Elenco Dei Governi Italiani
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The Transformation of Italian Democracy
Bulletin of Italian Politics Vol. 1, No. 1, 2009, 29-47 The Transformation of Italian Democracy Sergio Fabbrini University of Trento Abstract: The history of post-Second World War Italy may be divided into two distinct periods corresponding to two different modes of democratic functioning. During the period from 1948 to 1993 (commonly referred to as the First Republic), Italy was a consensual democracy; whereas the system (commonly referred to as the Second Republic) that emerged from the dramatic changes brought about by the end of the Cold War functions according to the logic of competitive democracy. The transformation of Italy’s political system has thus been significant. However, there remain important hurdles on the road to a coherent institutionalisation of the competitive model. The article reconstructs the transformation of Italian democracy, highlighting the socio-economic and institutional barriers that continue to obstruct a competitive outcome. Keywords: Italian politics, Models of democracy, Parliamentary government, Party system, Interest groups, Political change. Introduction As a result of the parliamentary elections of 13-14 April 2008, the Italian party system now ranks amongst the least fragmented in Europe. Only four party groups are represented in the Senate and five in the Chamber of Deputies. In comparison, in Spain there are nine party groups in the Congreso de los Diputados and six in the Senado; in France, four in the Assemblée Nationale an d six in the Sénat; and in Germany, six in the Bundestag. Admittedly, as is the case for the United Kingdom, rather fewer parties matter in those democracies in terms of the formation of governments: generally not more than two or three. -
October 22, 1962 Amintore Fanfani Diaries (Excepts)
Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified October 22, 1962 Amintore Fanfani Diaries (excepts) Citation: “Amintore Fanfani Diaries (excepts),” October 22, 1962, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, Italian Senate Historical Archives [the Archivio Storico del Senato della Repubblica]. Translated by Leopoldo Nuti. http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/115421 Summary: The few excerpts about Cuba are a good example of the importance of the diaries: not only do they make clear Fanfani’s sense of danger and his willingness to search for a peaceful solution of the crisis, but the bits about his exchanges with Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs Carlo Russo, with the Italian Ambassador in London Pietro Quaroni, or with the USSR Presidium member Frol Kozlov, help frame the Italian position during the crisis in a broader context. Credits: This document was made possible with support from the Leon Levy Foundation. Original Language: Italian Contents: English Translation The Amintore Fanfani Diaries 22 October Tonight at 20:45 [US Ambassador Frederick Reinhardt] delivers me a letter in which [US President] Kennedy announces that he must act with an embargo of strategic weapons against Cuba because he is threatened by missile bases. And he sends me two of the four parts of the speech which he will deliver at midnight [Rome time; 7 pm Washington time]. I reply to the ambassador wondering whether they may be falling into a trap which will have possible repercussions in Berlin and elsewhere. Nonetheless, caught by surprise, I decide to reply formally tomorrow. I immediately called [President of the Republic Antonio] Segni in Sassari and [Foreign Minister Attilio] Piccioni in Brussels recommending prudence and peace for tomorrow’s EEC [European Economic Community] meeting. -
Chapter One: Introduction
CHANGING PERCEPTIONS OF IL DUCE TRACING POLITICAL TRENDS IN THE ITALIAN-AMERICAN MEDIA DURING THE EARLY YEARS OF FASCISM by Ryan J. Antonucci Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the History Program YOUNGSTOWN STATE UNIVERSITY August, 2013 Changing Perceptions of il Duce Tracing Political Trends in the Italian-American Media during the Early Years of Fascism Ryan J. Antonucci I hereby release this thesis to the public. I understand that this thesis will be made available from the OhioLINK ETD Center and the Maag Library Circulation Desk for public access. I also authorize the University or other individuals to make copies of this thesis as needed for scholarly research. Signature: Ryan J. Antonucci, Student Date Approvals: Dr. David Simonelli, Thesis Advisor Date Dr. Brian Bonhomme, Committee Member Date Dr. Martha Pallante, Committee Member Date Dr. Carla Simonini, Committee Member Date Dr. Salvatore A. Sanders, Associate Dean of Graduate Studies Date Ryan J. Antonucci © 2013 iii ABSTRACT Scholars of Italian-American history have traditionally asserted that the ethnic community’s media during the 1920s and 1930s was pro-Fascist leaning. This thesis challenges that narrative by proving that moderate, and often ambivalent, opinions existed at one time, and the shift to a philo-Fascist position was an active process. Using a survey of six Italian-language sources from diverse cities during the inauguration of Benito Mussolini’s regime, research shows that interpretations varied significantly. One of the newspapers, Il Cittadino Italo-Americano (Youngstown, Ohio) is then used as a case study to better understand why events in Italy were interpreted in certain ways. -
ICRC President in Italy…
INTERNATIONAL COMMITTEE OF THE RED CROSS ICRC President in Italy... The President of the ICRC, Mr. Alexandre Hay, was in Italy from 15 to 20 June for an official visit. He was accompanied by Mr. Sergio Nessi, head of the Financing Division, and Mr. Melchior Borsinger, delegate-general for Europe and North America. The purpose of the visit was to contact the Italian authorities, to give them a detailed account of the ICRC role and function and to obtain greater moral and material support from them. The first day of the visit was mainly devoted to discussions with the leaders of the National Red Cross Society and a tour of the Society's principal installations. On the same day Mr. Hay was received by the President of the Republic, Mr. Sandro Pertini. Other discussions with government officials enabled the ICRC delegation to explain all aspects of current ICRC activities throughout the world. Mr. Hay's interlocutors were Mr. Filippo Maria Pandolfi, Minister of Finance; Mr. Aldo Aniasi, Minister of Health; Mrs. Nilde Iotti, Chairman of the Chamber of Deputies; Mr. Amintore Fanfani, President of the Senate; Mr. Paulo Emilio Taviani, Chairman of the Chamber of Deputies' Foreign Affairs Commission and Mr. Giulio Andreotti, Chairman of the Senate Foreign Affairs Commission. Discussions were held also with the leaders of the Italian main political parties. On 20 June President Hay, Mr. Nessi and Mr. Borsinger were received in audience by H.H. Pope John-Paul II, after conferring with H.E. Cardinal Casaroli, the Vatican Secretary of State, and H.E. Cardinal Gantin, Chairman of the "Cor Unum" Pontifical Council and of the pontifical Justice and Peace Commission. -
The Schengen Agreements and Their Impact on Euro- Mediterranean Relations the Case of Italy and the Maghreb
125 The Schengen Agreements and their Impact on Euro- Mediterranean Relations The Case of Italy and the Maghreb Simone PAOLI What were the main reasons that, between the mid-1980s and the early 1990s, a group of member states of the European Community (EC) agreed to abolish internal border controls while, simultaneously, building up external border controls? Why did they act outside the framework of the EC and initially exclude the Southern members of the Community? What were the reactions of both Northern and Southern Mediter- ranean countries to these intergovernmental accords, known as the Schengen agree- ments? What was their impact on both European and Euro-Mediterranean relations? And what were the implications of the accession of Southern members of the EC to said agreements in terms of relations with third Mediterranean countries? The present article cannot, of course, give a comprehensive answer to all these complex questions. It has nonetheless the ambition of throwing a new light on the origins of the Schengen agreements. In particular, by reconstructing the five-year long process through which Italy entered the Schengen Agreement and the Conven- tion implementing the Schengen Agreement, it will contribute towards the reinter- pretation of: the motives behind the Schengen agreements; migration relations be- tween Northern and Southern members of the EC in the 1980s; and migration relations between the EC, especially its Southern members, and third Mediterranean countries in the same decade. The article is divided into three parts. The first examines the historical background of the Schengen agreements, by placing them within the context of Euro-Mediter- ranean migration relations; it, also, presents the main arguments. -
December 21, 1960 Report to Minister of Foreign Affairs Antonio Segni
Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified December 21, 1960 Report to Minister of Foreign Affairs Antonio Segni Citation: “Report to Minister of Foreign Affairs Antonio Segni,” December 21, 1960, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, Istituto Luigi Sturzo, Archivio Giulio Andreotti, NATO Series, Box 160, Subseries 1, Folder 012.1. https://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/155271 Summary: Praise for Paul-Henri Spaak in helping NATO unify Western Europe and integrate the Allied states’ economic, political, and military objectives in their ongoing struggle against the Soviet Union. Credits: This document was made possible with support from the MacArthur Foundation, Carnegie Corporation of New York (CCNY), and Istituto Luigi Sturzo. Original Language: Italian Contents: Scan of Original Document i&& 16l�7 11 ._ to& Henù4 Mbane aerane olla la rlral.one alaS8'8rlah a'1e.tlt1ca s1 Il cblua aa UD& "Dota ot �· Wlllfd'te U �.IOJlàe•· acrl•e oJl8 essa tt wrml.D:i.t.f� 8ll uaa ''note utaalMl8tfe-. a i• .. m 1•LJ.t.ra espressione aecllbrane det1DSra corret.�1iallt.e 11 corso e la concl'181oaa del ct11»a1 Uta Cbe. a1 sono S'VDltl a Parlgt u·urante 1 g1omt soorst. Per glaagere ad 11118. valut.z:�z1one U p1ù posulblla eaat.ta. è uceooario ��1.re da alcum .Pl9m8Ua e tormulare �cmae J;lr8C1aaz2on1. La concezlQtle eatet:aslva, e lt\ co� res\rlt.t.1V-d, aell.'Alleanza. ea1aWDU tiD dal4' f 011\.i&Zione della &Te (tl ùa r1cor�a.re 006 u r� moao art.tcolo 2 tu 1DGQJ1.t.o mm aenza uUrlcoltA nel trrat.t.at.o) al eoao p1il a»er�n:t.a rlvelat. -
«Sì Al Centro Dell'ulivo» Dini Risponde Ai Popolari
05POL01A0507 05POL03A0507 FLOWPAGE ZALLCALL 13 14:43:22 07/07/96 K IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII Venerdì 5 luglio 1996 l’Unità pagina IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIPoliticaIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII 5 Marini apprezza. Il problema leadership: Prodi pensa al governo Bettino scomunica Amato «Sì al centro dell’Ulivo» e Martelli ROMA. E‘ dalle colonne del Dini risponde ai Popolari —quotidiano di An ‘Il Secolo d’Italia‘ che Bettino Craxi rinnova la sua ’scomunica‘ a Giuliano Amato ed Dini risponde ai Popolari: sono d’accordo, facciamo insie- esorta i socialisti italiani a riprende- re in proprio l’iniziativa politica. me il centro dell’Ulivo. E Marini: siamo aperti al dialogo. Craxi definisce l’adesione di Amato Ma nasce il problema della leadership. Chi deve essere il alla cosiddetta ‘Cosa 2‘ ’’una sem- capo: Prodi, come vorrebbero i Popolari o Dini, come au- plice operazione del tutto persona- spica Rinnovamento italiano? Masi: «Prodi è capo della le” e “tutt’altro che politica’’. E al 05POL01AF01 05POL01AF03 dottor Sottile manda un messaggio: coalizione e del governo, non può essere leader della fede- Not Found ’’la politica e‘ una cosa difficile e razione di centro». Silenzio del capo del governo. Per ora Not Found per fare politica bisogna rappre- non risponde alle proposte dei Popolari. 05POL01AF01 05POL01AF03 sentare qualcosa o qualcuno. Altri- GerardoBianco, menti ci si dedichi ad altro: per adestra,ilministro esempio, a scrivere libri...’’. degliEsteri L’appello ai socialisti da Ham- RITANNA ARMENI LambertoDini, mamet e‘ dunque a “rinascere da ROMA. Marini propone a Dini tuazione con grande attenzione. inbasso, soli’’. “Perche‘ se non stai da solo - —di costruire insieme un centro più Ma in questa fibrillazione della EnricoBoselli dice Craxi al suo intervistatore- sei forte dell’Ulivo. -
1 the Italian Decision of Joining The
The Italian decision of joining the EMS: Exchange rate commitment as a political argument in favour of institutional reforms* Anna Solé University Pompeu Fabra May, 7th, 2018 Abstract: During the negotiations about the European Monetary System (EMS), the Italian government consistently held the position that Italy was not going to join a “re-edited Snake”. However, when it became clear that the EMS would work under the hegemony of the German mark, just as the previous system did, the Italian government surprisingly changed position and decided to adhere to the new monetary arrangement, although this decision imposed unpopular reforms and threatened with provoking a government crisis. The debate on the convenience for Italy of participating in the EMS shows that besides the discussion on the new monetary system, other important discussions, concerning institutional reforms, were also taking place. In many occasions, EMS membership was used to justify the need for other institutional reforms that did not enjoy enough political support to be implemented. In particular, the reform of the wage indexation mechanism and the change in the status of the Banca d’Italia are examples of how the exchange rate commitment and the European compromises were used to impose measures that were very unpopular and, otherwise, would have been very difficult to carry out. Introduction: On the 5th of December 1978, the agreement of the European Monetary System (EMS) was signed by six of the nine members of the EEC. The United Kingdom decided to stay out, whereas Italy and Ireland were given some additional time to take their final decision. -
Elezione a Presidente Del Senato
SENATO DELLA REPUBBLICA VIII LEGISLATURA 530a SEDUTA PUBBLICA RESOCONTO STENOGRAFICO GIOVEDI" 9 DICEMBRE 1982 Presidenza del vice presidente MORLINO, indi del vice presidente OSSICINI e del presidente MORLINO INDICE CALENDARIO DEI LAVORI DELL'ASSEM- Votazione Pag. 10 BLEA . Pag. 4 Insediamento del Presidente 11 . CONGEDI 3 ENTI PUBBLICI CONSIGLIO D'EUROPA Trasmissione di documenti 18 Elezione di vice presidente della delega- zione italiana . .. o..... 14 GOVERNO CORTE COSTITUZIONALE Accettazione delle dimissioni del secondo Governo Spadolini e composizione del Ordinanze emesse da autorità giurisdizioo quinto Governo Fanfani S nali per il giudizio di legittimità 18 Trasmissione di documenti . 16 Trasmissione di sentenze 19 DISEGNI DI LEGGE ORDINE DEL GIORNO PER LE SEDUTE DI VENERDI' 10 DICEMBRE 1982 . 19 Annunzio di presentazione 14 Assegnazione . 14 PARLAMENTO EUROPEO Nuova classificazione . 14 Trasmissione di risoluzioni 18 Presentazione di relazioni . 15 Trasmissione dalla Camera dei deputati 14 PROCEDIMENTI D'ACCUSA Trasmissione di ordinanze da parte della DOMANDE DI AUTORIZZAZIONE A PRO- CEDERE IN GIUDIZIO Commissione parlamentare . 3 Deferimento 18 SENATO, UFFICIO DI PRESIDENZA ELEZIONE DEL PRESIDENTE Cessazione dalla carica del presidente Fan- fani e del vice presidente Ferralasco: PRESIDENTE . 8, 9 SPADACCIA(Misto-PR) . 8 PRESIDENTE............. 7 TIPOGRAFIA DEL SENATO (1200) ~ 4 Senato della Repubblica ~ 8 ~ VIII Legislatura 530a SEDUTA ASSEMBLEA - RESOCONTO STENOGRAFICO 9 DICEMBRE1982 Con la sua comunicazione il presidente funzionari del Senato per l'amichevole, af- Fanfani scandisce un momento significativo fettuosa collaborazione manifestata nei miei della sua biografia umana e politica ed un riguardi anche in momenti per me partico- momento importante nella vita del Senato larmente difficili. della Repubblica. Voglia gradire, signor Vice Presidente, j Es,primo a !I1ome di tutti i senatori e mio miei più deferenti ossequi. -
Are Gestures Worth a Thousand Words? an Analysis of Interviews in the Political Domain
Are Gestures Worth a Thousand Words? An Analysis of Interviews in the Political Domain Daniela Trotta Sara Tonelli Universita` degli Studi di Salerno Fondazione Bruno Kessler Via Giovanni Paolo II 132, Via Sommarive 18 Fisciano, Italy Trento, Italy [email protected] [email protected] Abstract may provide important information or significance to the accompanying speech and add clarity to the Speaker gestures are semantically co- expressive with speech and serve different children’s narrative (Colletta et al., 2015); they can pragmatic functions to accompany oral modal- be employed to facilitate lexical retrieval and re- ity. Therefore, gestures are an inseparable tain a turn in conversations stam2008gesture and part of the language system: they may add assist in verbalizing semantic content (Hostetter clarity to discourse, can be employed to et al., 2007). From this point of view, gestures fa- facilitate lexical retrieval and retain a turn in cilitate speakers in coming up with the words they conversations, assist in verbalizing semantic intend to say by sustaining the activation of a tar- content and facilitate speakers in coming up with the words they intend to say. This aspect get word’s semantic feature, long enough for the is particularly relevant in political discourse, process of word production to take place (Morsella where speakers try to apply communication and Krauss, 2004). strategies that are both clear and persuasive Gestures can also convey semantic meanings. using verbal and non-verbal cues. For example,M uller¨ et al.(2013) discuss the prin- In this paper we investigate the co-speech ges- ciples of meaning creation and the simultaneous tures of several Italian politicians during face- and linear structures of gesture forms. -
Politica E Istituzioni Negli Scritti Di Antonio Segni
Politica e istituzioni negli scritti di Antonio Segni Questa antologia di scritti politici vuol essere un con- tributo alla ricostruzione della biografia intellettuale e politica di Antonio Segni. L’interpretazione sull’opera di Segni ancora oggi prevalente – anche se, in seguito a recenti studi, comincia a mostrare le sue debolezze – è condizionata dalla decennale polemica politica sui fatti dell’estate del 19641. Si tratta di un’interpretazio- 1 Tra gli studi più recenti dedicati a Segni mi permetto di rinviare a S. Mura, Le esperienze istituzionali di Antonio Segni negli anni del Diario, in A. Segni, Diario (1956-1964), a cura di S. Mura, Bologna, il Mulino, 2012, pp. 21-97. Per un completo profilo biografico, A. Giovagnoli, Antonio Segni, in Il Parlamento Italiano. 1861-1988. Il centro-sinistra. La “stagione” di Moro e Nenni. 1964-1968, vol. XIX, Milano, Nuova Cei, 1992, pp. 244-268. Su Segni professore universitario e giurista, soprattutto: A. Mattone, Segni Antonio, in Dizionario biografico dei giuristi italiani (XII-XX secolo), diretto da I. Birocchi, E. Cortese, A. Mattone, M. N. Miletti, a cura di M. L. Carlino, G. De Giudici, E. Fab- bricatore, E. Mura, M. Sammarco, vol. II, Bologna, il Mulino, 2013, pp. 1843-1845; G. Fois, Storia dell’Università di Sassari 1859-1943, Roma, Carocci, 2000; A. Mattone, Gli studi giuridici e l’insegnamento del diritto (XVII-XX secolo), in Idem (a cura di), Storia dell’Università di Sassari, vol. I, Nuoro, Ilisso, 2010, pp. 221-230; F. Cipriani, Storie di processualisti e di oligarchi. La procedura civile nel Regno d’Italia (1866-1936), Milano, Giuffrè, 1991. -
Sergio Mattarella
__________ Marzo 2021 Indice cronologico dei comunicati stampa SEZIONE I – DIMISSIONI DI CORTESIA ......................................................................... 9 Presidenza Einaudi...........................................................................................................................9 Presidenza Gronchi ..........................................................................................................................9 Presidenza Segni ..............................................................................................................................9 Presidenza Saragat.........................................................................................................................10 Presidenza Leone ...........................................................................................................................10 Presidenza Pertini ..........................................................................................................................10 Presidenza Cossiga ........................................................................................................................11 Presidenza Ciampi .........................................................................................................................11 Presidenza Mattarella ....................................................................................................................11 SEZIONE II – DIMISSIONI EFFETTIVE ........................................................................