evading . The natives came to know that nothing could evade his resist f less strength o purpose . No villager came in vain to him for help against the inj ustices which had formerly been inflicted without possibility

r of redress . Eve ywhere he was known for a

fofc e strong , unswerving for good , and none dared to trifle with him . Nicholson never saved himself . Even though ill in bed with a bad attack of fever , when Lawrence came to tell him of the

: rebellion in Haripur , he said at once Never mind 0 1 94 TH E INDIAN MUTINY

’ - the fever ; I will start to night . Perhaps there is no test of an indomitable will like that shown when severe illness is triumphed over . Most men take the passport which illness confers on them for h . w o a j ustifiable slackness Few there are , like w ill Nicholson , can the body to be subservient to 1 the determination of the spirit . Sir John Kaye

of ffi quotes the words a brother o cer , who was present when Nicholson shook off his attack o f fever at the call Of duty Never shall I forget him as he prepared for his

of start , full that noble reliance in the presence and protection of God , which , added to an unusual

of share physical courage , rendered him almost f invincible . It was during the few hours o his preparation for departure that his conduct and manner led to my first knowledge o f his true

so character , and I stood and watched him ,

of - full spirit and self reliance , though only

- j ust risen from a sick bed , with the greatest ’ admiration .

When the mutinous regiment was reached , matters were so promptly dealt with that in a very

r . short time order was estored In fact , by March 1 4 9 8 the rebel forces were entirely defeated , and the

1 Sir John Kaye quote s the s e words somewhat differently in ‘ his Li ves of I n di a n Ojjic ers than doe s Colon el Trotter in his h n Life of Jo N ich ol s o n .

1 96 THE INDIAN MUTINY triumph than the splendid force of will which can fling pain aside at the clear call o f duty ? During the ten years Nicholson had been in

India , he had constantly been ill , and he came

1 850 on to the decision , in , that he would go

s eCia l furlough to England . One p reason brought him to this determination at this time , and this was , as usual , more concerned with his thought f f for other people than or himsel . His young brother William had died from the effects of a bad accident in India , and John Nicholson , who was always full of thoughtfulness for his mother, felt that he was needed at home to help her bear this trial .

M i T r . l 0 s N cho s on .

H . M . S s i P r i ne team h p o cup ,

‘ FF ' O TH E PIRAE US , ‘ a r h 2 0 1 85 0 M c , .

‘ EAR EST TH ER MY D MO ,

My hands are so numb , and there is so much motion owing to a heavy sea , that you must

not be disappointed at getting a very short letter .

on 6th I reached Constantinople 2 ultimo , and

o n 1 5 th L ur left in the French steamer yc ge . Why I remained three weeks instead of only d one as I intende , I will tell you when we meet , THE INDIAN MUTINY 1 97

f and you will not disapprove o my motives . On the morning of the l 6th we ran aground

Da rdanells i in a snowstorm in the (s c) , and f off P r u ailing to set again , the o c pine took us up yesterday o n her way to the Piraeus with despatches .

‘ I shall not remain more than a week at

o Athens , and shall thence go direct t Trieste . I hope to be in London by the middle o f

April . ‘ v Belie e me , my dear Mother, ‘ ff . S on Your a ecte ,

‘ ’ J . N ICH OLSON .

It was about this time 1 that Sir Henry

Lawrence , whose attention had been drawn from time to time to the fact that Nicholson possessed

r no a fie y temper , which , in his opinion , he did t keep sufficiently under control in his dealings

with natives and Europeans , wrote to him urging him ‘ as a friend ’ to curb and restrain

to it . He saw that he did harm himself by

f oo his habit o being t outspoken , and of saying

of out , without hesitation , what he thought

‘ ’ people . Don t think it is necessary to say all

world would you think to everyone . The be

1 ‘ rs b Sir n . S ee Li ves of I n di a n Ofii c e , y Joh Kaye 1 98 THE INDIAN MUTINY one mass o f tumult if we all gave c a ndid

o f opinions each other . I admire your sincerity as much as any man can do , but say thus much as a general warning . From what I

o u saw in camp , I think y have done much towards c onqii ering yourself ; and I hope to see ’ the conquest completed . A less great nature might perhaps have taken offence at being thus found fault with by ffi his superior o cer , but Nicholson showed by his answer that he had taken it all in good part , though he defends his having spoken Openly t o the English officers of the Punja ub army in

o f condemning their habit plundering the natives , though he was aware his venturing to do so had brought upon him a great deal of unpopu

For of f l ri . a ty the faults temper , he writes , a ter ‘ f ’ thanking Sir Henry for the riendly advice ,

‘ I am not ignorant of the faults of my

in ' temper , and you are right supposing that I do endeavour to overcome them— I hope with increasing success . I readily admit that my

e on e temper is a v ry excitable , and wants a

of o f good deal curbing . A knowledge the disease is said to be half the cure , and I trust the remaining half will not be long before it ’ is effected . ’ I n connexion with the subject of Nicholson s

2 00 THE INDIAN MUTINY

ow n not greatly matter , as his plates and dinner ’ could be brought to Nicholson s tent , and they could thus dine together . Nicholson agreed , and ’ it was arranged . During dinner , Nicholson s ff table servant o ended him in some way, and in a sudden anger he took up his tumbler and

'

i . threw t at the man It missed aim , but hit

‘ the tent pole and was broken to pieces . There goes my last tumbler % was all Nicholson ’s comment on what had occurred . The next letter is very much later than the last given , and is written from Camp Kohat in April 1 854 .

Here again , in this letter , we are brought face to face with Nicholson ’s unceasing thought

for fulness his mother , and shows how , at work in a far distant country , he yet remembered how she (as well as his hero , George Broadfoot) ,

‘ ’ would have acted . He gives (anonymously 500 for her sake , rupees to a mission at

Peshawur . On the second page there is a striking testimony to his thoughtfulness fo r other people

to in financial matters , and his recognition of the sacred duties which should follow in the

1 Colon el Trotter say s in his Life of Joh n N i ch ol s o n that ’ it w a s again st the Company s rule s of di s ciplin e for on e of their ffi s n i n i i n s o cer to take a open part one of the r miss o . THE INDIAN MUTINY 2 01 wake of such a relationship as that of friend ship . He cannot bear that his mother should receive rent from a friend . To quote his own

‘ words % It would seem to me inconsistent with the friendly relations which I believe exist between you , to take rent for accommodation which . on e friend should be happy to have an ’ Opportunity of affording another .

T M r i k l n . o s . N c o s o

‘ M P CA KOHAT,

‘ ‘ Apm l 1 3 , 1 85 4 . ‘ EARE T TH ER MY D S MO , ‘ I came in here this morning from

Peshawur , where I have been spending a few days

1 Y u with the Edwardes . o will see by the papers that preparations are in progress for the establish f ment o a mission at Peshawur . I have given

500 on rupees towards it your account , but my name will not appear on the subscription

for list , as certain reasons I have preferred

o e subscribing anonymously . If y u hav not

a ldbec ks yet received any rent from the C , I would a sk you not to take any . It would seem to me inconsistent with the friendly relations which I believe exist between you , to take rent

N icholson s aid that hi s vi sits to Sir H erbert a nd Lady

Edwardes alway s made him feel a better m a n . 2 02 THE INDIAN MUTINY

for accommodation which o ne friend should be happy to have an opportunity o f affording

o u another . Where do y think Of spending the coming summer ? I hope you will go to the

seaside ; sea -bathing seems to agree so well with

you and Lily . Charles has not quite made up

i or . his mind whether he w ll visit Cashmere . not

By the new furlough rules , all leave counts

alike , whether at home or in India , so that ’ anyone intending to avail one s self o f European

furlough would be unwise to take leave in India .

ff Yours a ectionately, ’ H L J . N IC O SON .

At the end o f the year 185 4 Nicholson applied for the post o f command of the P unja ub

va . Frontier Force , which had j ust become cant

old Then , later, he heard that his friend Colonel Neville Chamberlain had been Offered this command . Nicholson wrote at once withdrawing

a nd his application , sent a letter to Chamberlain ’ openly, saying that he considered his friend s

own claims to be greater than were his , and that hi he wished m all success .

Perhaps the non -arrival of a letter at a ’ crucial period Of one s life is more fruitful of evil consequences , more likely to poison a

2 04 THE INDIAN MUTINY

asserted that he had been in the right , for it ha d been carelessness which caused the death o f e that nativ . This was at the end of six months from the date of the misunderstanding , and some months later , when Chamberlain made ’ of so some overtures kindly feeling , Nichol n s determination was still where it had been in the ’ matter of the garrison s carelessness . He refused ’ to accept his former friend s reconciliation . In

December , Sir John Lawrence made another earnest attempt to dispo se of the apparently insuperable diffi culties which kept Chamberlain ff and Nicholson apart , and this last e ort was successful . Their hands met once more in a restored friendship , which lasted till the death o f was the latter, when it , Chamberlain who nursed him so untiringly and devotedly through the last days of suffering which followed his wound received at the storming of Delhi ; and so Nicholson had the comfort— which every one — would love to have at his last hour of the presence of one O f his closest friends . It was before the final reconciliation that Nicholson wrote to Sir Henry Lawrence asking him to give him a post out of the P unja ub.

But Lawrence was very unwilling to do this , on account of the splendid work which Nicholson had been“ doing in bringing order and discipline THE INDIAN MUTINY 2 05 to districts where previously they had been unknown .

When the war with Persia was declared , however, he was sent to work under Sir

Herbert Edwardes at Peshawur . And in May ’ 1857 came the mutiny . Nicholson s first thought was that a movable column must immediately be raised , to march from place to place over the Punja ub and deal promptly and a t onc e with the mutineers . This was followed by others , which were equally approved by his chief , and in June Nicholson was promoted to

- ‘ the rank of Brigadier General .

i h l n . To M rs . N c o s o

‘ PE S W HA UR ,

M a y 1 6, 1 85 7 . ‘ R E T TH E R MY DEA S MO ,

o vici Kura c he e I wrote y u fully yesterday, , but lest the letter should not reach Bombay in 8 h time for the mail Of the 2 t , I write a few id lines v Agra , to say I am quite well , and that the Punj ab is perfectly quiet . ‘ I hope this will find you enjoying yourself

- at some sea bathing place . There have been disturbances among the native troops in the

N . W. Provinces , but they have not extended

n Li e o h n N i h l s n . Colo el Trotter, f f Jo c o o H R E H C A L S NIC O LS O N .

Fro m a i n t i n l n i n r a x w e . a p g be o g g t o D . M ll

2 08 THE INDIAN MUTINY

He brought her home a month after their marriage . And now it was discovered that , in the amputation of his arm after the siege o f

on Delhi , inj ury had been done to e Of his lungs . Consequently he was ordered to spend his winters abroad . And it was , I believe , about this time that his mother tried to get him some appoint ment near home , to prevent the necessity of his having to return to India . This letter is given here . That it was not successful is proved by the fact that when Sir Hugh Rose in 1862 offered him the command of a Gurkha regiment l in Northern India , Charles accepted it . It is difficult to understand how his doctors could have permitted his return to India , considering

Of the delicate state his health , and disastrous that they did so , for only a few months elapsed before the end came from the breaking of a

- blood vessel , while he was j ourneying up country towards Alm orah .

Mrs . Nicholson , having lost all her sons , and , in fact , all her children but one daughter, lived

' 1 874 die d a o n until the year , when she t the age

- O f eighty eight .

' In 1 855 Charles Nicholson writes to his 1 84 5 sister Mary , who , in , had married the Rev.

‘ ’ Edward Maxwell . The Theodore mentioned

i l L e o h n N i h s n . Colonel Trotter, f f Jo c o o THE INDIAN MUTINY 2 09 r D . e M is Theodor axwell , to whose kindness I

for o am indebted access t these letters .

E H % I E H N D RA G A K A ,

‘

u n e 1 3 1 85 5 . J , EA R A R MY D M Y , ‘ I had a foreboding that when once I got this appointment the regularity o f my ow n

for correspondence , which I have latterly been

i extolled , would become impa red , and truly I am no t to be blamed for it . Since I wrote last to my “ ” mother I have made a tour of my beat (to use

. 2 00 a professional word) It is miles long , and although that distance may seem nothing to you , I assure [you] that in this weather it is an arduous undertaking . In the cold season such a ride is not unpleasant to a person in good health— but now the heat is great , and the horses always are made lazy by it— so although I was only absent for a fortnight , I came back considerably reduced

' of in weight , and as sick travelling as if I had gone round the world . But even when at home my f time is taken up by parades in the morning , o fice ’ work till two , sleep till evening , and though I don t mean to say that I couldn ’t manage a letter

ou between these important avocations , yet y must

an d recollect that so much work is unusual to me , ’ that if I m lazy, so is everybody else in this

h lim a t . It i s t e c e wretched country , because last 2 1 0 THE INDIAN MUTINY year in Cashmere I never thought of sleeping in the daytime , in fact my activity rivalled that of my schoolboy days , when daresay you recollect I was seldom in the house between breakfast and

. O ff dinner There is a hill about thirty miles , j ust high enough to be cool , and next month I mean to take refuge there from the heat . John intends to come up from Bunna [i’] so I hope we shall get very pleasantly through the remainder of the hot months . ‘ I ’m l sorry Theodore is not to have a pony, ’ but I ve no doubt you know best . My mother mentions that she hopes to be visited by you this summer, and indeed I hope she may not be dis appointed ; it Often makes me sad to think how lonely she must feel now . I used as a child some times to wonder whether she would be left withou t

a lm a son , and os t to determine that if it depended — on me it should not happen so . ‘ How Edward would enj oy Cashmere % I think of it with a feeling of painful regret , and I am absolutely obliged to put a restraint upon my fancy when it takes that direction , lest it should lead me into the folly of sacrificing anything to get back .

ff . Goodbye , ever yr. a ect brother, ’

H L . C . NIC O SON

T . Dr . heodore Maxwell

2 1 2 THE INDIAN MUTINY

perhaps one may be inclined to question if , after ‘ ’

of is . all , the secret writing feeling In the letter which follows , he very graphically points to the ’ two striking characteristics of John s personality His character had two strong phases : the power of his public , and the tenderness of his private ’ life . It was Sir Herbert Edwardes who had more opportunity than had almost anyone of knowing

For . his real character . the two were close friends Perhaps friendship has a clearer gaze into the depths of a character than is possible to any other relationship . Of no phase in that character have they grown accustomed to think slightingly, as is

Often the case with a brother or sister . N o intimate familiarity of intercourse has dulled the

o f freshness some striking characteristic , as is

of or . possible in the case a husband wife No , the friend comes straight , untrammelled by the

- f levelling down process of family li e , to see with clear, unprej udiced eye the striking points which

on gleam fresh his vision , and the weaknesses which are the reverse side of the shield . Every ’ one remembers Sir Herbert Edwardes words ‘ Of what class is John Nicholson the type ? O f none , for truly he stands alone . But he belongs essentially to the school Of Henry Lawrence .

It is diffi cult to describe him . He must beseen . THE INDIAN MUTINY 2 1 3

I can only say that I think him equally fit to

O f or be commissioner a division , general of an ’ ‘ army . And again : Nature makes but few such ’ men , and the Punjab is happy in having had one . f And , a ter Nicholson had fallen in the storming Of

‘ Delhi : Henry Lawrence was as the father and

John Nicholson the brother of my public life .

for Never , never again can I hope such a friend .

l of How grand , how g orious a piece handiwork he was % And then his nature so fully equa l to % his frame so undaunted , so noble , so tender , so m good , so ste to evil , so singleminded , so generous , so heroic , yet so modest . I never saw another like him , and never expect to do so . And to have had him for a brother , and now to have lost him in the prime o f life— it is an inexpressible and irreparable ’ grief .

ha l i h l To C r es N c o s on .

‘ E S M E S B NE W T FAR , A T AR TT,

‘

H E S a nua r 2 1859 . RT , J y .

‘ EA R H LS MY D N IC O ON ,

‘ Y ou to were right , I think , decline ’ ff f ’ o . Mr . Johnstone s o er writing John s Life

uld not kn own N O one c o do it who had him , and before whose memory he is not still distinctly visible . I am , as you know , pledged already to 2 1 4 THE INDIAN MUTINY

one such sad biography ; and for one reason or b other have done nothing of it yet , ut the collection of materials ; and when it will be accomplished who shall say ? So that I shrink

from undertaking another . At the sa me time it

is my full intention , as I told your dear mother ,

to make John the chief figure in the group o f

good , true men who stood in those days round

ii/e Sir Henry ; and , in fact , to g him as great a l i space as I could fit y do in a Life not h s . But I

would gladly see . more done than this ; and I can

out one point who would do it well , and with head

and heart : I mean John Becher . He has taken

furlough , and must be about now leaving India . His admiration and love for John could scarcely be exceeded except by yourself or your mother ; and his powers of writing are in many ways better

than mine . He will be quite at leisure , and , if I know his mind at all , would accept the labour ’ willingly . I would myself be glad to help him _

' with materials and other aid , as he will help me in my Life of Sir Henry . Ask him . But what ’ hinders you from wri ting John s life yourself ? His character had two strong phases : the power

O f of his public , and the tenderness his private life . Of the former you know nearly as much ,

of and of the latter , more than anyone out your own family can ; for it lies hid in the early years

2 1 6 THE INDIAN MUTIN Y

T th E a rl D o e of erby.

is no on i s i (There date th letter , wh ch I take to be i in a copy of the or g al . )

M Y R LO D ,

‘ As the mother of General Nicholson , I beg leave to submit to your Lordship ’s consideration the following statement . ‘ I have lost three sons in the Indian army in ’ defence of Her Maj esty s dominions . My first

of ella la ba d e was at the siege J , and was kill d in the Kyber Pass . My second fell a victim of fever

’ k a t S u en . , that grave of Europeans My third ,

for General Nicholson , who earned himself the fatal but glorious distinction of. leading the assault at the storming Of Delhi . Of him , my Lord , I

not . need speak His deeds are imperishable , and it was a mournful gratification to one to read your Lordships’ eloquent and generous tribute of praise s to his memory , spoken in the House of Lord at the opening Of the session . From my heart I

r thank your Lordship fo it .

‘ one I have still , thank God , son remaining , and he lost his right arm at the siege of Delhi ’ f H e in command o Coke s Rifles . wa s invalided and sent home . It is for him I now solicit the honour and favour Of your Lordship ’s powerful patronage . I cannot bear the thought that my only surviving son should return to India , where his three [brothers] found an early grave . My THE INDIAN MUTINY 2 1 7 request is that your Lordship will kindly give him some government appointment either in England or Ireland that will keep him at home . That your Lordship may know what situation he is

qualified to hold , pray allow me briefly to give ’ an outline Of his twelve years service in India f First , an infantry o ficer through all the Punjab

- campaign , for which he got a medal , was Aide de

T c k l Camp to Sir J . ha we l at the battle of Chillia nwa lla h Sl s , and his regiment , the t , received

of the thanks the General in command . He was at the end of the campaign transferred to the

Punjab Cavalry by Sir H . Lawrence , first as

adj utant and afterwards second in command . The two years previous to the Mutiny he acted as Captain of the Punjab Police Force for the

Officer in command , who was in Europe on

medical certificate .

‘ ’ f son On the O ficer s return , my rejoined his

own troop , and was with it at Delhi . But when all the principal officers Of Coke ’s Rifles were

or either killed wounded , he volunteered to take command Of them and on that memorable

day led them into action , when he lost his right

arm . ‘ I remain , ’ Your Lordship s humble and obedient Servant , ’

. H LS C N IC O ON .

2 2 0 INDE%

’

s us 4 3 C o . w n 8 0 B , D 1 7 , 2 7 oyle ho e o , B a an s : us n i s 9 ed u u - ia 9 6 1 82 r hm ro e at ve , ; Co rt mart l . . i n 1 1 1 7 1 . D . 94 9 5 cat o , : Crake , A , , B i n 1 86 r ght , Joh , B n vn 1 99 2 00 roadfoot , Ge eral , , , a 9 7 1 76 1 77 B i n 1 90 1 9 2 Dacc , . , roome , Capta , , s 4 2 ll a h Da Co ta , Bu i , 1 5 0 ' il N ew s 1 85 7 2 3 n B u s 83 1 5 5 1 5 6 Da y , , llock , , , usi 7 Bunn 1 Dalho e , Lord , a, 2 0 n s 1 9 7 B u s n Darda elle , 2 3 . tler , Well , D lin 1 03 Bux 1 7 4 89 1 1 8 arjee g , ar , , 2 , 72 , , . 1 1 9 , i 2 0 1 03 1 1 0 1 1 3 of 1 2 1 1 2 4 1 2 8 1 4 0 Delh , , , , ; fall , , , , 1 2 9 n i s n 1 5 9 ; Joh N chol o at , , 2 04 2 1 3 2 1 6 r s i , , ; Cha le N chol u E 1 2 4 1 67 i Cab l , yre at , , ; N chol son a t , 2 08, 2 1 7 s on a t 1 73 1 75 1 78 , , ; D el arr n 4 p e , 2 is 2 3 Cala , nn s E nsi n 1 De y , g , 76 C a ic utt a 2 0 37 4 5 4 9 69 78 , . , , , , . a i K an 2 09 Dera Gh z e h , 1 3 2 1 35 1 64 , , E 2 1 5 2 1 6 Derby , arl of , . C aldbec ks 2 01 , h l D oo i es , 60 s 1 66 1 85 Camel . , i f 4 s o 0 . D ary Wake , q K 2 00 2 01 Camp ohat , , i n s 1 65 D cke , a nnin 1 01 1 5 3 C g , Lord , , ilaw a 1 1 1 1 D r, , 1 2 a i n n 9 6 . C pe Hayt e , in 1 s u 7 . in 5 0 s . D apore , q m t y , q s 1 9 0 1 92 1 99 2 02 2 1 0 Ca hmere, , , , , 69 72 1 , , 8 , 86 , 1 08, 1 1 8, 1 2 3 . as 9 1 0 C te , , 1 2 6 , 1 36 , 1 4 0, 1 4 6 w n 72 1 07 Ca pore , . is r s i 9 60 1 2 1 D cha ged old ery , , , ain n i Chamberl , Colo el Nev lle , Dogra, 1 9 1 2 02 2 03 2 04 . , D um ra o R a 82 aj h , 1 8 c , 33 , 1 3 Charter A t un a in 5 3 5 5 is s D b r , Capta , , m take , C hillia nw alla h 2 1 7 , 5 6 5 7 ki 5 9 i i is of , lled , ; cr t c m , in 1 73 Ch a, 9 4 2 , 1 2 , 1 4 3 ; 84 , 1 72 u ak 4 9 5 1 9 2 1 4 2 Ch pr , , , , un in M rs 180 D k , , i i i n s 4 C v l a , 1 , 2 2 , 2 9 ivi S i B 1 37 Ben C l erv ce , ombay , ; al 4 38 n i n 1 04 1 35 1 36 E s n i n 4 9 1 37 1 38 g , , I d a , , , a t I d a Compa y , , , ,

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s K Sin 1 08 1 1 0 1 54 , 1 5 6 attack oer gh , , ‘ u in s in vide u ini s is 1 2 7 is G , Mar , M e pra e of Wake , pra e bb t t in u un s n n i s r u 1 30 1 32 1 1 4 er a s a ve , f om O tram , , ; , O dh d t d t 4 ac ifies s 8 on 1 2 4 1 30 n 1 1 3 ; p robber , ; , ; treatme t , , n S s , 9 ; on s , 1 0 ; o 1 31 sq . epoy ca te B ns 1 1 on n of rahma , ; defe ce rr 1 7 ui s risis A ah , ; g de the c Far uh arsons 1 1 8 q , 4 8 Fa rer vii y , Lady , u 2 08 G rkha , n w i i u n n — n 5 2 Fe ck , L e te a t Colo el , , w i 74 1 9 0 G al or, , 5 3 2 3 n . Gya, 1 67 1 7 1 1 79 1 9 0 Ferozepore , , , , 2 19 3 1 6 Fever , 1 9 , . 2 i u 9 7 i i r 1 19 Ha leyb ry, F eld Art lle y , il u 8 2 1 1 2 1 5 i r 39 4 2 Ha eyb ry Dep t, , F eld , Geo ge , , i i u nan - n 5 usi i rs vii 1 7 81 1 1 2 1 1 4 Hall day , L e te t Gover or th F l e , , , , , i 79 4 1 Freder ck , 1 2 4 , 1 ‘ s vide Tw o n s in , D . , r 8 Hall r Mo th 5 3 d , 1 1 2 1 4 2 1 30 4 h Arrah , , ot , 1 9 0 in Sir nr 1 90 4 l s t i n a nt r 1 64 Hard ge , He y , Nat ve I f y , ri u 1 9 3 h Ha p r, 4 8t , 1 77 a s in s in 81 82 1 2 4 n 1 34 H t g , Capta , , , , Fra ce, 1 2 5 s u u 88 a s r n 1 5 1 2 4 1 67 ; re o rcef l , ; le d F e ch , . , ’ 89 n 1 35 n n s a c t 84 charge , ; treatme t , Fre chma , 2 4 1 31 1 35 r r Sir B a r 1 36 Havelock , , , F e e , tle , ’ s i i S i utteh ore 1 5 2 Havelock of the C v l erv ce , F p , 1 36

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a n 85 H erew ald H erw ald 9 4 Gajr j ga j , , ’ n s R 1 7 2 1 5 4 69 72 9 5 Ga ge , . , , . , Hereward the Wake , 1 06 1 1 4 1 5 0 i s 1 8 , , H malaya , 2 rs n 68 in us 3 s 9 1 0 un u Ga to , H d , ; ca te , , ; tr th a 77 78 ful 1 04 s u 1 5 3 Gaz , , , ; re pect T cker , i u 2 1 72 73 82 1 35 1 37 in us n 1 77 Ghaz p r, , , , , , , H d ta , 1 39 1 4 1 1 4 9 is r in us n on nn , , H to y of H d ta , a ex Gh az nee 1 72 1 79 i n 8 on in us 1 1 , , at o , ; H d , i ’ ja, 1 4 9 is of n i n u in on G H tory the I d a M t y , i i a n E i G ll l . l za e , 2 07 u i n s 4 8 on o 5 2 b th G bb , ; Ll yd , ; 4 Go rey , 2 on E 72 on a 7 df , ; 5 yre T yler , M r . 1 2 Go ale , , s . on u 1 5 3 5 0 83 kh q ; T cker , ; , , n m n E n is 89 1 1 2 Gover e t , gl h , deaf to , w arn in 2 9 1 3 w a f g , , , ; re r o S ir a s i 1 65 1 68 d Hogg , J me We r , , , s i 8 1 3 1 c , 0, 3 , 35 1 72 1 85 erv e , 2 2 2 INDE%

K ai 1 76 . 2 1 6 M rs . 1 80 h ber, Hogg , , n 1 Kh a , 2 03 H olka r , 37 Kin s 9 5 in s 78 g ley , Holl g , K Sin a r a nd is s 1 4 2 oer gh , char cte h tory , Holme , Major , ’ w i S s 2 7 2 9 w ai 1 85 7 1 36 1 9 , 2 0; epoy , , . Home ard M l , , th s 88 u n 1 38 4 3 , 60; lea c arge , ; e Ho ghto , d h d

s i i n 1 06 n . ss 4 2 feat exped t o , ; pre ed Hoyle , 1 1 4 E r 1 08 s . n a B u 1 39 y y e , ; ea , ; u s , b q d th H ghe , Ge er l lkeley 1 1 6 1 1 9 1 2 5 77 n . , 9 0, 1 00, , , l K orda ee , 33 n i 1 1 I d a , Upper , h e K ura c e , 2 05 n ian i u 6 I d l terat re , n i n i i n 6 9 1 0 1 1 1 2 I d a rel g o , , , , , , 1 06 La d B l a kwel l 1 4 0 n 1 37 y c , I dore, L 1 0 1 06 ahore , 9 , 9 1 , 1 95 , 2 n us R . 1 72 1 9 3 I d , , , L a kn a o 2 3 n ain w i fi s i , I gleby , Capt , th r t rel ef , w r n Sir n s i s 5 3 5 5 5 6 s in i 67 La e ce , He ry , prophe e , , ; hot r ver , u in 1 un s an s na i s n is 1 36 m t y , der t d t ve , I gl ,

4 on S s 1 3 n . a i n s n u 94 9 5 epoy , rel t o I g lf , . ’ Wi n i son 1 9 2 th Joh N chol , , I n terludes in V erse and Prose 1 9 7 2 04 2 1 2 ; 1 72 1 9 1 1 9 3 on us 4 1 on in , , , , , Arrah ho e , Colv , ‘ 2 1 3 2 1 4 2 1 7 ; i of Sir f a 9 1 88 . , L fe 4 7 n . on i o , , rel ef Arr h ’ n w n 1 4 He ry La re ce , 2 n 1 87 2 1 7 Irela d , , w n Sir n 1 36 03 04 La re ce , Jo , , 2 , 2 is a in 1 86 i n 1 86 h Ir h f m e , ; rebell o , ‘ vii vid rra Lea er , Major , ; e A nsi 82 1 38 th h Iro de , , in 1 85 7

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7 n . Lecky , L r l so n 1 2 4 ec o e, 1 64 Jack , n i a s 4 a nu oor 2 0 Leo , 7 J p , d ’ L E stra n e in n i E ella la ba d 1 74 1 78 2 1 6 g , Fer a , w yre , , , d d th J , 73 82 a s a 89 1 1 em a da r 4 2 1 73 , ; le c rge , ; 2 ; , d h J , un w a 1 35 hila m R . 1 9 3 re rded . J , , w is E nsi n 82 ns n 2 1 3 Le , g , Joh to e , M w is rs . o n 1 2 3 1 03 1 08 s 1 2 3 Le , J h , u des ore 79 . J g p , , , q Liddall 1 2 4 1 2 6 , in 1 5 4 ll nder 1 9 2 L d , Ju e , Lin desa y , Dr . , 1 65 Lis u n 0 b r , 2 7 n er B i 5 6 Littled ale K a im u r e, , 2 1 s s E u ns gg dg helter ropea , K arnoul 1 68 2 4 2 5 rn 2 7 oo s o , , wa ed , ; g d h t ‘ Ka S ir o n vi de is of 2 8 i s to 38 4 2 ye , J h , H tory y eld Wake , , ’ ‘ ’ I n i n u in an d i s i s of n i n O ffic ers 1 9 4 1 9 5 the d a M t y L ve L ve I d a , , , of I ndian O ffi cers 1 9 7 r s vide in n i n K a a i 2 7 n . elly , Cha le , Arrah Lloyd , Ge er l , vac ll t g , , ’ I8S7 and R i of rra 5 0 5 1 5 2 is ura s E , el ef A h , , ; d co ge yre , un w a e 1 35 73 us s to isa r o s re rd d . ; ref e d rm t o p , 4 76 r ir s 80 86 1 36 K e n . G . 7 e e , H , ; et e , , ,

2 2 4 INDE%

P n a ub 1 1 1 9 5 1 98 2 02 5 s u j , 7 . . . 9 4 i s n M rs . 1 61 s . N chol o , , q ; letter 2 1 3 2 1 7 n 1 64 1 67 1 76 1 79 . from Joh , , , , , P un a ub 2 1 7 8 1 6 2 01 2 05 2 06 j cavalry . 1 83 , 1 9 , 9 , . . ; un aub i 2 1 7 n 1 63 P j Pol ce Force . letter to Joh , letter to E a of 2 1 6 1 9 2 ; rl Derby , ; 2 08 u s 1 68 1 72 death , Q arter , , i so n i i 1 80 1 96 N chol , W ll am , . 9otb 1 1 9 Foot , f vn R i M rs . adcl f e , , r n s 9 4 No ma , R n of Kh tee l 1 80 a ee y , - n i n 1 9 1 or es Fro er Age cy , ' N th W t t R s a r i B a i n attray , M jo , Pol ce att l o , -W s vin s 1 02 s North e t Pro ce , q 1 1 8 1 1 1 6 2 , 2 9 , 4 1 , 76 , 0 , 0, 2 1 35 1 5 6 1 99 2 05 ’ . , , R i n s of an n i a n fi ia ecreat o I d Of c l , 4 1 4 4 N u ll a h . 5 6 , 63 , 85 , 1 1 , on B a x - n si 82 on E Iro de , ; yre ,

1 31 on n n 1 33 s . ; Gover me t , q

’ 1 1 2 , 1 1 3 ffi e s 65 O c r act . R i of i s 33 34 mis el ef Arrah F r t , , fi i r s n n e 1 5 4 Of c al co re po de c , n 5 2 us 5 8 ma aged , ; amb hed , fi E n si n 82 1 4 4 Old eld , g , , 4 3 60 i 65 re rea , , ; a r ver , i 1 1 9 0 t t t O l h erts R c , 77 , p , hard ss s 68 1 4 6 lo e , , s 1 64 Orm by , R i of rr : S n 7 2 s . el ef A ah eco d , q , O u 4 nn 7 8 ; 1 1 3 dh , ; a exed , 81 an s s 83 S ; eleph t lo t , ; py u Sir s un s a n s O tram , Jame , der t d a u 84 n w s o f fi s c pt red , ; e r t n a i s 4 1 70 n 80 t ve , , ; treatme t , i 84 1 4 2 n ri s rel ef , , me d b dge , is of E r r 1 2 5 n . ra b avery , ; p e y e .

85 1 4 5 88 s . r s i , battle , q cha ge , of . B a 1 30; anecdote Capt ley , 9 r e 90 8 ; le er om a , ; 1 9 1 30 2 1 1 tt f W k 1 31 ; 1 1 3 , 2 , , n a 9 2 e ter Arr h , n s n 1 70 Ova , Colo el , ’ R i Of 84 el ef Arrah , R l i i n 1 87 epea Ag tat o , ‘ ’ R i n in us n on S in evolt H d ta , epoy Pal , 2 7 i n s on r a c , 7 ; , n 1 72 gr eva e the ret e t Palmer , Colo el ,

6 1 1 09 n . on unis n Of 34 5 2 75 s , ; p hme t P atna, 1 7 . , , q r s 1 07 on unr 1 ebel , ewarded 81 , 1 03 , 1 1 8, 35 i 1 s c , 35 s n a ain 1 1 1 erv e Patter o , C pt , R i so n 1 1 8 1 83 1 84 chard , Pay , , R i so n un of i n c , c c so , e Sir R 1 86 hard le N hol Pe l , obert , 5 1 65 P eis h Bolak , 1 7 R ohilc und 1 82 sia 1 05 , Per , 37 . 2 R s Sir u 1 33 1 36 2 08 1 o e , H gh , , , P erw a n n a h , 73 R u 96 9 7 w u 2 01 2 05 2 06 gby , , Pes ha r, 2 00, , , R u 2 5 1 1 7 1 66 1 84 s pee , , , , Piraeu , 1 9 6 i i i 1 02 P tt , W ll am , ’ i n H M 1 9 6 1 9 7 i P or u e . . S St . u s s n 3 c p , , Pa l re tra t , s n - in i n 5 S 1 72 Pre e t day op o , ale , i 8 1 la c n , 1 85 , 3 Sa t , R . 1 7 1 Pro lamat o j , un is n of u in rs 1 06 1 07 S in 82 1 1 2 P hme t m t ee , , , cott , Capta , , 8 1 4 1 o M 1 1 2 5 70 S rs . 63 , , c tt , , I NDE% 2 2 5

S s 7 u 8 s nt n Sw in n n 1 81 epoy , ; at O dh , ; re e me t , to , Joh , 9 ° u in 1 3 in K S n i n i n H oosein 4 2 m t y , ; jo oer y d Az m O d ,

S i n 2 7 n . 2 8 4 2 gh , , , ; try to u Si s 2 9 un corr pt kh , ; bad g i 4 2 n r 31 in 32 i Ta t , e y , ; m e , ; terr ble R v i e . . C . 96 5 d a 39 us Ta t , A , fate , ; efe ted , ; tr ted Ta l u kd a r s 8 ‘ 5 0 us fi s , by L oyd , ; amb h r t Ta t on ou E p C rt, 96 i 5 8 s . 1 4 6 s r rel ef , q , oppo e y e , W n 1 . 2 0 s s 2 Tayler , , ; e d help , 85 s . u 90 r n q ro ted , ; t eatme t 5 1 5 2 s B r ui 4 8 of i es 1 09 w , keep eha q et , capt v , ; co ardly , n 76 ; s s B , 81 36 1 1 5 un is 1 06 2 1 Pat a , ave ehar , ; p hed , ; , B ax 14 6 ismi ss 1 1 1 1 9 letter to , ; d ed 2 5 , 9 1 , 94 , 0 , 07 , 3

78 s . ; ss 77 Servan ts 1 65 q me age to Gaza , 1 4 2 1 4 8 7 8th i l n s 73 1 4 0 , H gh a der , , n u 1 1 3 1 1 7 S a a ba 1 7 2 9 1 2 1 Temple blow p , , h h d, , , ’ l oth 4 9 5 8 61 1 08 1 09 S hé h ii r 84 Foot , , , , , , p , 1 1 1 1 1 4 1 2 6 1 4 3 hak eare 5 , , , S sp , 9 Th w ll ack e Sir . 2 1 7 S n 89 , J , hrap el , 3l st 2 1 i , 7 S ddal , 89 37 th 5 1 5 1 1 4 1 4 3 i r 1 Foo , , 6 , , S 1 7 s . 2 2 un t ege of Ar ah , q , ; beg , s n n 9 5 2 9 s us nn n Thoma repe ta t , ; moke ed , two ca o , n n S u n - e n Sir 30 in a nd un in 4 4 Thor to , rgeo G eral m e co term e , , s vii 9 82 1 36 4 5 w 33 4 3 1 30 Jame , , , , ater , , , cholera ’ im s 1 85 7 5 1 s l for s 34 4 4 T e , , feared , a ly heep , , Ti o 4 n i i ns 37 n s of rho t, 1 9 co d t o , ew defeat ’ ’ i B w n s S o s 9 7 S s 39 s 4 0 Tom ro ch olday , of epoy , ; ra ed , Torfrida 9 6 Si s i u 2 9 4 2 un , kh , fa thf l , , ; wo ded Trans vaa ‘ 31 4 3 di w 33 in , 1 2 0 , ; g ell , ; br g su 5 9 8 n s 34 6 1 62 Trea re , 2 , 2 , 7 ew , ; keep order , , ; n K n ir . O o u u i n 77 s c for Trevelya , S G oer q ell m t y , ; re pe t Sin i de n r u s in 30 99 103 o in g , 2 0; I e l e Wake , , . ; lo t g , h q t d 1 1 6 r nn us 1 7 1 Verse and Prose ; ty a o , ; War , T i 1 86 1 90 ri s r es te, 1 97 , ; make cart dge , n vi de if 1 2 2 Trotter , Colo el , L e of Si w Sir 96 Jo n ic ol so n t ell , George , h N h T unk R oa 1 1 5 i w 1 2 3 r d . 5 0. 2 S t ell , Harry , u n on u i n h B n a N . I . 2 5 T er , He r Carre , e cat o , 6t e g l , ck y d x - nsi 1 1 1 B a I , 65 th N . I . 1 5 letter to ro de , r i i us 1 5 3 1 5 7 B i 64 th 1 4 0 1 5 6 ; el g o , , r e Foot , f ’ 4 is s , 1 5 S om e R . 1 7 2 7 n . 2 8 H tory of the Jew , , , , ’ u R 1 36 S di s u 74 c , , ol er cl b . T ker obert ‘ ' S u i 4 2 Tw o Mon s in Arra h : description o za . Dav d , th 1 7 K r Sin S w a s 2 1 1 39 of Arrah , ; of oe gh , o r , , ’ ’ ivil i ns 2 2 Straith s Fortifica tion 1 74 2 0; on es cape of c a , , n 2 5 2 6 30 4 0 on S u n 1 82 1 84 o Wake , , , , ; t art , Colo el , , i n 32 n . 37 n . on S ubh a d a r 4 5 defe ce , , L ttle , 38 Su u s 2 0 ale , dder Co rt , d 4 2 k en 2 1 6 1 2 th I r u s , 1 S u , reg lar 2 2 6 INDE%

4 8 90 i n s i s 9 2 n 94 h N . I . 1 2 5 t , fr e d h p , ame , }

2 7 th N . I . , 1 72 9 7 a 99 Si career , ; le der . : kh n 1 02 s ans i ame for , hor em h p . Ulster, 186 1 4 a 1 05 in an 0 ; de th . ; comm d Um a l a . 1 82 b l i s 1 09 in 1 2 0 of S kh , ; battle . : U nite S ta es, 2 07 d t hi s 1 1 9 letter to mother , s u r 1 2 9 5 6 69 1 18 meet O t am . . . H erw ald vii 1 08 illi 18 Wake , Mr . . . V ers , 6 M rs H erwald 1 03 Wake . . . Vi va t R egi n a % 4 5 : et Joh n a iss u vii W ke , M L cy . Compa ny , 1 2 9 in n u 1 81 Well gto , D ke of,

Sir C . 2 1 5 Wood , , E n vide R in n 1 73 oo , Sir vely evo Wade , Colo el , W d lt ’ ‘ in us a n . and is tain R . N 96 H t H tory o Wake , Cap , d f C s 96 Hindustan 4 Wake , harle . Sir H erew ald 2 4 Wake , . H erw ald 2 1 9 3 Wake , , , Y un - n R 1 99 o g , Major Ge eral alph ,

su s n 2 1 s . mea re for defe ce . q is 2 5 30 1 2 7 1 36 pra ed , , , ,

i 4 0 s . 81 is % emi n da r 1 9 d ary , q , ; pra e of , C i n 4 8 % il a A 1 4 2 olv , ; letter to l h rrah,

TH E END

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