Grammatical Features of African American Vernacular English in the Movie Sextuplets a Sociolinguistics Study of the Speech of the Two

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Grammatical features of African American Vernacular English in the movie Sextuplets A sociolinguistics study of the speech of the two

African American characters Alan and Dawn

Author: Maria Helgotsson Supervisor: Jukka Tyrkkö Examiner: Charlotte Hommerberg Term: Fall 2020 Subject: English, Bachelor Course

Level: G3 Course code: 2EN10E

Abstract African American Vernacular English (AAVE) has been extensively explored in previous research in sociolinguistics. However, the portrayal of the sociolect in movies is still not widely researched. In order to address this gap, the purpose of this thesis is to study how AAVE is used in the movie Sextuplets (2019), directed by Michael Tiddes and co-produced by Marlon Wayans. The material used was the script excerpted from Subslikescript (2019) [www], and the study was delimited to the speech of the two characters Alan and Dawn. The method used was close reading of these two characters’ lines in order to identify four grammatical features identified in previous research as associated with AAVE: negation ain´t+ multiple negation with ain´t, multiple negation, copula BE absence and Invariant BE. In addition, the data analysis procedure also involved identification of AAVE avoidance, i.e., instances where the characters had the opportunity to use the AAVE features but opted for their General American counterparts instead. The results show that all four AAVE features occurred in the speech of both characters, and the structures in which these features occur conforms to findings from previous studies of AAVE usage in authentic contexts. The findings also display extensive differences in frequency between the two characters’ use of AAVE. These differences can be related to their social background. Alan is portrayed as a wealthy African American male, whereas Dawn is presented as a troublemaker who has been in and out of jail. The speech of these two characters is realistic in the sense that it reproduces grammatical features of AAVE noted in previous research on language use in authentic contexts. In addition, the differences between the two characters can be said to reproduce stereotypes of how African Americans from different social classes use AAVE.

Key words African American Vernacular English, Movie transcript, Sextuplets, Sociolinguistics

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Table of contents

INTRODUCTION ...... 4 AIM & RESEARCH QUESTIONS ...... 5 THEORETICAL BACKGROUND ...... 5 THE TERM AAVE ...... 5 LANGUAGE ATTITUDES AND SOCIOLINGUISTICS ...... 6 GRAMMATICAL FEATURES OF AAVE AND THEIR GENERAL AMERICAN COUNTERPARTS ...... 8 3.3.1 Negation ain´t + multiple negation with ain’t ...... 9 3.3.2 Multiple negation ...... 10 3.3.3 Copula BE absence ...... 11 3.3.4 Invariant BE ...... 12 MATERIAL & METHOD ...... 13 MATERIAL ...... 13 4.1.1 The actor Marlon Wayans ...... 13 4.1.2 The movie Sextuplets ...... 13 4.1.3 The transcript ...... 14 METHOD ...... 14 RESULTS ...... 14 THE USE OF AAVE VS. AAVE AVOIDANCE IN ALAN´S AND DAWN´S SPEECH ...... 15 5.1.1 Alan´s use of AAVE ...... 15 5.1.2 Alan´s avoidance of AAVE ...... 17 5.1.3 Dawn´s use of AAVE ...... 18 5.1.4 Dawn´s avoidance of AAVE ...... 20 ALAN´S AND DAWN´S USE AND AVOIDANCE OF AAVE FEATURES – A QUANTITATIVE COMPARISON ...... 21 DISCUSSION ...... 24 CONCLUSION ...... 27 REFERENCES ...... 28

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Introduction

Language is one of many ways for people to express their different social identities, such as gender, age and ethnicity (Holmes, 2013: 131). Languages are made up of different dialects, defined by Holmes as linguistic varieties that can be distinguished by their grammar, vocabulary and pronunciation (Holmes, 2013: 140). People from different social and regional groups differ in this regard, and the function of this variation is not only to distinguish groups apart but also to consolidate a group (2013: 138). The term dialect is normally used to refer to a geographically defined speech community, while the term sociolect refers to a language variety used by a socially defined speech community. For instance, African American Vernacular English (henceforth abbreviated AAVE) is one kind of sociolect that is especially spoken in the northern cities of America and is primarily used by lower socio-economic groups (Holmes, 2013: 188-189). AAVE has features that distinguish it from other English dialects. These are Copula BE absence, Multiple negation, Invariant BE, Negation ain´t and Consonant cluster simplification. For African Americans, these features express “cultural distinctiveness” and function as “symbols of ethnicity” (Holmes, 2013: 188).

The use of African American Vernacular English has been dismissed in many contexts. For instance, in employment environments, AAVE is evaluated as inappropriate. According to Green (2002), it is equal with “unintelligible, incoherent, non-fluent, and illogical speech” (2002: 224). Since African American Vernacular English is considered unsuitable in professional settings, African Americans have to adjust their language into Standard English in order to become successful (Green, 2002: 223). However, these perceptions of the use of AAVE are highly interesting since the sociolect is used in many different contexts, for example, in music lyrics, TV shows, movies, and in other areas where African Americans have succeeded despite using AAVE.

AAVE has previously been investigated in authentic contexts (Mufwene, Rickford, Bailey & Baugh, 1998: 226, Peterson, 2020:106, Speicher & McMahon, 1992 :386). However, the use of AAVE by fictional characters remains largely unexplored. This study therefore investigates how a sociolect such as AAVE can be portrayed in fiction. The paper analyzes the movie Sextuplets (2019), directed by Michael Tiddes and co-produced by Marlon Wayans. There are six characters in the movie, all of whom are played by the African American actor Marlon

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Wayans. The study focuses on the two characters Alan and his sister Dawn. These two characters were chosen firstly due to Alan being the main character and Dawn being the most outspoken character out of all of the other characters in the movie, and secondly because these two characters belong to clearly distinct social groups. The speech produced by these two characters therefore offers rich opportunities to observe how they use features of AAVE.

Aim & Research Questions

The aim of this study is to examine how AAVE is portrayed in fiction by investigating to what extent four grammatical features of African American English, multiple negation, negation ain´t and multiple negation with ain´t, copula BE absence and invariant BE, are used in the speech of the two characters Alan and Dawn in the movie Sextuplets. The purpose is also to compare the two characters’ use of AAVE, since the two characters represent, at least to some extent, different social classes. I will fulfill the aim of the study by answering the following research questions:

1) How is AAVE portrayed in the movie Sextuplets? 2) What similarities and differences can be seen in the use of AAVE between the two characters? 3) To what extend do the two characters’ use and avoidance of AAVE correspond with the portrayal of their respective social backgrounds?

Theoretical Background

This section presents the background needed in order to understand the design of this study. Section 3.1 first defines the concept of AAVE, followed by section 3.2 where the perception of AAVE is discussed. Finally, section 3.3 defines and illustrates the features of AAVE included in this study and contrasts these with their General American counterparts. The presentation also introduces previous sociolinguistic research on the usage of these features.

The term AAVE

The actual term that should be used to refer to African American English has not yet been decided. However, there have been discussions about which term is considered the most appropriate one to use, since there are various names for the sociolect. Terms such as Ebonics,

5(30) and Black English are associated with the features of African American English. The term Black English Vernacular has been applied by the linguist Labov (1972: xiii) and is spoken by working-class African Americans in the inner-city areas in the US today. In contrast to the term Black English Vernacular, Ebonics was coined in 1973 by a group of black people. Originally, the term Ebonics entails the sound of black people, Ebony meaning black and phonics sounds, i.e., “the study of sound” (Rickford,1999: xxi). However, there are several scholars that claim that the use of this term is very similar with the use of the term African American Vernacular English, whereas others argue that there are differences between the term Ebonics and AAVE. According to Rickford (1999: xxii) Ebonics is merely related to Africanist. It derives from the Niger Congo language which has a grammatical structure different from the one used in AAVE and Black English. The term Ebonics represents the language spoken in West Africa, Caribbean and the US, deriving from the African origin (ibid). Rickford (1999) prefers to use the term AAVE since it is the most recent and the most common variety for this speech (ibid); hence, AAVE is the term that will be used in this study.

Language attitudes and sociolinguistics

According to Holmes (2013) the attitude towards a specific dialect is highly affected by the way people choose to understand it as well as how they choose to view the speaker of the dialect. For instance, when people hear a dialect or language they are not familiar with, they can choose to view it either negatively or positively. Their perception of the dialect can depend on factors such as “contexts and functions with which they are associated” (2013: 410). In other words, attitudes towards a language are linked to social and political factors (ibid).

Many non-African American English speakers have a negative attitude towards AAVE. It has been viewed as “obscene language,” or “uncensored speech” (Mufwene, Rickford, Bailey & Baugh, 1998: 226) due to word choice. Spears (1998: 227) presents an example where a black male is calling a black female bitch and ho, both of which words are perceived as oppressive, condescending and very much related to misogynists. These perceptions are one of the reasons that AAVE is considered obscene language. However, Spears claims that the use of such words does not simply imply that the speaker is misogynist. As for the example with the male calling a female such words, he had no intentions to offend her, rather it was his way of expressing that he was impressed by her occupation. These words can also be expressed by

6(30) females referring to other females, and by males referring to other males (Mufwene et al., 1998: 227). Words can thus have different meanings depending on the context and the speaker´s intention behind the word.

It is important to keep in mind that obscene language is not only used by African Americans. White people and other ethnicities also use this type of speech. It is also found among all different social groups, female, males and different classes (Mufwene et al 1998: 228). The use of AAVE all depends on “the circumstances in which people live” (Peterson, 2020: 102). It is worth mentioning that not all African Americans use AAVE or offensive words (associated with this sociolect), but since the majority of black people use this type of speech, approximately 80 percent (Rickford, 1999: 9), there are prejudices against and judgements of the use of AAVE. Whites and other non-African American speakers often consider the sociolect to be “the incorrect use of mainstream English” (Green, 2002: 221). Hence, AAVE speakers may be perceived as “lazy, ignorant or both” (Green, 2002: ibid). AAVE can be seen as a “legitimate variety”, i.e., as a valid system of communication that is governed by rules, but the prejudices regarding AAVE have made African Americans feel unease since it carries a stereotype opinion that black people cannot speak (or “learn to speak”) General American (ibid). AAVE is deemed to be the most stigmatized and misunderstood variety of English in the US (Peterson, 2020: 102). Pullum states that “the majority of English speakers think that AAVE is just English with two added factors; with some special slang terms and a lot of grammatical mistakes” (Pullum, 1999: 41). AAVE is also deemed as “the lingo of criminals, dope pushers, teenage hoodlums and various and sundry hustlers […]” (Speicher & McMahon, 1992 :386). Hence, the sociolect is seen as “inappropriate to use in higher classes” (Madhloum, 2011: 6), and African Americans who belong to higher social groups often use General American in social environments (ibid).

Rickford and King (2016) have investigated how the use of AAVE is perceived in a courtroom. The study concerned the African American woman Rachel Jeantel, who was a leading prosecution witness in the case of the murder of her friend Trayvon Martin, who was killed by a man called George Zimmerman. When she testified in court, her speech was considered incomprehensible because of her use of AAVE, hence her testimony was rejected. However, the rejection made people who were familiar with the sociolect furious and the actual language was put on trial. The aim of Rickford and King´s study is to get a better understanding of the use of AAVE and how people, like Jeantel, can be heard in a better way

7(30) in court but also in other contexts. In addition, they discuss different factors that could have caused the rejection of her testimony, such as unfamiliarity with the sociolect, the possibility of a negative attitude towards African American English (i.e., racial prejudices), and social biases against black people (Rickford et al, 2016: 948). First, when examining excerpt from Jeantel´s speech from the courtroom, Rickford and King did not find her language incoherent or hard to understand (as the jurors and media claimed) but rather, as they claimed, “systematic exemplification of the grammar of AAVE, with some resemblance to, if not influenced from CCE varieties (Caribbean Creole English)” (Rickford & King, 2016: 957). For instance, her language included words, such as creepy ass cracka, nigga and several grammatical features such as auxiliary subject inversion (have+ I), copula be absence, followed by negation ain´t, and invariant BE. The use of these features was the reason behind the language difficulties that the jurors experienced when talking to her. Rickford & King also compared this case with similar cases around the US and other parts of the world. They came to the conclusion that speakers of AAVE and vernacular speakers from other ethnic groups, languages and regions around the world often experienced misunderstanding and mishearing, especially by “police, juries, judges or employers in everyday life” (Rickford & King, 2016: 980) due to preconceptions of AAVE. In order to try to diminish misunderstandings and mishearing that AAVE speakers experience, they came up with suggestions that might be helpful in cases like this. Their first suggestion was to pay more attention to research on dialects and sociolects, and cases where speakers of AAVE or vernacular speech have been heard in courts or other places such as schools, hospitals and in work environments. The second suggestion that they put forward was to continue to push and support for vernacular speakers to be heard and to be given justice in this kind of cases (ibid). These perceptions about AAVE (and other vernacular dialects), similar to Jeantel´s case, are likely to affect those speakers by making them moderate their use of sociolect features in official, formal or public contexts.

Grammatical features of AAVE and their General American counterparts

The grammatical features of AAVE are defined in terms of how they deviate from standard varieties of English. According to Yule, General American (or Standard American English) is the English used in “newspapers and books […] and is taught in most schools” (Yule, 2014: 234). There are different terminologies for Standard American English, such as mainstream English, General American or General American English (Oetting, 2020: 12). This study will use the term General American to refer to the standard alternatives of the four grammatical

8(30) features included in the present study. In the description of AAVE features below, the General American alternatives are included as a basis for comparison.

Four grammatical features of AAVE are in focus in this study: negation ain’t, multiple negation, copula BE absence and invariant copula BE. These four grammatical features were selected for two reasons. Firstly, they are argued to be the most distinctive features of AAVE (Rickford, 1999). Secondly, these features have been included in studies where people from different social stratifications have been examined in order to compare their AAVE use (see e.g. Rickford, 1999, Labov, 2006, Madholum, 2011). This section presents previous linguistic research on each of these features.

3.3.1 Negation ain´t + multiple negation with ain’t

The feature negation ain ́t corresponds to haven´t, hasn´t, am not, isn´t and aren´t in General American (Cheshire, ibid; see also Myhill,1995:123). Wolfram (2004:124) has also found ain´t to be used in the place of didn´t as in “She ain´t do it”, and Myhill (1995: 124) has observed ain´t being used for don´t. The feature is associated with non-standard English which can also be found in Great Britain (Cheshire, 1981: 365). Cheshire illustrates the use of negation ain ́t by the following examples:

• Negative present tense contracted form of be both as the copula as in: “We got a park near us but there ain´t nothing over there”, • The auxiliary: “How come that ain´t working?” • Negative present tense contracted form of the auxiliary has: “I ain´t got one singe flea in my hear[...]” • Past tense auxiliary as: I ain´t see the fight, and I ain´t hear the fight” (Cheshire, ibid).

Howe (2005) presents a study where he compared the early use of the negation ain´t in African American English with the modern African American English. Results show that there are several patterns that are still used up to this day, such as the use of ain´t for present tense “have + not”, as in the sentence “I´m sorry we ain´t had a chance to chill […]” (Howe, 2005: 174). Other patterns such as the use of ain´t with present tense “be + not” as in the following example: 6) “I tell you ain´t not right [...]” (ibid). Finally, the use of ain´t as the past tense of “do+ not”: “He ain´t give the man nothing (Howe, 2005: 185). However, these are only some examples of the negative constructions that are still used today. Howe

9(30) discovered several patterns from the early AAVE that are not used any longer. For instance, “the restricted use of ain´t for past tense “be + not”, and “the restricted use of ain´t for past tense have + not” (Howe, 2005: 197). All of the possible General American counterparts of negation ain´t that are still in use are considered in this study.

3.3.2 Multiple negation

Multiple negation, also called negative concord (Mufwene et al, 1998: 17) or double negation (Peterson, 2020 :110), is one of many features of the non-standard English used in the US (Green, 2002 :78, Howe, 2005: 174, Peterson, 2020: 110). The feature entails two or more negations such as don´t, no and nothing used in one single sentence (Green, 2002: 77). According to Green (2002), multiple negation can also be used as indefinite pronouns, such as nobody (for anybody in General American) and nothing (anything in General American) (Green, 2002 :77). In AAVE, there is no limit to how many negators can be used in a sentence when using multiple negation, such as in the example “Sometimes it didn’t have no chalk, no books, no teachers” (Green, ibid), whereas in General American the negative can only be utilized once in the same sentence (ibid).

Previous studies of multiple negation have shown that the feature is closely related to social class (Shuy, Wolfram and Riley :1968 in Wardhaugh & Fuller, 2014: 177). Regarding the use of the feature among the different social classes in the African American community in Detroit, the upper- middle class speakers rarely used multiple negation in their speech (only 2 percent),whereas the lower middle class used the feature 11 percent of the time, upper working-class 38 percent, and lower working-class 70 percent of the time (Wardhaugh & Fuller, 2014: ibid). The results of the use of multiple negation in Detroit thus showed a variation among the different social classes which connects class with linguistic behavior. Individual´s use of features of AAVE such as multiple negation decreases in formal contexts where their speech became more General American (ibid). Wardhaugh and Fuller assert that “the higher the social class of the speaker, the more standard too is the speaker´s behavior” (Wardhaugh & Fuller, 2014: 178).

There is also one closely related construction of the multiple negation, namely negative inversion, in which the auxiliary and indefinite pronouns are negated as in “Can´t nobody say nothing” (inverted from Nobody can´t say nothing) for General American “Nobody can say anything” and “Ain´t nobody home” equivalent for general American “Nobody is home”

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(Rickford, 1999 :8). When AAVE speakers use negative inversion, this implies that they tend to “switch the order of the subject (nobody) and the auxiliary verb (ain´t), yielding Ain´t nobody gonna find out” (Pullum, 1999: ibid). The main purpose of using negative inversion is to emphasize, for instance, if the indefinite pronoun is stressed as in “Don’t nobody like him” (Wolfram, 2004: 124). However, this feature is not included in this study since it was not used by the characters.

3.3.3 Copula BE absence

The copula BE absence, “also called zero copula” (Katz, Seth R, 2020: 131), is also a feature which is associated with AAVE. In General American the forms of the verbs (is and are) are usually contracted, whereas in AAVE these features are absent (Yule, 2014: 265). This implies that AAVE speakers can use this feature in various ways such as in “he is the leader (full form)”, He´s the leader (contracted form)”, and “he Ø the leader (absent form)” (Alim, 2004: 141). If looking at the structure of all of the three sentences above, they differ in their grammatical structure, but they all mean the same thing. The intention of omitting the copula BE is to “mark ongoing events that are ongoing or repeated, but of limited duration [...]” (Katz, Seth R 2020: 131). In AAVE this absence is optional while in General American the copula is obligatory (ibid).

Alim (2004) mentions that in AAVE “the copula BE can be absent before prepositional phrases and locatives (on the rise), progressive verbs (he runnin scared), adjectives (we wide awake), negatives and gon (we not just gon lay down [...] (Alim 2004: 141). However, the feature cannot be applied in all grammatical environments: “it cannot be absent when it is in sentence final position (as they are) […].” (ibid). The copula cannot be absent in the first- person singular form (I am). For instance, a sentence like “I the boss” is ungrammatical (Alim 2004: 141-142, Norment, 2003: 78). This shows that the feature is governed by rules that determine how the verb be occurs in AAVE.

Rickford (1999) conducted a study where he compared his own study to Wolfram´s (1979) study. His study showed that three of four black adults omitted the copula be in their speech 20 percent of the time, whereas teenagers omitted those 82 percent of the time. In contrast to Rickford’s study, concerning the absence of copula be, Wolfram´s (1979) study showed that the African American teenagers in Detroit (14 to 17 years old) had a lower percentage in the omission of copula be, compared to Rickford´s study. In conclusion, the comparison Rickford

11(30) executed showed that the omission of copula be is also highly affected by age. This implies that the African American teenagers omitted the copula be more than adults.

3.3.4 Invariant BE

According to Rickford (1999) invariant BE, also called nonfinite BE (Wolfram, 2004: 118), is one of the best-known grammatical features of the AAVE. Rickford (1999) also refers invariant be as aspectual (1999: 47) which implies “using the unconjugated form of the verb to be […] to signal that something happens on a regular or frequent basis” (Peterson, 2020:106). The following example “I be good” (Norment, 2003: 78) is mainly used in AAVE and indicates that the speaker is good intermittently.

The aspectual form can also be used to “specify precisely how often the looking activity occurs; usually, often or never” (Green, 2002, 51), as in the sentence “I always be looking for somewhere to waste time” (Green, 2002: Ibid). The aspectual form often occurs before a verb in the progressive form (verb+ ing), but it can also be used with other grammatical classes, such as adjectives and preposition phrases (ibid).

Compared to the copula BE absence and other auxiliaries, invariant BE cannot be left out in a sentence, since it conveys a specific meaning (Green, 2002: 47). If the copula is left out, it may lose its actual intended interpretation. It is also good to keep in mind that invariant BE as the aspectual be cannot be inflected and does not occur as (is, am or are) (2002: 48).

The other explanation of the use of invariant BE is the deletion of the future markers will or would as in “He be there tomorrow” (Rickford, 1999 :6). This means that the “ll contraction of will is often absent before be” (Norment, 2003: 78).

Bailey & Maynor (1987) present a study of the use of invariant BE. The study showed that the African American teenagers from Texas used invariant BE as the habitual BE and as an auxiliary, before verb + ing, whereas older black people used be as a copula before adjectives and locatives. Their study also showed that invariant BE is more frequently used by the younger generation and that the older generation does not use it as often. When expressing future meaning in AAVE, the future marker will in General American is replaced by the use of Invariant BE and the use of invariant BE as the habitual BE corresponds to the use of always, usually and often in General American (Green, 2002: 51).

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Material & Method This study investigates the use of AAVE in fiction. Section 4.1 first introduces the actor Marlon Wayans and the film Sextuplets, which is used as a source of data, and section 4.2 subsequently describes the method.

Material

4.1.1 The actor Marlon Wayans

Wayans is an African American actor who grew up in New York City. He has appeared in numerous interviews and talk shows (e.g., BigBoyTV, BUILD Series, The Angie Martinez show and The Tonight show Starring Jimmy Fallon), and interestingly, his own usage of AAVE features in these public settings varies depending on the context. In public or formal settings, he tends to adapt his language into General American (see interview 3, 4), whereas when he appears in more informal settings such as radio stations, he uses AAVE (see interview 1 and 2).

4.1.2 The movie Sextuplets

The primary source that was used for this study was the movie Sextuplets (2019), directed by Michael Tiddes and co-produced by Marlon Wayans. The movie is about the father-to-be Alan (played by Marlon Wayans) who is keen to find out about his biological family. Alan is presented as a wealthy African American male who lives in a beautiful neighborhood in Georgia. When he finds out that he has five identical siblings, he decides to reconcile with them and meet up with his long-lost family before his baby is born [Imdb, www]. The first part of the movie takes place in Georgia and the second part in Alabama, where Alan and one of his brothers travel to find the rest of the family. All of these six characters, Alan and his five siblings, all played by Wayans. The siblings have very different personalities and social circumstances. Alan, who is the main character, is very proper and wealthy, Jaspar is the stiff and quiet brother who lives in a suburb in Alabama, Ethan is the goofy one who is very poor, Russell is a nerdy introvert who lives with his mother, Baby Pete, who is having health problems, is the caring person, and Dawn who is the most outspoken out of all siblings, is an exotic dancer who has been in and out of prison several times. Since Alan and Dawn are the most obvious opposites of each other in terms of their social status and personalities, the focus will be on the two characters. Based on Holmes (2013) discussion about how social class is connected to language patterns, where there are differences in how people talk due to

13(30) differences in “social prestige, wealth and education” (Holmes, 2013: 142), it can be expected that Alan´s higher socio- economic status will entail lower frequency of AAVE features in his speech compared to Dawn’s, due to their differences in social class.

4.1.3 The transcript

This investigation is based on the script of Alan’s and Dawn’s speech. The script was retrieved from the website subslikescripts.com [www] which is an online site where you can find scripts of TV shows, series and movies. The script for the movie Sextuplets consists of 13082 words (excluding music lyrics).

Method

The method used to process the script was close reading, and in addition, the movie was viewed several times in order to make sure that none of the features used by the two characters were left out and in order to take note of the context where the features were used. When reading the script, each feature that could be identified as AAVE use was highlighted. All instances that were found in the script were later calculated and presented in separate figures comparing Alan and Dawn´s AAVE use. Possible uses of each feature were identified by taking note of the General American counterparts of the AAVE features as listed in section 3.3. These avoidances of AAVE use were also identified by means of a process of close reading. These possible uses of each feature (i.e. the use of General American instead of AAVE) provide the backdrop for determining the relative frequency of AAVE use in the two characters’ speech. Such instances where the General American alternatives were chosen are subsequently referred to as AAVE avoidance.

Results

This section presents the results of the use of the AAVE features negation ain´t + multiple negation with ain’t, multiple negation, copula BE absence and invariant BE in the two characters Alan’s and Dawn’s speech. Section 5.1 first offers a qualitative presentation of instances of AAVE use and AAVE avoidance in Alan’s and Dawn’s speech, thus illustrating how AAVE is portrayed in the film Sextuplets. Section 5.2 subsequently compares the frequency of AAVE use to the frequency of AAVE avoidance in Alan’s and Dawn’s speech, contrasting the two characters’ use of the four grammatical AAVE features.

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The use of AAVE vs. AAVE avoidance in Alan´s and Dawn´s speech

This section begins by first presenting Alan’s use of AAVE (5.1.1) and avoidance of AAVE (5.1.2), and subsequently illustrates Dawn’s use of AAVE (5.1.3) and avoidance of AAVE (5.1.4).

5.1.1 Alan´s use of AAVE

The first feature considered in this presentation is negation ain´t + multiple negation with ain´t. When analyzing the script from the movie Sextuplets, negation ain´t could be identified in Alan´s speech (occurred 7 times). The following examples illustrate how he uses the feature:

(1) I ain´t Rockford (2) Ain´t nobody gonna punkin us (3) I ain´t got contraband

Example (1) illustrates the use of ain´t corresponds to “am+ not” in General American in the present tense. Regarding the grammatical context, ain´t is used as a copula. In example (2), Alan uses multiple negation with ain´t followed by the indefinite pronoun nobody. The sentence corresponds to General American, as in “There is no one who is going to punk us”. In addition, this example also illustrates the use of negative auxiliary inversion, which implies that ain´t is taking the subject auxiliary position. In example (3), Alan is accused of stealing when visiting his biological sister Dawn in prison. Here, the use of ain´t corresponds to “have+ not” in General American.

What could also be seen from the script is that Alan used ain´t corresponding to “am+ not” in General American 3 times, ain´t in the negative auxiliary inversion occurred once, and the use of ain´t for “have+ not” once. The use of ain´t corresponds to “is+ not” in General American was used once. Finally, the use of ain´t corresponds to “did+ not” in General American appeared once.

The second feature that could be found in the script and identified in Alan´s speech is multiple negation (occurred 8 times). The following examples depict in what context he uses this feature.

(4) I don’t want to owe this man nothing

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(5) I can´t make nothing out of this

In example (4) Alan uses the present auxiliary “do +not” followed by the indefinite noun nothing (corresponds to General American for anything) in his speech. As for the context, Alan is speaking to his wife about being afraid of asking her father for a favor. In example (5), Alan uses the negative words can´t and nothing in the same sentence, which indicates his use of multiple negation. When Alan finally receives his birth certification, he is having a hard time comprehending the information that is on the paper.

The feature copula BE absence could also be found in Alan´s speech (occurred 10 times). The examples below show how he used the feature:

(6) Girl, you doin´ a whole lot better than I did (7) That man a ghost

Wayans´s character Alan omits the copula BE corresponding to the plural verb form are (see example (6)) in the context where he is talking to his wife on the phone regarding finding his biological family, whereas example (7) corresponds to General American singular verb form is. As for the context, Alan is trying to find his brother Jaspar but struggles to get in touch with him. In addition, in example 6 the copula is absent before a verb and in example 7 the copula is absent before an adjective. The omission of the singular verb form of the copula be (is) was the most common omitted verb form (occurred 6 times) compared to the omission of

Finally, the feature invariant BE could also be identified in Alan´s speech (4 times). Two examples below illustrate that Alan uses invariant BE as an auxiliary before a verb + ing. The following examples illustrate how the feature is used.

(8) Girl, don’t be tryin to hate on my loves (9) I be having a baby soon

In example (8) the sentence is an exclamation where Alan is expressing a strong emotion in which he urges her to continuously stop hating how he dresses. Here, invariant BE is used to mark habitually, indicating that his wife has a habit of complaining about how he is dressed.

In example (9), invariant BE is used as a future marker as it indicates the fact that he will become a father in the nearest future.

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5.1.2 Alan´s avoidance of AAVE

As for the possible use of each feature, examples will be provided below, in order to show how Alan could have used the features but opted for their General American counterparts instead. Alan had 36 instances where he could have used the feature negation ain’t + multiple negation with ain’t. The following examples illustrate this.

(10) I don’t usually drink (11) I didn´t bring any smoke

In example (10) the possible use of ain´t was in the context where Alan´s boss offers him an alcoholic drink as in the sentence “I ain´t usually drink”. In the following example (11), Alan could have replaced “did + not” with ain´t followed by the negative word no in order for the sentence to become a multiple negation with ain´t, such as “I ain´t bring no smoke”. As for the context, Alan was on his way meeting his biological family and was having a dialog with himself in order to prepare for the meeting.

As for the possible use of this multiple negation (possible occurrence 17 times), examples will be provided below in order to show how he could have used it.

(12) She didn´t say anything about why she gave me up? (13) I got nothing on Baby Pete

In example (12), Alan is curious about his biological mother, hence asking Russell a lot of questions about her. If Alan would have replaced the pronoun anything with the negative indefinite pronoun nothing, that would have implied that Alan would have used the multiple negation feature, such as in the sentence “She didn´t say nothing about why she gave me up?”.

In the last example (13), Alan had the opportunity to use the feature when his wife is asking him if he have been able to reach his biological brother Baby Pete. If Alan would have added the negative auxiliary “have + not”, the sentence would have become a multiple negation, such as “I haven´t got nothing on Baby Pete “.

Alan had the opportunity to use the feature copula BE absence, i.e. omit the copula BE several times in his speech (possible occurrence 38 times). The following examples will show how he could have deleted the copula:

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(14) The resemblance is uncanny (15) The baby is great

In example (14) Alan could have dropped the copula BE (is), where he encounters his brother Ethan for the very first time and claims that they look exactly the same. The copula be in the singular verb form (is) could also have been absent when his boss is asking him about the baby due to him becoming a father (15).

There were 20 instances where Alan had the opportunity to use the feature invariant BE. The following examples illustrate how he could have used this feature.

(16) I´ll be there, okay (17) He is busy

In example (16) Alan could have used invariant BE in order to express future, as in “I be there, okay”. Example (17) shows that invariant BE / habitual BE could have been used to express habitually, when Alan is telling Russell that his brother Ethan is a busy man since he cannot reach him.

5.1.3 Dawn´s use of AAVE

This section shows how Dawn uses each feature. Dawn uses the feature negation ain´t + multiple negation with ain´t 20 times in the movie, as in the following examples below:

(18) There ain´t nothing I wouldn’t do for my kids (19) What kind of black barbeque ain´t got no damn Dominos? (20) I ain´t afraid of you

Example (18) shows that she is using ain´t corresponds to “is+ not” in General American followed by the negative indefinite pronoun nothing and the negative past future tense “would + not”. As for the context, Dawn is using ain´t when Alan is visiting her in the prison, which is also their first time meeting each other. In example (19) Dawn is using the multiple negation with ain´t, which corresponds to “have+ not” in General American followed by a negative word “no”. Dawn is using multiple negation with ain´t when she is at a barbeque party at Alan´s house. Example (20) illustrates Dawn´s use of ain´t corresponds to “am+ not” in General American. In total, Dawn used ain´t corresponding to “is+ not” in General American 7 times, ain´t corresponds to “are+ not” in General American 5 times, the multiple

18(30) negation with ain´t 3 times. The use of ain´t corresponds to “am+ not” in General American 4 times. Finally, multiple negation with ain´t in the negative auxiliary inversion occurred once.

The feature multiple negation could also be found in Dawn´s speech (occurred 16 times). The following examples show how she uses it:

(21) I know you did not show up to a prison without no damn smokes! (22) You ain´t about nothing

In example (21) Dawn meets her brother Alan for the first time. She asks him if he brought any cigarettes for her to smoke, and when Alan´s answer is no, she gets really upset. The use of without and the negative word no in the same sentence indicates that Dawn is using this feature. In example (22), Dawn is mad at Alan because he refuses to give his kidney to his sick brother Baby Pete. The use of ain´t and the negative indefinite pronoun nothing imply that she is using multiple negation.

The feature copula BE absence was used by Dawn 25 times. The following examples show how she used it.

(23) You lyin´, Alan (24) You think you so taught cause you tall

Example (23) shows that Dawn is omitting the copula BE in the plural verb form are. In this example, the copula is absent before a progressive verb (lying). In example (24), the copula is absent before an adverb phrase (so taught) and an adjective (tall). As for the context, Dawn is having an argument with two white males on the parking lot. The omission of the plural form of the copula be (are) was the most common omitted verb form (occurred 16 times) compared to the omission of the singular verb form is which occurred 9 times.

Dawn used the feature invariant BE this feature 5 times in the movie. The examples below show how she uses this feature.

(25) These hoes be out there (26) I be kicking your ass

Example (25) shows the use of invariant BE as a future marker, and it is used before the adverbial phrase (out there). Dawn is using the feature when she is asking Alan if he is dating

19(30) someone. In example (26) Dawn is using the feature to express future (replacing the future marker will) indicating that she is going to do a certain action in the nearest future. In this sentence, the feature is used before the verb + ing.

5.1.4 Dawn´s avoidance of AAVE

This section shows examples of Dawn’s AAVE avoidance, i.e. instances where she could have used an AAVE feature but opted for the General American counterpart. There were 12 instances where Dawn had the opportunity to use the feature negation ain´t + multiple negation with ain´t. The following examples illustrate this feature.

(27) I don´t play that (28) You are not God or Obama

In example (27) the use of ain´t could have been used by Dawn when she is arguing with the two men at the parking lot, such as in the sentence “I ain´t play that?”. In example (28) she had the opportunity to use multiple negation with ain´t followed by a negative word no when she is arguing with her brother when he interrupts her conversation with the two white male that she meets at the parking lot, such as “You ain´t no God or Obama”.

There were 14 times in the movie where Dawn had the opportunity to use the feature multiple negation, as can be seen in the following examples:

(29) I don´t want any smell woofin´on me as we drive (30) It doesn´t make any difference to me

In the first example (29) Dawn had the opportunity to use multiple negation if she would have substituted any with the negative word no, as in the sentence “I don´t want no smell woofin as we drive”. In the example, Dawn thinks that Russell smells and does not want to sit next to him in the car. In example (30), Dawn could have used the feature if she would have added the negative word no as in the following sentence “It doesn´t make no difference to me”.

Dawn also had the opportunity to use the feature copula BE absence, i.e. omit the copula, in several contexts (possible occurrence 16 times). The examples below represent how the feature could have been used.

(31) Like, this is uncanny

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(32) You are nice

In examples (31), Dawn had the opportunity to omit the copula BE in the context where she tells her brother Alan that she thinks that they look very much alike when he comes to visit her in prison. In example (32), the copula could have been absent when she is telling Alan that she thinks that he is a very nice guy.

There were also opportunities where she could have used the feature invariant BE (possible occurrence 15 times). The following examples show how she could have used the feature.

(33) I´m goin home soon (34) I´ll close my eyes and pretend y´all the Ying Yang twins

In example (33) invariant BE could have been used instead of the future marker (will) to express future meaning such as in the sentence “I be goin home soon”. As for the context, Dawn could have used it when she is telling an inmate that she will soon be released from prison. In the next example (34) invariant BE could have also been used as a future marker, as in the sentence “I be closing my eyes and pretend yáll the Ying Yang twins” Dawn is threatening the two males at the parking lot.

Alan´s and Dawn´s use and avoidance of AAVE features – a quantitative comparison

This section presents the quantitative findings of the study. Separate figures for each feature are presented in order to compare Alan and Dawn´s use of each AAVE feature as well as their AAVE avoidance (see figure 1, 2 ,3 and 4). The section is concluded by a figure showing the total use of AAVE and the total use of AAVE avoidance by the two characters (see figure 5).

Figure 1 below first shows Alan’s and Dawns use and avoidance of the feature negation ain’t and multiple negation with ain’t:

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Negation ain´t + Multiple negation with 100% ain´t

80% 12

60% 36

40% 20 20% 7 0% Alan Dawn AAVE Avoidance of AAVE

Figure 1: Frequency of the use of AAVE vs. the frequency of the possible use of AAVE

The figures in the bars show the number of instances found in each character’s speech, comparing their use of AAVE vs. their avoidance of AAVE, and the stacked bars shows the relative frequency of use and avoidance. As figure 1 shows, Alan uses negation ain´t 15 % of the time, whereas Dawn does so more 60 % of the time.

Figure 2 shows Alan’s and Dawns use and avoidance of the feature multiple negation:

Multiple negation

100% 90% 80% 14 70% 17 60% 50% 40% 30% 16 20% 8 10% 0% Alan Dawn AAVE Avoidance of AAVE

Figure 2: Frequency of the use of AAVE vs. the frequency of the avoidance of AAVE

This figure shows that Alan uses the feature multiple negation 33 % of the time, while Dawn is using it 55%. Dawn thus uses this feature of AAVE to a greater extent compared to Alan who has a greater use of General American.

Figure 3 compares the relative frequencies of Alan’s and Dawn’s use and avoidance of the feature copula BE absence:

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Copula BE absence

100% 90% 80% 16 70% 60% 38 50% 40% 30% 25 20% 10% 10 0% Alan Dawn

AAVE Avoidance of AAVE

Figure 3: Frequency of the use of AAVE vs. the frequency of avoidance of AAVE

From what can be seen in figure 3, copula be absence is mostly used by Dawn (60% of the time). The figure also shows that Alan uses this feature of AAVE less, since he only uses copula be absence 20% of the time.

Figure 4 compares the frequencies of Alan’s and Dawn’s use and avoidance of the feature invariant BE:

Invariant BE

100% 90% 80% 70% 15 60% 20 50% 40% 30% 20% 5 10% 4 0% Alan Dawn AAVE Avoidance of AAVE

Figure 4. Frequency of the use of AAVE vs. the frequency of the avoidance of AAVE

Figure 4 illustrates that Alan uses the feature invariant BE 15 % of the time, whereas Dawn uses it 25 % of the time. There is thus a slightly higher relative frequency of this feature in Dawn’s speech. However, this feature displays the smallest difference in usage between the two characters.

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Finally, figure 5 shows a comparative overview of Alan’s and Dawn’s total use of AAVE:

Total use of AAVE vs. Total use of avoidance of AAVE 100%

80% 51

60% 111

40% 66 20% 26 0% Alan Dawn AAVE Avoidance of AAVE

Figure 5. Frequency of AAVE vs. the frequency of AAVE avoidance

When collecting all data together the result shows that Dawn is actually using AAVE much more than Alan. Dawn prefers AAVE features to the General American counterparts in 55% of her speech in the movie whereas Alan only uses AAVE options 19 % of the time.

Discussion

In this section, I return to the research questions and discuss how the findings of this study relate to previous research on AAVE in authentic settings. The results showed that all of the four grammatical AAVE features explored were present in the speech of the two characters in the movie Sextuplets. It was noted that negation ain´t was used in the place of present tense “be+ not” and “have + not” (see example 1, 3, 19 & 20). Howe (2005) discusses different structures of the use of negation ain´t that still can be found in the modern AAVE and lists these structures as occurring in real-world data. It can therefore be argued that the portrayal of negation ain’t in the movie is consistent with findings from usage in authentic contexts. Regarding the use of multiple negation, the characters applied the feature in a similar way as observed in previous research conducted by Green (2002:77). Both characters used indefinite pronouns, such as nobody (anybody in General American) and nothing (anything in General American) (see example 2, 4, 5, 18, 21, 22). The use of negators such as no and don’t could also be spotted in their use of multiple negation, where Alan used don´t (see example 4) and Dawn used no (see example 19, 21). As for their use of copula BE absence, both of the characters omitted the copula in the singular and plural verb forms. As Alim (2004)

24(30) suggested, the copula can be absent before prepositional phrases and locatives (on the rise), progressive verbs (he runnin scared) and adjectives (we wide awake) (2004:141). Both of the characters omitted the copula before a progressive verb and an adjective (see example 6, 7, 23 and 24). It implies that the feature copula BE absence is also presented in the movie in a similar way as in authentic environments. According to Rickford, invariant BE is one of the most common features of AAVE (1999:263), but in this study this was the feature being used the least by the two characters in the movie (see figure 4). Thus, this study does not agree with Rickford´s findings. However, regarding the structure of invariant BE used in previous research (Green, 2002:51, Rickford, 1999 :6, Norment, 2003: 78), the characters used the feature in ways corresponding to the usage in previous research, as Alan and Dawn used invariant BE as a habitual marker (to express habituality) as well as replacing the future marker will in General American to express future meaning (see example 16, 17, 25, 26). When comparing the use of each feature between the two characters, the feature copula BE absence turned out to be the most used feature by the two characters, whereas the least used feature turned out to be the feature invariant BE by both of the characters. This also shows that there are similarities in the use AAVE by the two characters. To sum up, the findings of the qualitative part of the study shows that the AAVE features used in the movie resemble to a high degree the features of AAVE observed in previous research of language use in authentic contexts.

As the results of the quantitative analysis made consistently clear, Wayans’s use of AAVE in the movie differed depending on whether he played the character Alan or Dawn. In the movie, the character Dawn uses AAVE to a greater extent compared to Alan (see figure 5). The movie can thus be said to confirm the idea that not all African Americans speak AAVE to the same extent. This is in line with Rickford’s (1999 :9) findings. Another reason behind their different use of AAVE could be that Dawn lives in a geographical where AAVE is mainly spoken, hence her rich use of the sociolect, whereas Alan has been raised in an area where there was a mix of General American and AAVE. Peterson mentions that the use of AAVE depends on “the circumstances in which people live” (Peterson, 2020: 102). It could also be the case that the differences in Alan’s and Dawn’s use and avoidance of AAVE reflect the director’s ways of portraying their different social classes. Alan´s AAVE avoidance seemingly reflects a character that is aware that AAVE is considered inappropriate in professional settings (Green, 2002: 223). Alan therefore adjusts his language in formal settings, such as when he is at work or around his wife´s family who do not use AAVE.

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Alan’s usage of AAVE can thus be said to suggest awareness that African Americans who use this type of speech may be considered lazy and unintelligible and that using General American will enhance the chances to be perceived as and become successful (Green, 2002: ibid). This also answers the question regarding the two characters’ use of AAVE, in response to which this study shows that there are extensive differences in the use of AAVE, Dawn using the AAVE options much more frequently than Alan (see figure 5).

The differences observed regarding all of the four features correspond with findings from previous research in authentic contexts regarding AAVE use and social class. The two characters’ use of AAVE can thus be said to perpetuate stereotypes of African American speakers. As the finding display, it is obvious that Dawn uses AAVE to a greater extent than Alan, due to her rich use of the features of AAVE included in this study. Her rich use of AAVE in the movie is consistent with how her social background is portrayed in the movie, where she is deemed as being the villain who has been in and out of jail the majority of her lifetime. This supports Speicher & McMahon´s (1992) claim about the fact that AAVE is mostly spoken by “criminals, dope pushers, teenage hoodlums and various and sundry hustlers […]” (Speicher & McMahon, 1992 :386). Her lifestyle as being poor and working as an exotic dancer also corresponds to her rich use of AAVE and her limited use of the General American counterparts of the features studied here. In contrast to Dawn, Alan´s use of General American reflects his social background as a wealthy businessman who lives in a beautiful area in Georgia. This supports Madhloum´s claim that African American individuals who belong to higher classes mostly use General American (Madhloum, 2011:6). Hence, this study is compatible with Madhloum´s findings.

It is important to emphasize that this study is limited to only two characters in one movie, and one weakness of this study is thus the total amount of data. It should therefore be acknowledged that the results are only representative of themselves and cannot predict how AAVE is portrayed in fiction more generally. To give a more complete picture, it would have been necessary to include a broader range of fiction portraying the speech and social background of African American characters. Another weakness of the study concerns the method. There is an element of subjectivity involved in determining category membership, especially as regards AAVE avoidance, i.e., instances where the opportunity to use AAVE was not employed by the character. Another analyst might have interpreted these instances slightly differently, and it would therefore have been preferable to perform an inter-rater

26(30) reliability test. Unfortunately, this procedure was not possible within the frames of the current project.

Conclusion This study has examined the movie script from the movie Sextuplets (2019), directed by Michael Tiddes and co-produced by Marlon Wayans. The aim of the study was to investigate how AAVE is portrayed in fiction and to compare Alan’s and Dawn´s use of AAVE, since the two characters represent different social classes. In order to study their language, the use of the four grammatical AAVE features negation ain´t + multiple negation with ain´t, multiple negation, copula BE absence, and invariant BE were studied.

The study showed that both characters use these features of AAVE. However, there are differences in how the two characters use AAVE. Dawn uses AAVE to a greater extent than Alan. Their different uses of AAVE can be related to their different social circumstances. Dawn is portrayed as a troublemaker who has been in and out of jail, whereas Alan is a wealthy African American male who is living in an upper-class neighborhood.

Studying two African American characters with different social backgrounds is interesting because it gives a clear picture of how AAVE is used. The results confirm the idea that socially privileged African Americans tend to adapt their language in different social contexts. However, African Americans with another lifestyle, who are poor and/or exposed to other social challenges, seem to preserve the features of AAVE in their speech, possibly due to lack of knowledge regarding how to adapt their language or because they want to maintain their cultural identity. This study has shown that features of AAVE can fruitfully be studied in fiction such as movies. This is an area of AAVE use that has not been extensively researched before using sociolinguistic methods. Future studies investigating AAVE as represented by other film makers are recommended in order to provide a more complete picture of how AAVE is represented in movies more generally.

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References Primary sources: Subslikescript (2019) Movie script of Sextuplets. https://subslikescript.com/movie/Sextuplets- 8976710 [Accessed September 2020].

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Labov, W. (2006). The social stratification of English in New York City. Cambridge University Press. Madholum, H. (2011). African American Vernacular English: Origins and Features. Grin Publishing [online] Retrieved from: https://books.google.se/books?id=qZ0b7PijP3IC&printsec=frontcover&source=gbs_bo ok_other_versions_r&redir_esc=y#v=onepage&q&f=falsefrom [Accessed:1st January 2021] Mufwene S.S, Rickford, J.R., Bailey, G., Baugh, J. (1998). African American English Structure, history and use. London: Routledge. Myhill, J. (1995). The use of Features of Present-Day AAVE in the Ex-slave Recordings. American Speech vol. 7 No.2, 115–147. Retrieved from: https://www-jstor- org.proxy.lnu.se/stable/455812?sid=primo&origin=crossref&seq=9#metadata_info_tab _contents [Accessed: 6th January 2021] Norment, N. (ed.) (2003). Readings in African American language: aspects, features, and perspectives. New York: Peter Lang Oetting, J, B. (2020). From my perspective /Opinion: General American English as Dialect: A call for Change. [online] Retrieved from: https://web-a-ebscohost- com.proxy.lnu.se/ehost/pdfviewer/pdfviewer?vid=1&sid=92cb50a4-5932-4f42-b97d- ce67f04cb8dd%40sdc-v-sessmgr02 Peterson, E. (2020). Making sense of "bad English": an introduction to language attitudes and ideologies. Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge. Pullum, G.K (1999). African American Vernacular English Is Not Standard English With Mistakes [online]. Retrieved from: https://web.stanford.edu/~zwicky/aave-is-not-se- with-mistakes.pdf [Accessed: 19th January 2020] Rickford, R. (1999). African American Vernacular English: Features, Evolution, Educational implication. Malden, MA Blackwell Speicher, B., McMahon, S.M. (1992). Some African American Perspectives on Black English Vernacular. Language in Society, 21(3), 383–407. Retrieved from: https://www.jstor.org/stable/4168367?casa_token=fz1aLB_lic0AAAAA%3AhrHz49Z5cjxs -cHfNZecR3f- sedS7t8ld5w2QpufbcDxZPtNanFZhrA0Dk052Qm2uO10ALqcXgGEgYi3MxYlejHWaHf- dhNE-QN-hBDpudIR98PZkCnO&seq=4#metadata_info_tab_contents [Accessed: 4th January 2021]

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The Angie Martinez show (2019): Marlon Wayans confirms “White Chicks 2” Not Happening + would take SpongeBob over Trump: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GrXXdY5S2GA [Accessed: 25th November 2019]. (Interview 2) The Tonight show Starring Jimmy Fallon (2019): Marlon Wayans on Eddie Murphy visiting him on the Projects and finally making him laugh: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XC7dagtU_Lk&t=15 [Accessed: 15th December 2019] (Interview 3) Yule, G. (2014). The study of language, 5th ed. New York: Cambridge University Press. Wardhaugh, R., Fuller, M.J. (2014). An Introduction to Sociolinguistics, John Wiley & Sons, Incorporated, Retrieved from: ProQuest Ebook Central: https://ebookcentral-proquest- com.proxy.lnu.se/lib/linne-ebooks/detail.action?docID=1811431 [Accessed: 3rd January 2021] Wolfram, W. (2004). The grammar of urban African American Vernacular English. [Online] Retrieved from: https://www.semanticscholar.org/paper/The-grammar-of-urban- African-American-Vernacular- Wolfram/8c277045aff1335d6612c83206109a41a40bcf6d#paper-header [Accessed: 21st December 2019]

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