言 語 研 究(Gengo Kenkyu)110(1996),1～27 1

Lexical Prefixes of Bunun Verbs

Motoyasu NOJIMA (Graduate School, University of Tokyo)

Keywords: Bunun, lexical prefixes, derivational affixes, `classi- ficatory prefixes', `verb classifiers'

1. Introduction Bunun1) is one of the Austronesian languages, spoken in the central part of Taiwan. It has a rich repertoire of verb-deriving prefixes, which are called lexical prefixes2) in this paper. The use of lexical prefixes is quite productive in the formation of verb stems. They productively combine with various types of root morphemes (bound or free) to add semantic modification to them. They are very lexical in meaning in that they denote concrete events such as `dying', `dreaming', `burning', or ac- tivities such as `running', `hitting', `cutting', `giving', which might be achieved by the use of independent verbs in other languages. Verbs with a lexical prefix can roughly be classified into three groups according to the semantic relation between the prefix and

1) The Bunun language consists of three major dialects: Northern, Central, and Southern (Li 1988). The following description is based on data from the Southern dialect. Bunun (Southern dialect) has fourteen consonant phonemes: p, t, k, ' [?], b, d, s, h [x], v, z [*], m, n, g [*], and I[I]. The s and t are palatalized before i. There is phonemic contrast between /'/ and zero only word-medially. Bunun has a three-vowel system: a, u, and i. Each may occur both long and short. Stress is not distinctive: it usually falls on the penultimate syllable of a word. 2) The term `lexical prefixes' might be reminiscent of the `lexical suffixes' in the 'Mosan' languages in the Northwest Coast of North America, which are contrastively nominal in nature, however. 2 Motoyasu NOJIMA the root morpheme: (a) Verbs in which the lexical prefix signifies an activity, and the root morpheme denotes its resultative state, as in pit-zaipuh (cook-soft) `soften by cooking'. (b) Verbs in which the root morpheme expresses in what manner the action or event named by the lexical prefix occurs, as in makus-usha (appear-suddenly) `appear sud- denly'. (c) Verbs which express activities involving the referent of the nominal root, as in ka-huzas (do-song) `sing'. Each of these types will be further illustrated later. Morphologically, Bunun lexical prefixes are very similar to what is called `classificatory prefixes' in the description of some Austronesian languages. The term `classificatory prefix' is used by some authors to refer to stem-forming prefixes that indicate the modes or causes of the action or event expressed by the verb stem, or indicate the manner of ac- tion or motion (Ezard 1978: 1170, Ezard 1992: 163, Osumi 1995: 118). Tsuchida (1990) reports that the Tsou language, one of the Austrone- sian languages spoken in Taiwan, has more than two hundred deriva- tional prefixes. Syntactically, Bunun lexical prefixes in some constructions can be viewed as doing similar task to what is served by so-called 'classifiers'. For example, if one wanted to translate into Bunun the English phrases `shout again' , `hear again', or `give (something) (to someone) again', one would have to use three different words for `again', as in:

(1) a. tu-hna-un ma-la'la LP (verbally) -again-PO AO-shout `shout again'

b. 'it-uhna-un ta'aza LP (hear) -again-PO AO.hear `hear (something) again'

c. sau-hna-an ma-naiv LP (give) -again-LO AO-give `give (something to someone) again' Lexical Prefixes of Bunun Verbs 3

This paper presents material illustrating the use of Bunun lexical prefixes3), and their function as `verb classifier' in certain construc- tions. Before examining the lexical prefixes, let us briefly look at several aspects of Bunun grammar which will be necessary for understanding the language material quoted in this paper.

2. Grammar Notes 2. 1. Basic Clause Structure Prototypically, a predicate comes first, which may optionally be followed by one or more nominals. The following examples illustrate this:

(2) m-ataz a maluspigaz=a. AO-die PV woman = PV.that `The woman died .' (3) na ma-tapul = ta mas bunuaz= tan. IRR AO-pick = PV.1 PLINC OBL plum = NPV.this `Let's pick these plums .' (4) tug-habin naia sia tastas = tia. LP (hide) -hide PV.they LOC waterfall =NPV.that `They hid themselves behind the waterfall .'

Nominals are generally marked by a prepositional particle (called articles4) here) and/or an enclitic demonstrative. There are three ar- ticles, a (or maaz= a), mas, and sia, which are used to mark syntactic or semantic function of each nominal. The article a, as in (2), indicates the pivot status of the following nominal. The articles mas and sia, on the other hand, mark the non-pivot status of the following nominal.

3) There is something to be gained about Bunun lexical prefixes from Jeng (1969, 1971), He et al. (1986), Li et al. (1988, 1990), Nihira (1988), and Tsuchida (1988). 4) What is called article here corresponds to "case marker" or "case-marking particle" in previous studies (Jeng 1977: 117, Li 1994: 271). 4 MotoyasuNOJIMA Nominals introduced by sia denote spatial relations such as location or direction, as sia tastas = tia `behind the waterfall' in (4). Nominals preceded by mas are `oblique' in the sense that they are neither pivot nor locative, as mas bunuaz= tan `these plums' in (3). Bunun has two sets of enclitic demonstratives: the pivot set used in pivot nominals, and the non-pivot set used elsewhere. In (2), for exam- ple, = a `that, over there' is a form from the pivot set; =tan `this, here' in (3) and = tia `that, over there' in (4) are forms from the non-pivot set.

2. 2. Orientation (So-Called `Focus') System Bunun has the Philippine-type voice system, which is referred to as orientation system in this papery . A verb is agent-oriented (AO), patient-oriented (PO), location-oriented (LO), or instrument- oriented (IO) . These values are realized in verbs either by affixation or zero-marking. For example, one can derive the following four different forms from the verb-root panah `shoot'; AO m-anah, PO panah-un, LO panah-an, and IO 'is-panah. (For a more detailed discussion on mor- phological pattern of orientation marking, see Jeng 1977.) In Bunun, verbs and nouns cannot be syntactically distinguished, but they can be subclassified on the basis of morphological properties. A verb not only depicts a situation (including event, action, process, and state), but is also used as an expression of the `oriented' participant of the situation named by the verb root/stem. For example, the AO verb m-anah signals the `shooter' when it is used as a referential expression, while PO verb panah-un denotes `the thing/person which is/was shot' in nominal use. When a verb is used as the predicate of a clause, the orientation marker can be considered to function as so-called `voice' marker. Con- sider the following pair of sentences showing different types of

5) The term `orientation' is used in Himmelmann (1996). This system is traditionally called `focus' system in the Austronesian linguistics. Lexical Prefixes of Bunun Verbs 5 orientation6) :

(5) AO clause rya-pataz kaimin mas hagvag. AO-kill PV.IPLEXC OBL deer `We (excl .) kill a/some deer.' (6) PO clause pataz-un dau = s 'isbabanal a maaz = a 'ivut. kill-PO HS = OBL 'Isbabanal PV PV snake `They say (a member of) the 'Isbabanal tribe killed the snake .'

In (5) above, the AO prefix ma- indicates that the referent of the pivot nominal of the clause (`we') stands in the semantic relationship of `agent' of the action named by the predicate verb ('kill') . In (6), on the other hand, the PO suffix -un marks that the referent of the pivot nominal of the clause Cthe snake') stands in the semantic relationship of `patient' of the action depicted by the predicate verb ('kill') . In this way, the orientation value of a predicate verb affects the marking of its dependent nominals. Voice alternation is determined by syntactic, semantic, and pragmatic factors, which are too complex to be described here.

2. 3. Clause Chaining Verbs (or verb phrases) sharing a co-referential agent can be con- catenated with no overt marking of linkage.

(7) [siza],1 naia mas tai = tia [m-aun]v2. AO.get PV.they OBL taro=NPV.that AO-eat `They took those taros , (and) ate (them).'

6) We treat orientation as a system of the clause as well as of the verb. 6 MotoyasuNOJIMA (8) [na m-u-suhis]v1=ta [siza]v2 mas batu. IRR AO-LP (INTR) -return= PV. IPLINC AO.get OBL stone `We'll go back to get a stone .'

Bunun has a syntactic restriction that prohibits sequences of more than one PO or LO verb in a clause. Consider the examples (9) and (10) below. In (9), the verb tanam-un is the main verb of the clause, while the verb ma-kulut is the dependent verb. Similarly, the syntac- tically dependent verb m-aun in (10) appears in an AO form.

(9) mais na m-aun dau = s titi hai, when IRR AO-eat HS = OBL meat CONJ [tanam-un]v1 dau [ma-kulut]v2 at, try-PO HS AO-cut and '(It is said that) when they want to eat meat , (they) cut it a little as a test,'

(10) mais ma-simal hai, [pataz-un]v1 saia [m-aun]v22 when ADJ-fat CONJ kill-PO PV.it AO-eat `If (the animal) is fat , (they) kill it and eat (it).'

This type of clause chaining is employed also to express `adverbial' meanings. Consider the following sentences with `adverbial' concepts expressed through the initial verb, which is followed by a `lexical' verb with a concrete meaning. The order of an `adverbial' verb and a `lex- ical' verb cannot be interchanged in general. Prototypically, either the pivot nominal of the clause or the agent nominal intervenes between the two verbs, as in:

(11) [1aupag]v1 naia [ma-pa-dagi]v2. AO.only.a.while.ago PV.they AO-REC-marry `They just got married .' Lexical Prefixes of Bunun Verbs 7

(12) [tagus]v1 dau maaz=a 'ivut [ma-haltis]v2 mas kalag-daigaz. AO.first HS PV snake AO-pinch OBL crab-mature `They say that first , the snake pinched (=bit) the crab.'

These `adverbial' verbs are best analyzed as the syntactic head of each clause, and the `lexical' verbs as the adjunct. Consider sentences with initial PO verbs. In (13) below, for example, the `adverbial' verb tagus-un `first' takes on the PO suffix (-un) to indicate that the referent of the pivot nominal of the clause ('the leopard') is the patient of the ac- tion named by the whole sequence of two verbs. The AO verb ma- pisi'al `lit. make something good, do something properly' is used here to denote the concrete meaning of `put on make-up', occurring as an ad- junct.

(13) tagus-u = s tumaz = tia ma-pi-si' al 'uknav = a. first-PO=OBL bear=NPV.that AO-CAUS-good leopard=PV.that `First , the bear put make-up on the leopard.'

In (14), on the other hand, the PO verb pisi'al-un occurs sentence- initially as the main verb, which is followed by the `lexical' verb ma-pighalab `make up'.

(14) pi-si'al-un=ku kasu ma-pighalab. CAUS-good-PO = NPV.1 SG PV.2 SG AO-make.up `I'll carefully put make -up on you .'

The verbs ma-pi-si'al in (13) and ma-pighalab in (14) are both dependent verbs, which can be omitted with no harm. They both take the AO prefix ma-, which is required by the syntactic rule prohibiting se- quences of PO verbs in a single clause. 8 MotoyasuNOJIMA 2. 4. Verb Morphology Bunun is an agglutinative language, and its verb morphology in- volves affixation (prefix, infix, and suffix) and reduplication. Although some roots with no affix can function as AO verbs, most verbs consist of a lexical root plus an orientation affix. In addition, Bunun has a number of derivational prefixes including the causative prefix, the reciprocal prefix, and lexical prefixes. The structure of the verb stem is:

(AO / IO +) [ (CADS +) (REC +) (LP +) ROOT] (+ PO / LO)

As shown above, lexical prefixes occur in the position closest to the ultimate root in a verb. A single root can optionally take one and only lexical prefix. A verb stem may optionally be further `modified' by the past infix -in-, reduplication, or both. Thus, considerably complex verbs may be formed by the application of more than one morphological process. In kinislalaupaan `have already stabbed (something) repeatedly', for example, the first step is one of prefixing, combining the lexical prefix kis- `stab' with the simple root laupa `stab' (a bound morph) to form the derived verb stem kislaupa. To this is added the LO suffix -an yielding the LO verb kislaupaan. Into this is, in turn, inserted the past infix -in- resulting in the past form kinislaupaan; and finally, the reduplication is applied to give the final complex verb kinislalaupaan, which signals that the action of `stabbing' was carried out in the past repeatedly.

3. Lexical Prefixes In this section, I will describe the morphology and syntax of Bunun lexical prefixes. We first consider in 3. 1 what types of root morphemes can take on a lexical prefix. In 3. 2, we will examine the syntactic func- tion of lexical prefixes as `verb classifiers' in certain constructions. In 3. 3, we will briefly look at the formal resemblance between lexical Lexical Prefixes of Bunun Verbs g prefixes and the corresponding verbs.

3. 1. Types of Root Morphemes As already mentioned in 1, Bunun lexical prefixes are added both to potentially free verbs and to obligatorily bound roots. Root morphemes which can take on a lexical prefix are roughly classified into the follow- ing groups: (A) NOMINAL. Certain lexical prefixes productively combine with (potentially) free nouns to derive denominal verb stems. The most fre- quently used lexical prefix is ka- `do, make', which productively com- bines with various types of nouns to form denominal verb stems denoting characteristic activities involving the referents of the nominal base, as in:

(15) ka-huma (LP (make) -farm) `make a farm, cultivate' ka-maduh (LP (do) -millet) `harvest millet' ka-lumah (LP (make) -house) `build a house/houses' ka-huzas (LP (do) -song) `sing a song/songs' ka-digwa (LP (do) -telephone) `make a phone call'

Note that ka- can combine with loan words such as digwa `telephone' from Japanese. Other lexical prefixes productively used in the forma- tion of denominal verb stems include: taus- `give birth' as in taus- 'uvaaz (LP (give .birth) -child) `give birth' (as in example (16) below), kun- `wear or put on shoes or underpants' as in kun-pantsu-av (LP (wear) -underpants-NAO.IMP) `Put on (your) underpants!' (the base pantsu (pronounced [pantsu]) is a loan word from Japanese.), and so on. In addition, there are a great number of verbs with a highly idiomatic meaning between the lexical prefix and the nominal root, as in lis-'utug (LP (sleep) -monkey) `doze off', which must be treated as lex- ical units in the lexicon. 10 MotoyasuNOJIMA (B) NUMERAL. Bunun has three sets of numeral roots: a set for counting things, a set used for counting persons, and a set for counting the number of times some event or action takes place. Lexical prefixes are often found in combination with these numerals. Examples:

(16) taus-'uvaaz a maluspigaz=a, taus-dusa. LP (give.birth) -child PV woman = PV.that LP (give.birth) -two `The woman gave birth to twins .' (17) na tan-tini saikin. IRR LP (stroll) -one.person PV.1SG `I will go alone .' (18) kau-s'an-un a 'wut=a ma-haltis. LP (by.hand) -once-PO PV snake = PV.that AO-pinch '(The crab) pinched the snake in two all at once .' (19) tu-tiun ma-la'la LP (verbally) -thrice AO-shout `shout three times'

(C) VERBAL. Bound verbal roots productively combine with one of the lexical prefixes. For example, the verbal root (i) stub (cf. 'istub-un `PO break an elongated object into two') takes on one of the lexical prefixes denoting how the action of `breaking' is carried out.

(20) kali-stub-un (LP (hit) -break-PO) `break by hitting' la-stub-an (LP (press) -break-LO) `break by applying pressure to' pati-stub-an (LP (cut) -break-LO) `break by cutting' si-stub-un (LP (pull) -break-PO) `break by pulling' ku-stub-un (LP (eat) -break-PO) `break by eating' kau-stub-un (LP (by.hand) -break-PO) `break by hand (e.g. by pinching by one's fingers)' Lexical Prefixes of Bunun Verbs 11

Examples: (21) mati-stub mas 'asik at, 'is-linsup AO.LP (cut) -break OBL broom and TO-insert sia tuhu. LOC buttocks '(The child) cut a broom and inserted (it) into his anus .' (22) ku-stub-an 'amin m-aun. LP (eat) -break-LO all AO-eat `All (the rice) was [partially] eaten (by those rats) .'

Similarly, the verb root pataz `kill' (cf. pataz-un `PO kill') is often found in forms where it is added with one of the lexical prefixes designating various types of mode or cause in which the action of killing is carried out.

(23) kali-pataz-un (LP (hit) -kill-PO) `kill by hitting' kan-pataz-an (LP (by.foot) -kill-LO) `kill by kicking or stepping on' la-pataz-an (LP (press) -kill-LO) `kill by applying pressure' pati-pataz-an (LP (cut) -kill-LO) `kill by cutting' si-pataz-un (LP (pull) -kill-PO) `kill by pulling' 'ik -pataz-un (LP (eat) -kill-PO) `kill by eating' tai-pataz-un (LP (shoot) -kill-PO) `kill by shooting or throwing a stone'

The following example illustrates the use of this type of verbs. Note that in (24) the meaning of the lexical prefix 'ik- `eat' is supplemented by the following dependent verb m-aun `eat'.

(24) 'ik-pataz-u = s hanitu = tia m-aun a LP (eat) -kill-PO = OBL ghost = NPV.that AO-eat PV 'uvaaz= a . child = PV.that 12 Motoyasu NOJIMA

`The child was eaten by the ghost and died .'

The root pataz is often used in a metaphorical sense, as in:

(25) a. mis-pataz mis-busuk LP (burn) -kill LP (burn) -intoxicated `completely drunk (lit . dead drunk)' b. makin-pataz ma-hainan LP (laugh) -kill AO-laugh `laugh to death'

(D) ADJECTIVAL. Adjectival roots often combine with one of the lex- ical prefixes to derive verb stems, in which they denote the resultative state of the action or event of the lexical prefix. Examples:

(26) pit-zaipuh-un (LP (cook) -soft-PO) `soften by cooking' (cf. ma-zaipuh `soft') saun-hapzan-an (LP (bind) -fiat-LO) `flatten by binding' (cf. ma-hapzan 'flat') tal-nau'az (LP (grow) -beautiful) `grow into a beautiful

woman' (cf. ma-nau'az 'beautiful')

mis-daghas (LP (burn) -red) `burn and become red' (cf. ma-daghas `red' )

This type of formation is very productive. Speakers seem to freely create new forms in which components involve semantic relations of ac- tion-result, as long as the speech context is appropriate. For example, the form mis-piha, which consists of the lexical prefix mis- `burn (in- LexicalPrefixes of BununVerbs 13 transitive)' plus the adjectival root -piha `lameness' (cf. ma-piha 'lame') , is found in a folktale in Ogawa and Asai (1935: 646)7). This form is used in the story depicting a crow that went lame because he was burned in a fire set by his enemy. Lexical prefixes productively combine with bound verbal or adjec- tival roots8), whereas potentially independent forms are seldom found in combination with lexical prefixes. However, such combinations are not impossible. In (27), the independent intransitive verb kusbai `fly' takes on the lexical prefix kalin- `by wind' to form the derived transitive verb stem kalin-kusbai.

(27) 'up-un kamu hai, kalin-kusbai-un. blow-PO PV.2PL CONJ LP (by.wind) -fly-PO `I can blow you away with a single breath .'

In (28), the (potentially) independent adjective ma-saglav `green' (cf. saglav `greens, vegetables') takes on the lexical prefix pan- `wear, put on' to form the derived verb stem pan-ma-saglav.

(28) ma-zima dau naia pan-ma-saglav9)-an tu AO-like HS PV.they LP (wear) -ADJ-green-LO LK 'ulus m -ainuk. clothes AO-put.on

7) The original spelling in Ogawa and Asai (1935) is "mispiqqa". This form appears in the folktale told by a speaker of the Northern dialect. I confirmed with my principal informant that the corresponding form mispiha is perfect- ly acceptable in the Southern dialect as well. 8) It is not the case that all the verbal roots can take on a lexical prefix. For ex- ample, the obligatorily bound verb-roots such as ludah `hit' and kamun `nip' can never be added with a lexical prefix. It seems that what type of verbal roots can take on what type of lexical prefixes must be memorized individual- ly. 9) Note that the adjective with the prefix ma- combines with the lexical prefix pan- in pan-masaglav-an. This type of formation is not so productive. 14 MotoyasuNOJIMA `It is said that they like to wear green clothes .' (cf. ma-saglav to 'ulus `green clothes')

(E) `ADVERBIAL'. Bunun has a great number of `adverbial' morphs (free or bound), which denote `adverbial' concepts such as manner, degree, speed, accompaniment, duration, and so on. The most common- ly used are:

(29) kali-magmag-un (LP (hit) -intensely-PO) `hit forcefully'

pati-'anak-an (LP (cut) -by.oneself-LO) `cut by her/himself'

tai-liva-un (LP (shoot) -mistakenly-PO) `shoot mistakenly'

pit-'amin-un (LP (kill) -all-PO) `kill all'

makus-usha (LP (appear) -suddenly) `appear suddenly'

kali-sasu-un (LP (chase) -immediately-PO) `chase immediately'

tal-vavaa (LP (grow) -quickly) `grow fast' 'ik -tagus (LP (eat) -first) `eat first'

tu-skun (LP (verbally) -together) `make sound together with s.o.' pit-uskun-un (LP (cook) -together-PO) `cook X together with Y'

pit-buntu-un (LP (cook) -for. a.long. time-PO) `cook for a long time'

si-maupa-un = tan (LP (get) -like-PO = NPV.this) `take (it) like this' LexicalPrefixes of BununVerbs 15 'intau -makua-an (LP (bite) -how-LO) `bite in what manner'

The following examples illustrate the use of `adverbial' verbs con- taining one of the lexical prefixes:

(30) tai-liva-un a tama m-anah. LP (shoot) -mistakenly-PO PV father AO-shoot '(He) shot his father mistakenly .' (31) m-akus-usha m-insuma pais. AO-LP (appear) -suddenly AO-appear enemy '(Their) enemies appeared suddenly .' (32) kali-sasu-u = s pais ma-sinap LP (chase) -immediately-PO = OBL enemy AO-chase `Immediately after that , (their) enemies (started to) run after (them).'

The formation of this type is very productive. The syntactic function of these verbs will be dealt with in the next section in detail.

3. 2. Lexical Prefixes as `Verb Classifier' In well-known 'classifier-languages', the `classifiers' occur in certain syntactic constructions to qualify the lexical type of object named by a noun. The following examples illustrate the typical use of so-called `numeral classifiers':

(33) Numeral Classifiers in Mandarin Chinese a. san-tiao yu three-CLASSIFIER (long.thing) fish `three fishes'

b. san-zhi mao three-CLASSIFIER (animal) cat 16 MotoyasuNOJIMA `three cats'

c. san-zhang zhi three-CLASSIFIER (sheet) paper `three sheets of paper'

It is generally considered that this type of classification system applies only to nouns10) . However, Bunun lexical prefixes in some construc- tions can be considered as classifier of verbs. In a number of in- stances, the meaning of a lexical prefix, especially when it combines with an `adverbial' root as in (30) - (32), is supplemented or further specified by another dependent verb with a more concrete meaning. When this happens, the lexical prefixes seemingly have a function similar to that of the so-called `classifier'. Consider the following exam- ple:

(34) pit-utmag-un ma-pit'ia tastu-tilas. LP (cook) -carelessly-PO AO-cook one-uncooked.rice '(She) carelessly cooked a grain of rice in one piece , without breaking it apart.'

In (34) above, the `adverbial' morpheme -(u) tmag `carelessly, foolishly bold without thinking carefully of the results' takes on the lex- ical prefix pit- `cook' to form the verb pit-utmag-un which functions as the main verb of the clause. The dependent verb ma-pit'ia follows it to supplement or further specifies the meaning of the lexical prefix pit-.

10) In answer to the question of why classification systems apply only to nouns, Greenberg has stated as follows: ... it is the noun par excellence which gives rise to classificational systems of syntactic relevance. It is not so much that the noun designates persisting en- tities as against actions or temporary states of persisting entities. It is that nouns are continuing discourse subjects are therefore in constant need of referential devices of identification. As soon as we wish to talk about an ac- tion as such, we nominalize it; classification is a help in narrowing the range of possible identification. (Greenberg 1978: 78, as quoted in Senft 1996: 5) LexicalPrefixes of BununVerbs 17

Thus, the verb ma-pit'ia can collocate with the prefix pit-. When one wants to say `cut carelessly' or `eat carelessly', another prefix must be used, as in:

(35) via to mati-tmag m-astabal tu. why COMP AO.LP (cut) -carelessly AO-cut ?? `Why (are you) carelessly cutting (bamboo) ?'

(36) vanu = an habas hai, nitu mahtu honey=PV.this old.times CONJ not can ku-tmag-un m-aun. LP (eat) -carelessly-PO AO-eat `In old times , honey couldn't be eaten without any specific reason.'

In this way, the choice of lexical prefix to be employed depends largely on the semantic property of the following `lexical' verb, just as the choice of classifier in Mandarin Chinese is generally determined by the lexical type of the head noun. It is quite often the case that the same prefix appears both on the `lexical' verb and on the `adverbial' verb , as if the one contained in the following `lexical' verb was `copied' onto the `adverbial' main verb. In (37) below, the same prefix mis- `burn' appears both in the first `adver- bial' verb and the second `lexical' verb.

(37) mis-utmag mis-busuk11). LP (burn) -carelessly LP (burn) -intoxicated '(He) carelessly became drunk .' 11) In Bunun, the morpheme busuk in mis-busuk `intoxicated, drunk' is an obligatorily bound morpheme, which is found only in combination with mis- 'burn (intransitive)' . Its cognate is found in other Formosan languages as well, for example, Rukai m-a-bosok `drunk' (Tryon (ed.) 1995: 626). However, the morpheme boundary between mis- and busuk does exist syn- chronically, which is shown in (37) by the fact that mis- is copied on the main verb mis-utmag. 18 MotoyasuNOJIMA Also in (38) below, the lexical prefix kis- in the `lexical' verb kis-laupa is `copied' onto the `adverbial' main verb.

(38) kis-asu-a=s mabananaz = tia kis-laupa. LP (stab) -immediately-LO = OBL man = NPV.that LP (stab) -stab `Immediately after that , the man stabbed (the woman).'

However, the lexical prefix on the `adverbial' verb does not always coin- cide with the one on the following `lexical' verb. In (39) below, for ex- ample, although the `lexical' verb ka-huzas `sing' contains the lexical prefix ka- `do, make', one cannot `copy' it onto the preceding `adverbial' verb. Instead, the prefix tu- `verbally' must be used.

(39) tu-tmag ka-huzas LP (verbally) -carelessly LP (make) -song `sing songs carelessly (without due thought)'

In this way, the lexical prefix that is employed depends on the nature of the event or action that is being designated. Let us consider another example. The lexical prefix pati- `cut' expresses `cutting'. In (40) below, the `adverbial' verb pati-pusan-an, which consists of pati- plus the bound numeral pusan `two times', is followed by the `lexical' verb m-astabal `cut (trees, branches, grasses) with a sword or a scythe by quick motion', which is a syntactically optional element.

(40) pati-pusan-an m-astabal LP (cut) -twice-LO AO-cut `cut something two times'

There are other verbs which denote the action involving `cutting', such as: m-atistub `cut off', ma-tuktuk `chop (e.g. wood) with an ax', ma-tubtub `cut something hard (e.g. bone) by pressing down a knife LexicalPrefixes of BununVerbs 19 forcefully', ma-valval `mow', ma-paluh `fell trees', and so on. All these verbs collocate with the lexical prefix pati-, and are, therefore, compatible also with the `adverbial' verb pati-pusan-an. Bunun has another verb ma-kulut, which also designates a type of 'cutting' . However, the lexical prefix which collocates with the verb ma-kulut is not pati- `cut', but si- `get, pull', as in:

(41) si-pusan-un ma-kulut LP (pull) -twice-PO AO-saw `cut something two times'

This can be understood in terms of the specific semantic property of the verb ma-kulut. This verb denotes types of cutting in which things like vegetables or wood are cut by pulling an instrument toward the agent him/herself (in most cases repeatedly), as when one cuts a board with a saw. Other verbs that can co-occur with si- include: siza `get, take', ma-labut `pull out (e.g. grasses)', ma-'uman `remove', si-tua `open (e.g. a door) by pulling', and so on. It is to be noted that there are a number of `homonymous' prefixes. For example, the prefix 'it- `die' and the prefix 'it- `hear, listen to' are to be considered as different prefixes, which happen to have the same form. Similarly, the prefix saun-, which can be used to denote ac- tivities such as `drinking', `binding', or `giving', will also probably be a case of homonymy. No speaker of Bunun would consider them as being synchronically related. However, there are a number of instances where the relatedness of meaning may possibly be shared among uses, which might seem to be just `homonymous' at a glance. For example, the lexical prefix tal-, which collocates with verbs denoting the action of `washing' such as tal- 'isuh `bathe' , ma-pas'ah `wash clothes', tal-danav `wash one's face' and the like, can also co-occur with verbs such as m-utah `vomit' or talusmut `dispose of weed' (cf. 'ismuut 'grass'): 20 MotoyasuNOJIMA

(42) tal-'amin-un tal-'isuh LP (??) -all-PO LP (??) -bathe `use up (e.g. water) in bathing' (43) tal-'amin-un m-utah LP (??) -all-PO AO-vomit `throw up everything one ate'

According to my principal informant, there is some relatedness of mean- ing among all the verbs which can co-occur with the prefix tal-, but he does not know how to express it. The meaning of these `polysemous' prefixes requires further study. As usually observed with so-called `numeral' classifiers, different lex- ical prefixes can be used with the same verb. The verb m-aun `eat', for example, usually co-occurs with 'ik-/ku- `eat' (these two forms 'ik-/ ku- are allomorphs realizing the same morpheme, the alternation of which is conditioned by the syllable structure of the base), as in (22) and (44).

(44) 'ik-tagus m-aun LP (eat) -first AO-eat `eat first'

However, the verb m-aun can also co-occur with other prefixes such as ka-12) `do, make' and the AO prefix m-, as in:

(45) ka-tmag saia m-aun mas kuisnah. LP (make) -carelessly PV.it AO-eat OBL unclean `It eats unclean things carelessly .'

12) The lexical prefix ka- can be considered as a semantically `neutral' prefix, which can collocate with all types of verbs, as opposed to other semantically `specialized' prefixes such as pati - `cut' or si- `get , pull', which are used for particular sorts of events or actions. LexicalPrefixes of BununVerbs 21

46 via to m-utmag m-aun mas maupa = tan why COMP AO-carelessly AO-eat OBL like = NPV.this to titi. LK meat `Why (do you) eat this kind of meat carelessly?'

Also in (47) and (48) as well, the different prefixes, 'an- `carry' and si- `pull, get' respectively, co-occur with the same verb 'an-taban `carry away' .

(47) 'an-tuus-un saikin pais 'amis =tan LP(carry)-in.one.piece-PO PV.1SG enemy Amis=NPV.this 'an -taban. LP (carry) -?? 'Amis tribe , (our) enemy, took me away without beheading me.' (48) na si-tuus-un = to sian IRR LP (get) -in.one.piece-PO =NPV. 1PLINC PV.this 'an -taban . LP (carry) -?? `Let's take this away in one piece (without dividing it) .'

It might be argued from the above illustrations that the co-variance between lexical prefixes and independent verbs is a kind of syntactic agreement. However, it is to be realized that there is no syntactic con- struction that requires the presence of a particular type of lexical prefixes. The obligatoriness of, say, si- in (41) stems not from syntac- tic rule but from the morphological property of the root morpheme pusan, which is obligatorily bound. The co-variance between a par- ticular type of lexical prefix and a range of co-occuring verbs is seman- tically determined. This is a matter of semantic collocation, not of regular agreement required by syntactic rule. 22 Motoyasu NOJIMA

3. 3. Formal Resemblance between Lexical Prefixes and Corresponding Verbs Most of the Bunun lexical prefixes have somewhat similar verb forms with related meanings.

Examples: (49) LEXICAL PREFIX INDEPENDENT VERB 'it - ta'aza `AO to hear' 'it - 'ataz-an `LO to die' k- kaun-un 'PO to eat' (cf. AO m-aun) kit- kalat `AO to bite' matis- ma-taisah `AO to dream' (cf. taisah 'dream') pan- painuk-an `LO to wear' salin- ma-salad `AO to whittle' saun- ma-saiv `AO to give' si- siza `AO to get, take' tu- tupa `AO to say'

The formal resemblance between some lexical prefixes and the semantically corresponding verbs appears to indicate that the lexical prefixes have undergone phonological reduction through the process of gaining the status of prefixes. For example, the lexical prefix salin- 'whittle' (or a much more similar form salan - in the dialect spoken in Bulbul village) may have been derived historically from the semantical- ly corresponding verb-root salad in AO ma-salad 'whittle'. An in- teresting fact to be observed in this connection is that no lexical prefix containing a voiced stop consonant nor voiced fricative has been at- tested in the author's survey, which may be the result of phonological reduction. However, there are a number of lexical prefixes that are con- siderably different in form from the semantically corresponding verb- root. Examples: LexicalPrefixes of BununVerbs 23

(50) LEXICAL PREFIX INDEPENDENT VERB kali- ma-ludah `AO to hit' kalin- ma-sinap `AO to chase' pai (s) - tagis `AO to cry' saun- huud `AO to drink' tai- panah-un TO to shoot' tis- 'ama-un TO to carry'

The process in which the lexical prefixes have evolved in this language is not at present understood. More work needs to be done.

Acknowledgements Four spells of fieldwork on Bunun (1994-96) were conducted with the financial support of the Mitsubishi Trust Yamamuro Memorial Scholarship Foundation, Shung Ye Museum of Formosan Aborigines (N. W. Lin Foundation for Culture and Education), Japan-Taiwan Exchange Center, and the Fuse Foundation. All the material cited in this paper was collected during the course of my fieldwork in Minsheng Village in Sanmin County, Gaoxiong

Prefecture(高 雄 縣 三 民 郷 民 生 村)and Wulu(Bulbul)Village in Hai-

tuan County,Taidong Prefecture(台 東 縣 海 端 郷 霧 鹿 村).I wish to ex-

press my indebtedness to Bunun speakers for their help,particularly to

Wani 'Ismahasan(星 光),'Abus'lsbabanal(顔 謝 阿 香)†,Banitul Palavi

(李 重 松)†,Lanihu Takbanuaz(朱 寳 如),Lanihu 'Ispalidav(周 銀 能)in

Minsheng Village,and Dahu 'Ispalidav(余 錦 虎)in Bulbul Village. I am grateful to Professor Osahito Miyaoka, the editor of Gengo Kenkyu, and to Professor Shigeru Tsuchida for their valuable sugges- tions to improve the earlier version of this paper. 24 Motoyasu NOJIMA

Abbreviations ADJ adjectivizing prefix LP lexical prefix AO agent-oriented verb NAO non-agent-oriented verb CAUS causative prefix NPV non-pivot form COMP complementizer OBL oblique nominal CONJ conjunctive particle PV pivot form/nominal HS hear-say reportive marker PO patient-oriented verb IMP imperative suffix REC reciprocal prefix INCHO inchoative marker TO `transferred object'- oriented verb INTR intransitivizing prefix 1PLEXC 1st person plural exclusive 10 instrument-oriented verb 1PLINC 1st person plural inclusive IRR irrealis marker 1SG 1st person singular LK linker 2PL 2nd person plural LO location-oriented verb 2SG 2nd person singular LOC locative nominal

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. 1977. Topic and Focus in Bunun. Special Publication of the Institute of History and Philology. No. 72. Taipei: Academia Sinica

. 1994. "A syntactic typology of Formosan languages - case markers on nouns and pronouns". In: Dah-an Ho and Chiu-yu

LexicalPrefixes of BununVerbs 25

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gouci fangshi luelun" ["A Brief Sketch of Bunun Morphological Proc- esses"] In: Zhongyang Minzu Xueyuan, Shaoshu Minzu Yuyan Wenxue, Sanxi Gaoshanzu Yuyan Wenxue Jiao Yanjiushi (eds.) Gaoshanzu Yuyan Wenxue, pp. 147-178. Beijing: Zhongyang Minzu Xueyuan Chubanshe 1990. "Gaoshanzu Bunongyu yusu -an de gouci xiaoneng" ["Morphological function of Bunun morpheme -an"]. Minzu Yuwen 4, pp. 25-28. Beijing

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of Formosa(The Third Edition). Mss. Tokyo. Ogawa, Naoyoshi(小 川 尚 義),and Erin Asai(浅 井 恵 倫).1935. The Myths and Traditions of the Formosan Native Tribe - Texts and Notes [In Japanese]. Taihoku: Taihoku Imperial University Osumi, Midori. 1995. Tinrin Grammar. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press Senft, Gunter. 1996. Classificatory Particles in Kilivila. New York, Oxford: Oxford University Press Tryon, Darrel T. (ed.) 1995. Comparative Austronesian Dictionary: An Introduction to Austronesian Studies, Part 2. Berlin, New York: Mouton de Gruyter

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ブヌン語動詞の語彙接頭辞

野 島 本 泰

(東京大学大学院)

ブ ヌ ソ語 は 台湾 中部 で話 され る言 語 で,オ ース トロネ シア語 族 に属 す る.こ の

言語 で は,き わ め て具 体 的 な語 彙 的 意 味 を 表 す 動 詞 派 生接 辞 が発 達 して い る.他

の 言語 な ら 自立 語 の動 詞 で表 され る よ うな 事 柄,例 え ば｢死 ぬ｣,｢夢 を見 る｣,｢燃

え る｣と い った 出来 事 や,｢走 る｣,｢殴 る｣,｢切 る｣,｢与7..る｣な どの 行 為 を,

この言 語 で は動 詞 接 頭 辞 に よ って 表 す こ とが で き る.こ う した性 質 を もつ 接 頭 辞

を 本論 文 で は語 彙 接 頭 辞 と呼 び,そ の 形 態 お よび 意 味･統 語 上 の機 能 を記 述 す る.

語 彙 接 頭 辞 は動 詞 の語 幹 形 成 に お い て 生 産 的 に 用 い られ,さ ま ざ ま な種 類 の 語

根(あ るい は 語 基)に 付 い て,そ れ に 意 味 的 な 修 飾 を 加 え た派 生 動 詞 語 幹 を 造 る.

語 彙 接 頭 辞 を 含 む派 生 動 詞 語 幹 に は 主 に3種 類 あ る.(一)語 彙 接 頭 辞 が 先 行 す

る行 為 あ る い は 出来 事 を 表 し,そ れ に よ って 生 ず る結果 を語 根 が 表 す も の(例 え

ば,語 彙 接 頭 辞｢煮 る｣+語 根｢柔 らか い｣→｢煮 て柔 らか くす る｣).(二)語

彙接 頭 辞 が行 為 あ る い は 出来 事 を 表 し,そ の 様 態 を 語根 が表 す も の(例 えぽ,語

彙接 頭 辞｢現 れ る｣+語 根｢不 意 に｣→｢不 意 に 現 れ る｣).(三)語 根(自 立 名

詞)が 表 す 事 物 が関 わ る 出来 事 あ るい は 行 為 を 語 彙接 頭 辞 が表 す も の(例 えば,

語 彙接 頭 辞｢作 る｣+語 根｢家｣→｢家 を 建 て る｣).

語 彙接 頭 辞 は一 般 に｢類 別 詞｣と 呼 ば れ て い る もの に似 た機 能 を もつ こ と も あ

る.例 え ば,英 語 の`shoutagain',`hearsomethingagain',`give(somethingto

someone)again'と い う三 つ の フ レーズ を ブ ヌ ソ語 に訳 す 場 合 に は,`again'に あ

た る語 に 対 し,ブ ヌ ン語 で は異 な る三 つ の語 彙 接 頭 辞 の 付 い た形 を使 い分 け なけ

れ ば な らな い.ど の動 詞 と どの接 頭 辞 が 共 起 で き るか は,そ こで表 され る 出来 事

あ るい は 行為 が どの よ うな ものか に よ っ て個 々に 決 ま って い る.

(受理 日1996年10月19日)