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Covert Action to Prevent Realignment by Cullen Gifford Nutt
Sooner Is Better: Covert Action to Prevent Realignment by Cullen Gifford Nutt September 2019 ABSTRACT Why do states intervene covertly in some places and not others? This is a pressing question for theorists and policymakers because covert action is widespread, costly, and consequential. I argue that states wield it—whether by supporting political parties, arming dissidents, sponsoring coups, or assassinating leaders—when they fear that a target is at risk of shifting its alignment toward the state that the intervener considers most threatening. Covert action is a rational response to the threat of realignment. Interveners correctly recognize a window of opportunity: Owing to its circumscribed nature, covert action is more likely to be effective before realignment than after. This means that acting sooner is better. I test this argument in case studies of covert action decision-making by the United States in Indonesia, Iraq, and Portugal. I then conduct a test of the theory’s power in a medium-N analysis of 97 cases of serious consideration of such action by the United States during the Cold War. Interveners, I suggest, do not employ covert action as a result of bias on the part of intelligence agencies. Nor do they use it to add to their power. Rather, states act covertly when they fear international realignment. 1 Chapter 1: Introduction 1. The Puzzle and Its Importance In April 1974, military officers in Portugal overthrew a right-wing dictatorship. A caretaker government under a conservative officer, Antonio Spínola, set elections for March of 1975. But Spínola resigned at the end of September, frustrated with menacing opposition from the left. -
461114 1 En Bookbackmatter 209..247
Conclusion: Convergent Paths In November 1945, the President of the Republic of Vietnam, Hồ Chí Minh, sent a letter addressed to ‘the President of the Republic of Indonesia’, proposing that a joint declaration of solidarity to be made by Indonesia and Vietnam in the form of a ‘Preparatory Commission Struggling for a Federation of the Free Peoples of Southern Asia’. The letter, entrusted to an American journalist named Harold Isaacs, did not reach President Soekarno.1 It was handed to Vice-President Mohammad Hatta, who then passed it on to Prime Minister Sutan Sjahrir. Sjahrir discussed the offer with Soedjatmoko Koko, the interpreter to foreign correspon- dents of the Republican government, but told him that he would not reply and preferred just to ignore the letter. Sjahrir indifference sprang from his conviction that the situation in Indonesia and Vietnam were very different. The Indonesian nationalists were up against the Dutch, who were ‘a weak colonial power and could be defeated quickly.’ Hồ Chí Minh had to contend with the French, who could and would resist him for a long time. Furthermore, he looked askance at the fact that the DRV government depended on support from the communists, which was not the case in Indonesia. In conclusion, Sjahrir argued, ‘If we ally ourselves with Hồ Chí Minh, we shall weaken ourselves and delay Independence.’2 The story of the missed opportunity for cooperation between Vietnam and Indonesia3 as a result of Sjahrir’s ‘betrayal of the greater Asian revolution’,as 1Harold Robert Isaacs is the author of No Peace for Asia, which has been cited widely in this dissertation. -
Sudargo Gautama and the Development of Indonesian Public Order: a Study on the Application of Public Order Doctrine in a Pluralistic Legal System
Sudargo Gautama and the Development of Indonesian Public Order: A Study on the Application of Public Order Doctrine in a Pluralistic Legal System Yu Un Oppusunggu A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Washington 2015 Reading Committee: John O. Haley, Chair Michael E. Townsend Beth E. Rivin Program Authorized to Offer Degree School of Law © Copyright 2015 Yu Un Oppusunggu ii University of Washington Abstract Sudargo Gautama and the Development of Indonesian Public Order: A Study on the Application of Public Order Doctrine in a Pluralistic Legal System Yu Un Oppusunggu Chair of the Supervisory Committee: Professor John O. Haley School of Law A sweeping proviso that protects basic or fundamental interests of a legal system is known in various names – ordre public, public policy, public order, government’s interest or Vorbehaltklausel. This study focuses on the concept of Indonesian public order in private international law. It argues that Indonesia has extraordinary layers of pluralism with respect to its people, statehood and law. Indonesian history is filled with the pursuit of nationhood while protecting diversity. The legal system has been the unifying instrument for the nation. However the selected cases on public order show that the legal system still lacks in coherence. Indonesian courts have treated public order argument inconsistently. A prima facie observation may find Indonesian public order unintelligible, and the courts have gained notoriety for it. This study proposes a different perspective. It sees public order in light of Indonesia’s legal pluralism and the stages of legal development. -
O Timor Português Na Política Externa De Suharto: O Regresso Ao Status Quo Ante, 1965-1974
Moisés Silva Fernandes 272 O Timor Português na Política Externa de Suharto: o Regresso ao Status Quo Ante, 1965-1974 ■ Dados curriculares e biográficos Moisés Silva Fernandes é investigador associado sénior do Instituto de Ciências Sociais da Universidade de Lisboa. Dedica-se ao estudo de Timor nas relações luso- , 1965-1974 -australo-indonésias, de Macau nas relações luso-chinesas e da política externa portuguesa contemporânea. As suas mais recentes publicações incluem o livro Sinopse de Macau nas Relações Luso-Chinesas, 1945-1995, Lisboa, Fundação Oriente, 2000, e vários trabalhos editados em revistas e actas académicas. Status Quo Ante Quo Status ■ Palavras-chave Mudança de regimes políticos; política externa da Indonésia; status quo ante; Timor Português. ■ Resumo Com a ascensão ao poder de Suharto na sequência do violento golpe de Estado de 1965 as relações indonésio-portuguesas, que tinham entrado num período de crispação mitigada desde a criação do eixo Jacarta-Pequim, em 1963, entraram numa fase diferente. Assistiu-se a uma crescente aproximação e cooperação entre os governos centrais da Indonésia e de Portugal, por um lado, e entre as administrações de Kupang e Díli, por outro. Este novo ambiente, que se foi solidificando gradualmente, representou uma significativa ruptura com a declaração de Sukarno a exortar à libertação do Timor Português, de 17 de Agosto de 1965. ■ Abstract With Suharto’s accession to power after the 1965 violent coup d’état Indonesian- O Timor Português na Política Externa de Suharto: na Política Timor Português O ao o Regresso -Portuguese relations, which had been under a certain mitigated strain since the establishment of the Jakarta-Beijing axis in 1963, entered a new phase. -
Another Look at the Jakarta Charter Controversy of 1945
Another Look at the Jakarta Charter Controversy of 1945 R. E. Elson* On the morning of August 18, 1945, three days after the Japanese surrender and just a day after Indonesia's proclamation of independence, Mohammad Hatta, soon to be elected as vice-president of the infant republic, prevailed upon delegates at the first meeting of the Panitia Persiapan Kemerdekaan Indonesia (PPKI, Committee for the Preparation of Indonesian Independence) to adjust key aspects of the republic's draft constitution, notably its preamble. The changes enjoined by Hatta on members of the Preparation Committee, charged with finalizing and promulgating the constitution, were made quickly and with little dispute. Their effect, however, particularly the removal of seven words stipulating that all Muslims should observe Islamic law, was significantly to reduce the proposed formal role of Islam in Indonesian political and social life. Episodically thereafter, the actions of the PPKI that day came to be castigated by some Muslims as catastrophic for Islam in Indonesia—indeed, as an act of treason* 1—and efforts were put in train to restore the seven words to the constitution.2 In retracing the history of the drafting of the Jakarta Charter in June 1945, * This research was supported under the Australian Research Council's Discovery Projects funding scheme. I am grateful for the helpful comments on and assistance with an earlier draft of this article that I received from John Butcher, Ananda B. Kusuma, Gerry van Klinken, Tomoko Aoyama, Akh Muzakki, and especially an anonymous reviewer. 1 Anonymous, "Naskah Proklamasi 17 Agustus 1945: Pengkhianatan Pertama terhadap Piagam Jakarta?," Suara Hidayatullah 13,5 (2000): 13-14. -
The Making of Middle Indonesia Verhandelingen Van Het Koninklijk Instituut Voor Taal-, Land- En Volkenkunde
The Making of Middle Indonesia Verhandelingen van het Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde Edited by Rosemarijn Hoefte KITLV, Leiden Henk Schulte Nordholt KITLV, Leiden Editorial Board Michael Laffan Princeton University Adrian Vickers Sydney University Anna Tsing University of California Santa Cruz VOLUME 293 Power and Place in Southeast Asia Edited by Gerry van Klinken (KITLV) Edward Aspinall (Australian National University) VOLUME 5 The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/vki The Making of Middle Indonesia Middle Classes in Kupang Town, 1930s–1980s By Gerry van Klinken LEIDEN • BOSTON 2014 This is an open access title distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution‐ Noncommercial 3.0 Unported (CC‐BY‐NC 3.0) License, which permits any non‐commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author(s) and source are credited. The realization of this publication was made possible by the support of KITLV (Royal Netherlands Institute of Southeast Asian and Caribbean Studies). Cover illustration: PKI provincial Deputy Secretary Samuel Piry in Waingapu, about 1964 (photo courtesy Mr. Ratu Piry, Waingapu). Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Klinken, Geert Arend van. The Making of middle Indonesia : middle classes in Kupang town, 1930s-1980s / by Gerry van Klinken. pages cm. -- (Verhandelingen van het Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, ISSN 1572-1892; volume 293) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-90-04-26508-0 (hardback : acid-free paper) -- ISBN 978-90-04-26542-4 (e-book) 1. Middle class--Indonesia--Kupang (Nusa Tenggara Timur) 2. City and town life--Indonesia--Kupang (Nusa Tenggara Timur) 3. -
Downloaded from Brill.Com10/01/2021 01:16:39PM Via Free Access | Islam and the Making of the Nation
5 The ‘War of the Roses’ The Islamic state and the Pancasila Republic (1949-1962) [The government] should not consider [the Darul Islam] an enemy, rather like a father his son. Regardless of how naughty the son, if taught a lesson he should not be beaten to death, rather given a lecture, or dealt just one blow, drenched in affection. It is similar with a domestic rebellious movement.1 Disillusioned by the Republic’s acquiescence to Dutch demands, under pressure by the TNI’s operations in West Java and let down by Masyumi’s inability to make political Islam relevant in parlia- mentary politics, on 7 August 1949 Kartosuwiryo and the dewan imamah had officially proclaimed the establishment of the Negara Islam Indonesia. As shown in the previous chapter, Masyumi’s political leadership and some elements of the TNI reached out to Kartosuwiryo’s NII in the following months to find a political solution to what had become known as the ‘Darul Islam problem’ (soal Darul Islam). This chapter follows the relationship between the Islamic state and the Indone- sian Republic in the aftermath of the surrender of Dutch sovereignty, focusing in particular on how the transformation from the federal RIS to a unitary state affected NII’s attitude and activities. Diplomacy had dictated the rhythm of Indonesian politics for years, with treaties followed by ceasefires followed by their infringe- ment. Some provinces in the archipelago were slowly warming up to the idea of a federal Republic under the patronage of the House of Orange, but the population of West Java – regardless of its alle- giance to the Islamic state – remained unimpressed by the Roem- Van Royen agreement, which, far from confirming the country’s independence, had established the Negara Pasoendan as an instru- ment of The Hague. -
Relation Between Pancasila and Islamic Values on Religious Freedom
Al-Ulum Volume 14 Number 2 December 2014 Page 325-342 RELATION BETWEEN PANCASILA AND ISLAMIC VALUES ON RELIGIOUS FREEDOM Sulasman & Eki Kania Dewi State Islamic University of Sunan Gunung Djati Bandung ([email protected]) Abstrak The discourse of religious harmony and freedom is still a current study and much studied through various approaches, including in the perspective of history, sociology, and culture. In Indonesia, normatively, the practices of religious harmony and freedom are referred to both Islamic religion and Pancasila values. The two normative references are positioned in line. Thus, even for the people, Pancasila has a spirit of Islam, because the framers of Pancasila (and Konstitution UUD 1945) are Moslem like Muhammad Yamin and Sukarno. Consciously or not, the Islamic teaching viewed by those framers of Pancasila absorbed into the values of Pancasila. Therefore, it is fair enough that Pancasila and Islam have harmony and conformity, including the concepts of religious harmony and freedom. Wacana kerukunan dan kebebasan beragama masih menjadi kajian aktual dan banyak dikaji melalui berbagai pendekatan, diantaranya dalam perspektif sejarah, sosiologi, dan budaya. Di Indonesia, secara normatif, praktik kerukunan dan kebebasan beragama mengacu pada nilai agama Islam dan Pancasila sekaligus. Kedua acuan normative tersebut diposisikan sejalan. Bahkan bagi sebagian kalangan Pancasila memiliki ruh ajaran Islam, karena para perumus Pancasila (dan UUD 1945) adalah umat Islam, seperti Muhammad Yamin dan Soekarno. Disadari atau tidak, ajaran Islam yang dipersepsi para perumus Pancasila tersebut meresap kedalam Pancasila. Oleh karena itu, wajar apabila antara Pancasila dan Islam memiliki keselarasan dan kesesuaian, termasuk dalam hal konsep kerukunan dan kebebasan beragama. -
Research Study
*. APPROVED FOR RELEASE DATE:.( mY 2007 I, Research Study liWOlVEXZ4-1965 neCoup That Batkfired December 1968- i i ! This publication is prepared for tbe w of US. Cavernmeat officials. The formaf coverage urd contents of tbe puti+tim are designed to meet the specific requirements of those u~n.US. Covernment offids may obtain additional copies of this document directly or through liaison hl from the Cend InteIIigencx Agency. Non-US. Government usem myobtain this dong with rimikr CIA publications on a subscription bask by addressing inquiries to: Document Expediting (DOCEX) bject Exchange and Gift Division Library of Con- Washington, D.C ZOSaO Non-US. Gowrrrmmt users not interested in the DOCEX Project subscription service may purchase xeproductio~~of rpecific publications on nn individual hasis from: Photoduplication Servia Libmy of Congress W~hington,D.C. 20540 f ? INDONESIA - 1965 The Coup That Backfired December 1968 BURY& LAOS TMAILANO CAYBODIA SOUTU VICINAY PHILIPPIIEL b. .- .r4.n MALAYSIA INDONESIA . .. .. 4. , 1. AUSTRALIA JAVA Foreword What is commonly referred to as the Indonesian coup is more properly called "The 30 September Movement," the name the conspirators themselves gave their movement. In this paper, the term "Indonesian coup" is used inter- changeably with "The 30 September Movement ," mainly for the sake of variety. It is technically correct to refer to the events in lndonesia as a "coup" in the literal sense of the word, meaning "a sudden, forceful stroke in politics." To the extent that the word has been accepted in common usage to mean "the sudden and forcible overthrow - of the government ," however, it may be misleading. -
The Existence of the State Minister in the Government System After the Amendment to the 1945 Constitution
IOSR Journal Of Humanities And Social Science (IOSR-JHSS) Volume 25, Issue 5, Series. 1 (May. 2020) 51-78 e-ISSN: 2279-0837, p-ISSN: 2279-0845. www.iosrjournals.org The Existence of the State Minister in the Government System after the Amendment to the 1945 Constitution ParbuntianSinaga Doctor of Law, UniversitasKrisnadwipayana Jakarta Po Box 7774 Jat Cm Jakarta 13077, Indonesia Abstract: Constitutionally, the existence of ministers called cabinet or council of ministers in a presidential government system is an inseparable part of the executive power held by the President. The 1945 Constitution after the amendment, that the presence of state ministers as constitutional organs is part of the power of the President in running the government. This study aims to provide ideas about separate arrangements between state ministries placed separately in Chapter V Article 17 to Chapter III of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia concerning the authority of the state government or the power of the President, and also regarding the formation, amendment and dissolution of the ministries regulated in legislation. This study uses a normative juridical research approach. The results of the study show that the Minister of State is the President's assistant who is appointed and dismissed to be in charge of certain affairs in the government, which actually runs the government, and is responsible to the President. The governmental affairs referred to are regulated in Law No. 39 of 2008 concerning the State Ministry, consisting of: government affairs whose nomenclature is mentioned in the 1945 NRI Constitution, government affairs whose scope is mentioned in the 1945 NRI Constitution, and government affairs in the context of sharpening, coordinating, and synchronizing government programs. -
109 Bab V Berakhirnya Pemerintahan Kabinet
BAB V BERAKHIRNYA PEMERINTAHAN KABINET WILOPO Kabinet Wilopo selama periode pemerintahannya telah banyak melakukan kebijakan-kebijakan dalam mengatasi permasalahan yang ada pada saat itu. Program kerja yang dilaksanakan pemerintahan Kabinet Wilopo secara tidak langsung juga membawa kemajuan yang pesat dalam beberapa bidang bagi Indonesia. Seperti halnya kabinet-kabinet sebelumnya, sepak terjang pemerintahan kabinet ini tidak berjalan semulus yang dibayangkan. Banyak peristiwa yang terjadi antara pada masa itu juga turut mendorong jatuhnya Kabinet Wilopo. Beberapa peristiwa yang memiliki peran besar dalam jatuhnya kabinet adalah sebagai berikut. A. Peristiwa 17 Oktober 1952 Pada masa Kabinet Wilopo bertugas, pemerintah telah dihadapkan pada berbagai masalah negara. Baik itu masalah dalam negeri maupun luar negeri. Entah itu masalah ekonomi, sosial, politik, ataupun keamanan. Masalah atau kasus-kasus tersebut tentunya berdampak langsung bagi keadaan pemerintah maupun negara pada saat itu, seperti peristiwa 17 Oktober 1952 ini. Peristiwa ini mungkin menjadi salah satu kasus sulit yang dihadapi pemerintah Kabinet Wilopo. Peristiwa ini dilatar belakangi permasalahan angkatan perang di Indonesia yang masih sangat heterogen pada masa itu. Pemerintah ingin menciptakan angkatan perang yang tidak terpecah-pecah dan sejalan dengan tuntutan jaman. 109 110 Selain itu demobilisasi dan pengurangan anggaran Kementeriaan Pertahanan perlu dilaksanakan mengingat negara mengalami krisis keuangan pada saat itu.1 Demi menyederhanakan angkatan perang tersebut Kepala Staff Angkatan Darat (KSAD) dibawah pimpinan Jendral A. H. Nasution hendak membangun TNI dan memasukan bekas tentara Koninklijk Nederlands Indisch Leger (KNIL) kedalamnya. Selain itu juga munculnya rencana pemerintah untuk memutasi panglima-panglima melahirkan permasalahan dalam tubuh angkatan perang itu sendiri.2 Kebijakan KSAD ini memunculkan rasa tidak puas dari beberapa perwira TNI AD. -
THE NEW ORDER and the ECONOMY J. Panglaykim and K. D
THE NEW ORDER AND THE ECONOMY J. Panglaykim and K. D. Thomas It is rather ironic to recall President Sukarno’s "banting stir" speech of April 11, 1965. Just one year and a day after that speech, the Sultan of Jogjakarta, Presidium member for economic and financial affairs outlined the economic policy of the "perfected" Dwikora cabinet, which was formed as a result of the first major cabinet reshuffle after the abortive coup. In it, the Sultan envisaged a substantial "turn of the wheel", but it was a "banting stir" in a direction not intended by the President the previous year when he had concentrated his attacks on foreign capital and private entrepreneurs. In the months that followed the Sultan’s speech, there was a vigorous debate among the nation’s intellectuals on the content of In donesian socialism in the new era and the way in which the "just and prosperous society" so dear to the President1 was to be attained. Prominent in the debates were several groups of intellec tuals scattered throughout the capital city: some affiliated to political parties, others in such organizations as the In tellectuals’ Action Group (KASI). Membership in the various groups is not mutually exclusive. It is possible for a per son to belong to a political party and also to be an active participant in several formal and informal groups interested in discussing economic problems and taking steps to influence the government. So a program issued under the name of a par ticular organization cannot be regarded as the brain-child of that group alone.