Alcide De Gasperi Christian, Democrat, European
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03.Spacont49.Branciforte.3A Bozza:03.Spacont47.Novarino.1A
GLI ANNI DEL NEOCENTRISMO ITALIANO E LA SOSPETTOSA SPAGNA Laura Branciforte Introduzione Le relazioni politiche, economiche e culturali tra Spagna e Italia du- rante la dittatura franchista sono state senza dubbio altalenanti e disconti- nue. La prudenza e la cordialità sono stati alcuni degli ingredienti della politica estera italiana, mentre un atteggiamento sospettoso e al tempo stesso melanconico di una sintonia e complicità perdute hanno contraddi- stinto la politica estera spagnola. In quest’articolo si descrive la percezio- ne che si ebbe in Spagna del complesso contesto politico italiano nel mo- mento del passaggio dalla prima legislatura (dall’8 maggio 1948 al 24 giugno 1953) alla seconda legislatura (dal 25 giugno 1953 all’11 giugno 1958), quando l’instabilità dei governi, terminata la lunga era degasperia- na (fatta di otto governi tra il 1946 e il 1953), lasciò spazio all’incognita del cambiamento, a un ricambio generazionale e alle premesse per la spe- rimentazione di un nuovo modello di Stato. La fine politica di De Gaspe- ri, dopo le elezioni del 7 giugno 1953, si percepì in Spagna come un mo- mento di particolare instabilità. Il ministero degli Affari Esteri spagnolo, così come la stampa, guardarono con sospetto a un’Italia la cui politica era accusata di essere “dominata” dal comunismo e da un debole cattoli- cesimo politico. Negli anni che trascorsero tra la fine della Seconda Guerra Mondiale e gli anni Cinquanta, il modo in cui la Spagna guardava all’Italia si fece sempre più “sospettoso” e non privo di giudizi e condanne di tipo politico e morale. Siamo lontani dai generosi apprezzamenti spagnoli dell’imme- diato dopoguerra nei confronti dell’Italia, quando, dall’ambasciata di Spa- gna presso il Quirinale, José Antonio de Sangróniz y Castro inviava mes- saggi fiduciosi e ottimisti al ministro degli Affari Esteri Carlo Sforza ri- guardo all’immediata e auspicata normalizzazione delle relazioni, e anche “Spagna contemporanea”, 2016, n. -
The Canadian Party System an Analytic History
The Canadian Party System An Analytic History RICHARD JOHNSTON Sample Material © UBC Press 2018 © UBC Press 2017 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without prior written permission of the publisher. ISBN 978-0-7748-3607-4 (bound) ISBN 978-0-7748-3609-8 (epdf) Cataloguing-in-Publication data is available from Library and Archives Canada. UBC Press gratefully acknowledges the financial support for our publishing program of the Government of Canada (through the Canada Book Fund), the Canada Council for the Arts, and the British Columbia Arts Council. This book has been published with the help of a grant from the Canadian Federation for the Humanities and Social Sciences, through the Awards to Scholarly Publications Program, using funds provided by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. Printed and bound in Canada by Friesens Set in Univers Condensed, Zurich Condensed, and Minion by Artegraphica Design Co. Ltd. Copy editor: Dallas Harrison Proofreader: Judith Earnshaw Indexer: Lillian Ashworth UBC Press The University of British Columbia 2029 West Mall Vancouver, BC V6T 1Z2 www.ubcpress.ca Sample Material © UBC Press 2018 Contents Tables and Figures / ix Abbreviations / xiii Acknowledgments / xv 1 Introduction / 3 2 Situating the Case / 13 3 Liberal Dominance, Conservative Interludes / 48 4 Liberal Centrism, Polarized Pluralism / 67 5 Catholics and Others / 101 6 The Life and Death of Insurgents / 133 7 Invasion -
Remaking Italy? Place Configurations and Italian Electoral Politics Under the ‘Second Republic’
Modern Italy Vol. 12, No. 1, February 2007, pp. 17–38 Remaking Italy? Place Configurations and Italian Electoral Politics under the ‘Second Republic’ John Agnew The Italian Second Republic was meant to have led to a bipolar polity with alternation in national government between conservative and progressive blocs. Such a system it has been claimed would undermine the geographical structure of electoral politics that contributed to party system immobilism in the past. However, in this article I argue that dynamic place configurations are central to how the ‘new’ Italian politics is being constructed. The dominant emphasis on either television or the emergence of ‘politics without territory’ has obscured the importance of this geographical restructuring. New dynamic place configurations are apparent particularly in the South which has emerged as a zone of competition between the main party coalitions and a nationally more fragmented geographical pattern of electoral outcomes. These patterns in turn reflect differential trends in support for party positions on governmental centralization and devolution, geographical patterns of local economic development, and the re-emergence of the North–South divide as a focus for ideological and policy differences between parties and social groups across Italy. Introduction One of the high hopes of the early 1990s in Italy was that following the cleansing of the corruption associated with the party regime of the Cold War period, Italy could become a ‘normal country’ in which bipolar politics of electoral competition between clearly defined coalitions formed before elections, rather than perpetual domination by the political centre, would lead to potential alternation of progressive and conservative forces in national political office and would check the systematic corruption of partitocrazia based on the jockeying for government offices (and associated powers) after elections (Gundle & Parker 1996). -
Archivio Centrale Dello Stato Inventario Del Fondo Ugo La Malfa Sala Studio
Archivio centrale dello Stato Inventario del fondo Ugo La Malfa Sala Studio INVENTARIO DEL FONDO UGO LA MALFA (1910 circa – 1982) a cura di Cristina Farnetti e Francesca Garello Roma 2004-2005 Il fondo Ugo La Malfa è di proprietà della Fondazione Ugo La Malfa, via S.Anna 13 – 00186 Roma www.fondazionelamalfa.org [email protected] Depositato in Archivio centrale dello Stato dal 1981 Il riordino e l’inventariazione è stato finanziato dal Ministero per i beni e le attività culturali. Direzione generale per gli archivi II INDICE GENERALE INTRODUZIONE .................................................................................................V INVENTARIO DEL FONDO ............................................................................ XI SERIE I. ATTI E CORRISPONDENZA...............................................................1 SERIE II ATTIVITÀ POLITICA .........................................................................13 SOTTOSERIE 1. APPUNTI RISERVATI 50 SERIE III. CARICHE DI GOVERNO ................................................................59 SOTTOSERIE 1. GOVERNI CON ORDINAMENTO PROVVISORIO (GOVERNO PARRI E I GOVERNO DE GASPERI) 61 SOTTOSERIE 2. MINISTRO SENZA PORTAFOGLIO (VI GOVERNO DE GASPERI) 63 SOTTOSERIE 3. MINISTRO PER IL COMMERCIO CON L'ESTERO (VI E VII GOVERNO DE GASPERI) 64 SOTTOSERIE 4. MINISTRO DEL BILANCIO (IV GOVERNO FANFANI) 73 SOTTOSERIE 5. MINISTRO DEL TESORO (IV GOVERNO RUMOR) 83 SOTTOSERIE 6. VICEPRESIDENTE DEL CONSIGLIO (IV GOVERNO MORO) 103 SOTTOSERIE 7. FORMAZIONE DEL GOVERNO E VICEPRESIDENTE -
Gilbert S Cut-Rate I
THURSDAY—SEPTEMBER 23, 1943 MONITOR LEADER MOUNT CLEMENS, MICH 13 Ent k inv oh* May L« kav«* Buy War Bonds and Stamps Today Exile in i\meriea to Orijaiiixe w • ll€kiiioi*ralir hi Italy BY KAY HALLE ter Fiammetta. and his son Written for M A Service Sforzino reached Bordeaux, Within 25 year* the United where they m* to board a States has Riven refuge to two Dutch tramp steamer. For five great European Democrats who long days before they reached were far from the end of their Falmouth in England, the Sfor- rope politically. Thomas Mas- zas lived on nothing but orang- aryk. the Czech patriot, after es. a self-imposed exile on spending It war his old friend, Winston shores, return ! after World our Churchill, who finally received to it War I his homrlan after Sforza in London. the The Battle of had been freed from German Britain yoke—as the had commenced. Church- the President of approved to pro- newly-formed Republic—- ill Sforza side i Czech ceed to the United States and after modeled our own. keep the cause of Italian democ- Now, with the collapse of racy aflame. famous exile Italy, another HEADS “FREE ITALIANS” He -* an... JC. -a seems to be 01. the march. J two-year Sforza’-i American . is Count Carlo Sforza, for 20 exile has been spent in New’ years the uncompromising lead- apartment—- opposition York in a modest er of the Democratic that is, he not touring to Italy when is to Fascism. His return the country lecturing and or- imminent seem gazing the affairs of the 300,- Sforza is widely reg rded as in 000 It's flnuor Free Italians in the Western the one Italian who could re- Hemisphere, w hom \e leads construct a democratic form of His New York apartment is government for Italy. -
Sanela Schmid Deutsche Und Italienische Besatzung Im Unabhängigen Staat Kroatien Bibliotheks- Und Informationspraxis
Sanela Schmid Deutsche und italienische Besatzung im Unabhängigen Staat Kroatien Bibliotheks- und Informationspraxis Herausgegeben von Klaus Gantert und Ulrike Junger Band 66 Sanela Schmid Deutsche und italienische Besatzung im Unabhängigen Staat Kroatien 1941 bis 1943/45 Publiziert mit Unterstützung des Schweizerischen Nationalfonds zur Förderung der wissenschaftlichen Forschung. ISBN 978-3-11-062031-3 e-ISBN (PDF) 978-3-11-062383-3 e-ISBN (EPUB) 978-3-11-062036-8 Dieses Werk ist lizenziert unter der Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International (CC BY 4.0). Weitere Informationen finden Sie unter https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ Library of Congress Control Number: 2019952843 Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über http://dnb.dnb.de abrufbar. https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110623833 © 2020 Sanela Schmid, publiziert von Walter de Gruyter GmbH, Berlin/Boston Dieses Buch ist als Open-Access-Publikation verfügbar über www.degruyter.com, https:// www.doabooks.org und https://www.oapen.org Einbandabbildung: © Znaci.net. Deutsche Einheiten, die im Juni 1943 von den Italienern das Kommando über die Stadt Mostar erhalten. Typesetting: bsix information exchange GmbH, Braunschweig Druck und Bindung: CPI books GmbH, Leck www.degruyter.com Für meine Großeltern, Mina und Jusuf Bešlagić Vorwort Dieses Buch ist die überarbeitete Fassung meiner Dissertation, die im November 2011 von der Universität Bern angenommen wurde. Es konnte nur entstehen, weil mich sehr viele Personen dabei unterstützt haben. Ihnen allen gilt mein aufrichtiger Dank. Zu allererst ist meine Doktormutter, Marina Cattaruzza, zu nennen, die an mich und das Thema geglaubt und das ganze Projekt mit Klug- heit, Scharfsinn und Witz über die Jahre begleitet hat. -
Dimensions and Alignments in European Union Politics: Cognitive Constraints and Partisan Responses
Working Paper Series in European Studies Volume 1, Number 3 Dimensions and Alignments in European Union Politics: Cognitive Constraints and Partisan Responses DR. SIMON HIX DEPARTMENT OF GOVERNMENT LONDON SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS AND POLITICAL SCIENCE Houghton Street London, WC2A 2AE United Kingdom ([email protected]) EDITORIAL ADVISORY COMMITTEE: GILLES BOUSQUET KEITH COHEN COLLEEN DUNLAVY ANDREAS KAZAMIAS LEON LINDBERG ELAINE MARKS ANNE MINER ROBERT OSTERGREN MARK POLLACK GREGORY SHAFFER MARC SILBERMAN JONATHAN ZEITLIN Copyright © 1998 All rights reserved. No part of this paper may be reproduced in any form without permission of the author. European Studies Program, International Institute, University of Wisconsin--Madison Madison, Wisconsin http://polyglot.lss.wisc.edu/eur/ 1 Dimensions and Alignments in European Union Politics: Cognitive Constraints and Partisan Responses Simon Hix Department of Government, London School of Economics and Political Science, London, United Kingdom Abstract As the European Union (EU) has evolved, the study agenda has shifted from ‘European integration’ to ‘EU politics’. Missing from this new agenda, however, is an understanding of the ‘cognitive constraints’ on actors, and how actors respond: i.e. the shape of the EU ‘political space’ and the location of social groups and competition between actors within this space. The article develops a theoretical framework for understanding the shape of the EU political space (the interaction between an Integration-Independence and a Left-Right dimension and the location of class and sectoral groups within this map), and tests this framework on the policy positions of the Socialist, Christian Democrat and Liberal party leaders between 1976 and 1994 (using the techniques of the ECPR Party Manifestos Group Project). -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
Are Gestures Worth a Thousand Words? an Analysis of Interviews in the Political Domain
Are Gestures Worth a Thousand Words? An Analysis of Interviews in the Political Domain Daniela Trotta Sara Tonelli Universita` degli Studi di Salerno Fondazione Bruno Kessler Via Giovanni Paolo II 132, Via Sommarive 18 Fisciano, Italy Trento, Italy [email protected] [email protected] Abstract may provide important information or significance to the accompanying speech and add clarity to the Speaker gestures are semantically co- expressive with speech and serve different children’s narrative (Colletta et al., 2015); they can pragmatic functions to accompany oral modal- be employed to facilitate lexical retrieval and re- ity. Therefore, gestures are an inseparable tain a turn in conversations stam2008gesture and part of the language system: they may add assist in verbalizing semantic content (Hostetter clarity to discourse, can be employed to et al., 2007). From this point of view, gestures fa- facilitate lexical retrieval and retain a turn in cilitate speakers in coming up with the words they conversations, assist in verbalizing semantic intend to say by sustaining the activation of a tar- content and facilitate speakers in coming up with the words they intend to say. This aspect get word’s semantic feature, long enough for the is particularly relevant in political discourse, process of word production to take place (Morsella where speakers try to apply communication and Krauss, 2004). strategies that are both clear and persuasive Gestures can also convey semantic meanings. using verbal and non-verbal cues. For example,M uller¨ et al.(2013) discuss the prin- In this paper we investigate the co-speech ges- ciples of meaning creation and the simultaneous tures of several Italian politicians during face- and linear structures of gesture forms. -
Politica E Istituzioni Negli Scritti Di Antonio Segni
Politica e istituzioni negli scritti di Antonio Segni Questa antologia di scritti politici vuol essere un con- tributo alla ricostruzione della biografia intellettuale e politica di Antonio Segni. L’interpretazione sull’opera di Segni ancora oggi prevalente – anche se, in seguito a recenti studi, comincia a mostrare le sue debolezze – è condizionata dalla decennale polemica politica sui fatti dell’estate del 19641. Si tratta di un’interpretazio- 1 Tra gli studi più recenti dedicati a Segni mi permetto di rinviare a S. Mura, Le esperienze istituzionali di Antonio Segni negli anni del Diario, in A. Segni, Diario (1956-1964), a cura di S. Mura, Bologna, il Mulino, 2012, pp. 21-97. Per un completo profilo biografico, A. Giovagnoli, Antonio Segni, in Il Parlamento Italiano. 1861-1988. Il centro-sinistra. La “stagione” di Moro e Nenni. 1964-1968, vol. XIX, Milano, Nuova Cei, 1992, pp. 244-268. Su Segni professore universitario e giurista, soprattutto: A. Mattone, Segni Antonio, in Dizionario biografico dei giuristi italiani (XII-XX secolo), diretto da I. Birocchi, E. Cortese, A. Mattone, M. N. Miletti, a cura di M. L. Carlino, G. De Giudici, E. Fab- bricatore, E. Mura, M. Sammarco, vol. II, Bologna, il Mulino, 2013, pp. 1843-1845; G. Fois, Storia dell’Università di Sassari 1859-1943, Roma, Carocci, 2000; A. Mattone, Gli studi giuridici e l’insegnamento del diritto (XVII-XX secolo), in Idem (a cura di), Storia dell’Università di Sassari, vol. I, Nuoro, Ilisso, 2010, pp. 221-230; F. Cipriani, Storie di processualisti e di oligarchi. La procedura civile nel Regno d’Italia (1866-1936), Milano, Giuffrè, 1991. -
Appendix: Einaudi, President of the Italian Republic (1948–1955) Message After the Oath*
Appendix: Einaudi, President of the Italian Republic (1948–1955) Message after the Oath* At the general assembly of the House of Deputies and the Senate of the Republic, on Wednesday, 12 March 1946, the President of the Republic read the following message: Gentlemen: Right Honourable Senators and Deputies! The oath I have just sworn, whereby I undertake to devote myself, during the years awarded to my office by the Constitution, to the exclusive service of our common homeland, has a meaning that goes beyond the bare words of its solemn form. Before me I have the shining example of the illustrious man who was the first to hold, with great wisdom, full devotion and scrupulous impartiality, the supreme office of head of the nascent Italian Republic. To Enrico De Nicola goes the grateful appreciation of the whole of the people of Italy, the devoted memory of all those who had the good fortune to witness and admire the construction day by day of the edifice of rules and traditions without which no constitution is destined to endure. He who succeeds him made repeated use, prior to 2 June 1946, of his right, springing from the tradition that moulded his sentiment, rooted in ancient local patterns, to an opinion on the choice of the best regime to confer on Italy. But, in accordance with the promise he had made to himself and his electors, he then gave the new republican regime something more than a mere endorsement. The transition that took place on 2 June from the previ- ous to the present institutional form of the state was a source of wonder and marvel, not only by virtue of the peaceful and law-abiding manner in which it came about, but also because it offered the world a demonstration that our country had grown to maturity and was now ready for democracy: and if democracy means anything at all, it is debate, it is struggle, even ardent or * Message read on 12 March 1948 and republished in the Scrittoio del Presidente (1948–1955), Giulio Einaudi (ed.), 1956. -
The Italian Communist Party 1921--1964: a Profile
University of Windsor Scholarship at UWindsor Electronic Theses and Dissertations Theses, Dissertations, and Major Papers 1-1-1966 The Italian Communist Party 1921--1964: A profile. Aldo U. Marchini University of Windsor Follow this and additional works at: https://scholar.uwindsor.ca/etd Recommended Citation Marchini, Aldo U., "The Italian Communist Party 1921--1964: A profile." (1966). Electronic Theses and Dissertations. 6438. https://scholar.uwindsor.ca/etd/6438 This online database contains the full-text of PhD dissertations and Masters’ theses of University of Windsor students from 1954 forward. These documents are made available for personal study and research purposes only, in accordance with the Canadian Copyright Act and the Creative Commons license—CC BY-NC-ND (Attribution, Non-Commercial, No Derivative Works). Under this license, works must always be attributed to the copyright holder (original author), cannot be used for any commercial purposes, and may not be altered. Any other use would require the permission of the copyright holder. Students may inquire about withdrawing their dissertation and/or thesis from this database. For additional inquiries, please contact the repository administrator via email ([email protected]) or by telephone at 519-253-3000ext. 3208. NOTE TO USERS Page(s) not included in the original manuscript and are unavailable from the author or university. The manuscript was scanned as received. it This reproduction is the best copy available. UMI Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. THE ITALIAN COkkUNIST PARTY 1921 - 196A: A PROPILE by ALDO U.