DOCSLIB.ORG

Reconstructing the Case-Marking and Personal Pronoun Systems of Proto Austronesian

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Reconstructing the Case-Marking and Personal Pronoun Systems of Proto Austronesian Streams Converging Into an Ocean, 521-563 2006-8-005-021-000082-1 Reconstructing the Case-marking and Personal Pronoun Systems of Proto Austronesian Malcolm Ross The Australian National University Since Blust presented his reconstruction of Proto Austronesian and Proto Malayo-Polynesian personal pronouns in 1977, more data relevant to their reconstruction have become available. This paper takes account of relevant publications since 1977 and sets out a fresh reconstruction of Proto Austronesian personal pronouns, with supporting data from Formosan languages and interpretive arguments. Since personal pronoun systems in Formosan languages often incorporate the case-markers more generally used in noun phrases, and it is impossible to interpret the histories of the pronouns without taking account of the case-markers, a reconstruction of Proto Austronesian case-markers is also presented here. The goal of Blust’s 1977 paper was to show that all Austronesian languages outside Taiwan are characterized by certain innovations in their personal pronoun system, thus providing evidence for the Malayo-Polynesian subgroup of Austronesian. Blust’s findings are confirmed and augmented in the present paper. Key words: Proto-Austronesian, reconstruction, pronouns, case-markers 1. Introduction Blust (1977) reconstructs the pronoun system of Proto Austronesian (PAn) as part of his account of the internal subgrouping of the Austronesian language family. He describes pronominal innovations that occurred in Proto Malayo-Polynesian (PMP), the ancestor of all non-Formosan Austronesian languages, and that are reflected in its many daughter-languages. In the years since 1977, more data relevant to the reconstruction of PAn pronouns have become available, and in Ross (2002a) I published a revised reconstruction as part of a sketch of PAn morphosyntax. This reconstruction builds on the insights in Blust (1977) and on the work on pronouns in Dahl (1973) and Harvey (1982), as well as on advances in our understanding of the structure of PAn clauses originating largely in Starosta et al. (1981). In addition to new descriptions of Formosan languages, I have been able to draw on two papers on the typology of Formosan pronoun systems, namely Li (1997a) and Huang et al. (1999). Malcolm Ross My 2002 reconstruction was published with almost no supporting data or arguments, and in the present paper I seek to fill that gap. I dedicate this paper to my friend Paul Jen-kuei Li, without whose tireless labour and leadership the data for reconstruction would not be available. Professor Li has himself written about case-markers and pronouns (Li 1978, 1995, 1997a), as well as providing data in his descriptive works (e.g. Li 1973, Li and Tsuchida 2001, 2006). Less obviously, but just as significantly, he has inspired and enabled many younger scholars to describe Formosan languages. In the course of preparing this paper, I have examined recent accounts of pronoun paradigms for each Formosan language, paying particular attention to the functions performed by each pronoun set. To this end, I have preferred to use the fullest grammatical descriptions that I could find. My data survey is limited to Formosan languages. The reconstruction of PMP that I have used here was done some twelve years ago. I paid careful attention to form, but perhaps not as much attention to function as in my Formosan survey. To update the Malayo-Polynesian survey (for which organised supporting data have not been published) would be a gargantuan task, as it would entail looking at all available descriptions of non-Formosan Philippine-type languages. Blust (1999b) has argued that ten primary subgroups of Austronesian can be identified: nine in Taiwan (the so-called Formosan languages) and one outside Taiwan (Malayo-Polynesian). This paper is based on a thorough survey of the first nine subgroups and a somewhat less reliable examination of the tenth. In an alternative subgrouping, Sagart (2004) proposes that Austronesian has (ignoring extinct languages) only three primary subgroups: the Formosan languages Pazeh and Saisiyat are primary subgroups, and all other Austronesian languages fall into a group which Sagart labels ‘Pituish’. PMP is a fourth-order subgroup of Pituish and is even less significant for PAn reconstruction than under Blust’s proposal.1 Formosan languages (except Rukai) and a large number of languages in the Philippines, northern Borneo and northern Sulawesi are of the so-called ‘Philippine type’ (Himmelmann 2002, 2005, Ross 2002a). They have two voices: actor voice and undergoer voice. The latter is always transitive, and assumes two or three applicative-like forms which permit various semantic roles to assume subject position (this interpretation goes back at least to Starosta 1986). The transitivity of the actor voice remains a matter of controversy: it is morphosyntactically intransitive in some languages but apparently transitive in others, albeit of lower transitivity than the undergoer voice (Chang 2004, Liao 2004, Reid and Liao 2004, Ross and Teng 2005). Philippine-type languages typically have noun-phrase case-markers and case-marked pronoun sets indicating the 1 Reid (1982) suggests Amis as the closest Formosan relative of PMP, implying yet another Austronesian subgrouping, but I have shown in Ross (2005) that the innovations allegedly shared by Amis and PMP are either not exclusive or based on incorrect reconstruction. 522 Reconstructing the Case-marking and Personal Pronoun Systems of Proto Austronesian grammatical function of the noun phrase or pronoun within the voice construction, and in many languages there are sets of nominative and genitive clitic pronouns which tend to occupy second (Wackernagel) position (Billings and Kaufman 2004). The organisation of this case-marking varies from language to language, and to describe it with an acceptable degree of faithfulness to the data means that cross- linguistically applicable case labels must needs be based on a listing of the grammatical functions found across the languages. The grammatical functions found in this analysis include first the core arguments of the verb: (1) VSBJ subject of verbal clause AGT agent argument of undergoer-voice clause PAT patient argument of actor-voice clause, third core argument of undergoer-voice clause (e.g. patient when, say, a location or instru- ment is subject) Usually, subject case-marking is identical in both verbal and non-verbal clauses. In this case I recognise a single SBJ grammatical function. However, sometimes more narrowly defined subject functions appear, and nonverbal clauses introduce functions of their own: (2) SBJ subject of verbal and nonverbal clauses AVSBJ subject of actor-voice verbal clause NSBJ subject of nonverbal clause PREDN predicate noun Certain peripheral arguments in verbal clauses need separate recognition: (3) LOC location argument (‘at my place’, ‘from me’ etc), goal, source BEN beneficiary argument Certain grammatical functions arise from information structure: (4) DISJ disjunctive, i.e. one-word answer FRFOC focus-fronted argument TPC fronted topic, often followed by a topic marker And finally possessor functions occur in noun phrases: 523 Malcolm Ross (5) PSRA possessor adnominal (‘my’ etc) without a ligature PSRN possessor nominal (‘mine’ etc; in some languages it also occurs adnominally with a ligature) On the basis of these functions I define a set of case-marker labels similar to those used by Huang et al. (1999). (6) NEUT free form with functions including DISJ, TPC, FRFOC and one or more core grammatical functions (i.e. of SBJ, AGT and PAT) NOM free or clitic form serving as SBJ or VSBJ GEN free or clitic form serving as AGT and often as PSRA or occasionally PSRN PSR free form serving as PSRA and/or PSRN ACC free form serving as PAT only OBL free form serving as PAT and LOC (and sometimes in other peripheral functions) LOC free form serving as LOC (and sometimes in other peripheral functions) Other abbreviations used in this article are: 1S etc first person singular etc; C common; D definite; EP exclusive plural; IP inclusive plural; P plural; PS personal; S singular; SP specific; V visible. Conventions used in the tables of data and reconstructions are: (x) a form either with or without x occurred. [x] forms with and without x occur(red). (x,y) a form with either x or y occurred. [x,y] forms with both x and y occur(red). (*xxx) a parentheses around a reconstruction indicate uncertainty because the supporting data are insufficient. 2. Case-markers Reconstructing the PAn pronoun paradigm presupposes a reconstruction of its case-marker paradigm, as the pronouns of Philippine-type languages incorporate case-marking and usually have the same case-marking possibilities as personal lexical NPs (common NPs often have somewhat different possibilities). Tables 1 and 2 set out the material for the reconstruction of PAn case-markers. This is not quite raw material. In 524 Reconstructing the Case-marking and Personal Pronoun Systems of Proto Austronesian the interests of presentation, where data are available for several related dialects, I have reconstructed a local protolanguage (Proto Atayal from Atayal and Seediq dialects, Proto Amis, Proto Puyuma, Proto Rukai and Proto Bunun). The supporting data are in Appendix A. Reconstructing the PAn case-marking paradigm is not a simple task, and a glance at the tables gives some idea of the problems. Formosan case-markers tend to be (C)V monosyllables, where C- or ∅- indicates the case, -i a personal singular case-marker, -a a personal singular case-marker, and a vowel other than -i a common case-marker. This means that -a occurs in both personal plural and common case-markers (see discussion below). Thanks to diachronic shifts in constellations of grammatical functions, cognate forms in two Formosan languages quite often mark different cases. There is, for example, considerable crossover between OBL and LOC. Conversely, it is common for the same case in two languages to be differently marked. Some NOM forms are ∅-initial, others k-initial.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • The Position of Enggano Within Austronesian
    7KH3RVLWLRQRI(QJJDQRZLWKLQ$XVWURQHVLDQ 2ZHQ(GZDUGV Oceanic Linguistics, Volume 54, Number 1, June 2015, pp. 54-109 (Article) 3XEOLVKHGE\8QLYHUVLW\RI+DZDL L3UHVV For additional information about this article http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/ol/summary/v054/54.1.edwards.html Access provided by Australian National University (24 Jul 2015 10:27 GMT) The Position of Enggano within Austronesian Owen Edwards AUSTRALIAN NATIONAL UNIVERSITY Questions have been raised about the precise genetic affiliation of the Enggano language of the Barrier Islands, Sumatra. Such questions have been largely based on Enggano’s lexicon, which shows little trace of an Austronesian heritage. In this paper, I examine a wider range of evidence and show that Enggano is clearly an Austronesian language of the Malayo-Polynesian (MP) subgroup. This is achieved through the establishment of regular sound correspondences between Enggano and Proto‒Malayo-Polynesian reconstructions in both the bound morphology and lexicon. I conclude by examining the possible relations of Enggano within MP and show that there is no good evidence of innovations shared between Enggano and any other MP language or subgroup. In the absence of such shared innovations, Enggano should be considered one of several primary branches of MP. 1. INTRODUCTION.1 Enggano is an Austronesian language spoken on the southernmost of the Barrier Islands off the west coast of the island of Sumatra in Indo- nesia; its location is marked by an arrow on map 1. The genetic position of Enggano has remained controversial and unresolved to this day. Two proposals regarding the genetic classification of Enggano have been made: 1.
    [Show full text]
  • Austronesian Paths and Journeys
    AUSTRONESIAN PATHS AND JOURNEYS AUSTRONESIAN PATHS AND JOURNEYS EDITED BY JAMES J. FOX TO THE MEMORY OF MARSHALL D. SAHLINS We would like to dedicate this volume to the memory of Marshall Sahlins who was a brilliantly productive and remarkably insightful ‘Austronesianist’. His Social Stratification in Polynesia was an early, important and provocative comparative study (1958); his Moala: Culture and Nature on a Fijian Island (1962) was a major ethnographic monograph of lasting value; and his Islands of History (1985) was an interpretive analysis that gave global significance to events in the history of the Pacific. His influence was profound on both students and colleagues. We have all learned much from him and his work. Published by ANU Press The Australian National University Acton ACT 2601, Australia Email: [email protected] Available to download for free at press.anu.edu.au ISBN (print): 9781760464325 ISBN (online): 9781760464332 WorldCat (print): 1247151070 WorldCat (online): 1247150967 DOI: 10.22459/APJ.2021 This title is published under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial- NoDerivatives 4.0 International (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0). The full licence terms are available at creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/legalcode Cover design and layout by ANU Press. Cover photograph: A gathering of members of the clan Nabuasa in the village of Lasi in the mountains of West Timor to hear the recitation of the journey of their ancestral name. Photo by James J. Fox. This edition © 2021 ANU Press Contents Abbreviations . ix List of illustrations . xi 1 . Towards a comparative ethnography of Austronesian ‘paths’ and ‘journeys’ .
    [Show full text]
  • Papers from AFLA 25 - Chen & Jiang the Organization of This Paper Is As Follows
    WAYS OF TALKING ABOUT THE PAST: 1 THE SEMANTICS OF -IN- AND =IN IN BUNUN Sihwei Chen Haowen Jiang Academia Sinica Peking University [email protected] [email protected] Abstract This paper assesses the semantics of two homophonous markers, -in- and =in in Isbukun Bunun (Formosan, Austronesian). While both markers are used to express some kind of anteriority reading, there is no consensus about their semantic category. By presenting new empirical evidence, we offer an alternative analysis for both markers. We argue in detail that -in- is an existential past tense marker, which is in line with Jeng (1999) and De Busser (2009) but differs in many important details. We also suggest that =in is a discourse-level change-of-state marker, in contrast to the dominant view. This study not only suggests that temporal components can be associated with different categories cross-linguistically, but also has implications for analyzing similar markers in other Formosan languages. Keywords: past tense, perfect aspect, inchoativity, Isbukun Bunun, existential past ISO 639-3 codes: bnn 1 Introduction This paper assesses the semantics of two homophonous markers, -in- and =in in Isbukun Bunun (Formosan, Austronesian). The former is an infix and has an allomorphemic variant -i-,2 while the latter is an invariant enclitic attachable to various lexical words. We choose to look at the two markers for a number of reasons. First, their phonological identity raises the question of how their use differs. Second, while both markers are used to express some kind of anteriority reading, there is no consensus about their semantic category.
    [Show full text]
  • Lexical Prefixes of Bunun Verbs Motoyasu NOJIMA
    言 語 研 究(Gengo Kenkyu)110(1996),1～27 1 Lexical Prefixes of Bunun Verbs Motoyasu NOJIMA (Graduate School, University of Tokyo) Keywords: Bunun, lexical prefixes, derivational affixes, `classi- ficatory prefixes', `verb classifiers' 1. Introduction Bunun1) is one of the Austronesian languages, spoken in the central part of Taiwan. It has a rich repertoire of verb-deriving prefixes, which are called lexical prefixes2) in this paper. The use of lexical prefixes is quite productive in the formation of verb stems. They productively combine with various types of root morphemes (bound or free) to add semantic modification to them. They are very lexical in meaning in that they denote concrete events such as `dying', `dreaming', `burning', or ac- tivities such as `running', `hitting', `cutting', `giving', which might be achieved by the use of independent verbs in other languages. Verbs with a lexical prefix can roughly be classified into three groups according to the semantic relation between the prefix and 1) The Bunun language consists of three major dialects: Northern, Central, and Southern (Li 1988). The following description is based on data from the Southern dialect. Bunun (Southern dialect) has fourteen consonant phonemes: p, t, k, ' [?], b, d, s, h [x], v, z [*], m, n, g [*], and I[I]. The s and t are palatalized before i. There is phonemic contrast between /'/ and zero only word-medially. Bunun has a three-vowel system: a, u, and i. Each may occur both long and short. Stress is not distinctive: it usually falls on the penultimate syllable of a word. 2) The term `lexical prefixes' might be reminiscent of the `lexical suffixes' in the 'Mosan' languages in the Northwest Coast of North America, which are contrastively nominal in nature, however.
    [Show full text]
  • Positional and Grammatical Variations of Time Words in Takivatan Bunun
    LANGUAGE AND LINGUISTICS 14.6:963-1008, 2013 2013-0-014-006-000420-1 Positional and Grammatical Variations of Time Words in Takivatan Bunun Rik De Busser National Chengchi University Takivatan Bunun, an Austronesian language spoken in Taiwan, has a dedicated class of words expressing time, place, and manner. These words can occur in various positions in the clause, each of which is associated with a distinct grammatical behavior. In this article, I discuss positional and associated grammatical variation of the four roots that most commonly express temporal location in the Takivatan corpus: dip ‘then’, qabas ‘in former times’, laupa ‘now’, and haip ‘today’. I conclude that the positional variability of Takivatan time words is grammatically meaningful and not the result of random variation. Finally, I suggest that it can be best explained in terms of functional motivations and historical factors that are common to various Austronesian languages in Taiwan. Key words: Austronesian languages of Taiwan, Bunun language, temporal deixis, functional linguistics, linguistic typology 1. Introduction Bunun is an endangered Austronesian language of Taiwan with five distinct dialects: Isbukun, Takbanuað, Takivatan, Takituduh, and Takibakha (Li 1988). This article investigates the positional variability and associated variations in grammatical behavior of time words in Takivatan Bunun. It does this by analyzing the frequency and distribution of these words in a text corpus representing real-world use. Klein (1994:2) remarks that, although almost all languages in the world have a class of words that expresses fundamental temporal notions, these words are often woefully ignored by linguists, unlike grammatical marking of tense and aspect, which is cross-linguistically less common.
    [Show full text]
  • The Influence of Christianity on the Bunun Language: a Preliminary Overview
    De Busser, Rik. 2013. The influence of Christianity on the Bunun language: A preliminary overview. Proceedings of the International Workshop on “Special Genres” in and around Indonesia, p. 59–76. Tokyo, Research Institute for Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa, Tokyo University of Foreign Studies, 17-19 February 2013. The influence of Christianity on the Bunun language: A preliminary overview1 Rik De Busser National Chengchi University [email protected] This paper discusses two major ways in which Christianity exerted an important influence on the Bunun language. In the second half of the twentieth century, Western Churches were instrumental in the protection of indigenous languages, including Bunun, against the aggressive and destructive policies of cultural and linguistic unification of the Taiwanese government. In a completely different way, the introduction of a Bible translation and various liturgical materials in Bunun led, especially in the Presbyterian Church, to the creation of an artificial variant of the language that is a consensus between the dominant Isbukun dialect and other dialects, and over time has come to resemble a sort of supra-dialectal standard. This in turn resulted in the creation of a pan-dialectal religious vocabulary and an increased influence of Isbukun, the largest of Bunun dialects, on other dialects. Today, a complex relationship exists between this influential religious standard and more localised dialects of Bunun. 1. Introduction The Bunun people are an Austronesian people indigenous to Taiwan and their forefathers have lived on Taiwan for at least 5000 years. Their language, which consists of five main dialects, is typically studied in terms of its historical development relative to other Austronesian languages on the island, possibly taking into account contact with the Sinitic languages on the island.
    [Show full text]
  • Revisiting the Position of Philippine Languages in the Austronesian Family
    The Br Andrew Gonzalez FSC (BAG) Distinguished Professorial Chair Lecture, 2017 De La Salle University Revisiting the Position of Philippine Languages in the Austronesian Family Lawrence A. Reid University of Hawai`i National Museum of the Philippines Abstract With recent claims from non-linguists that there is no such thing as an Austronesian language family, and that Philippine languages could have a different origin from one that all comparative linguists claim, it is appropriate to revisit the claims that have been made over the last few hundred years. Each has been popular in its day, and each has been based on evidence that under scrutiny has been shown to have problems, leading to new claims. This presentation will examine the range of views from early Spanish ideas about the relationship of Philippine languages, to modern Bayesian phylogenetic views, outlining the data upon which the claims have been made and pointing out the problems that each has. 1. Introduction Sometime in 1915 (or early 1916) (UP 1916), when Otto Scheerer was an assistant professor of German at the University of the Philippines, he gave a lecture to students in which he outlined three positions that had been held in the Philippines since the early 1600’s about the internal and external relations of Philippine languages. He wrote the following: 1. As early as 1604, the principal Philippine languages were recognized as constituting a linguistic unit. 2. Since an equally early time the belief was sustained that these languages were born of the Malay language as spoken on the Peninsula of Malacca.
    [Show full text]
  • Papers from AFLA 25…………………………………………….Iv
    1 © 2020 University of Hawai’i Press All rights reserved OPEN ACCESS – Semiannual with periodic special publications E-ISSN: 1836-6821 http://hdl.handle.net/10524/52462 Creative Commons License This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License. JSEALS publishes fully open access content, which means that all articles are available on the internet to all users immediately upon publication. Non-commercial use and distribution in any medium is permitted, provided the author and the journal are properly credited. Cover images courtesy of Henry Chang. i JSEALS Journal of the Southeast Asian Linguistics Society Editor-in-Chief Mark Alves (Montgomery College, USA) Managing Editors Nathan Hill (University of London, SOAS, UK) Sigrid Lew (Payap University, Thailand) Paul Sidwell (Australia National University, Australia) Editorial Advisory Committee Luke BRADLEY (University of Freiburg, Germany) Marc BRUNELLE (University of Ottawa, Canada) Christopher BUTTON (Independent researcher) Kamil DEEN (University of Hawai‘i, USA) Gerard DIFFLOTH (Cambodia) Rikker DOCKUM (Yale University, USA) David M. EBERHARD (Ethnologue general editor, SIL International) Ryan GEHRMANN (Payap University) San San HNIN TUN (INCALCO, France) Kitima INDRAMBARYA (Kasetsart University, Thailand) Peter JENKS (UC Berkeley, USA) Mathias JENNY (University of Zurich, Switzerland) Daniel KAUFMAN (Queens College, City University of New York & Endangered Language Alliance, USA) James KIRBY (University of Edinburgh, Scotland) Hsiu-chuan LIAO (National Tsing Hua University, Taiwan) Bradley MCDONNELL (University of Hawai‘i at Mānoa, USA) Alexis MICHAUD (CNRS (Le Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique), France) Marc MIYAKE (The British Museum) David MORTENSEN (Carnegie Mellon University, USA) Peter NORQUEST (University of Arizona, USA) Christina Joy PAGE (Kwantlen Polytechnic University, Canada) John D.
    [Show full text]
  • BOOK of ABSTRACTS June 28 to July 2, 2021 15Th ICAL 2021 WELCOME
    15TH INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON AUSTRONESIAN LINGUISTICS BOOK OF ABSTRACTS June 28 to July 2, 2021 15th ICAL 2021 WELCOME The Austronesian languages are a family of languages widely dispersed throughout the islands of The name Austronesian comes from Latin auster ICAL The 15-ICAL wan, Philippines 15th ICAL 2021 ORGANIZERS Department of Asian Studies Sinophone Borderlands CONTACTS: [email protected] [email protected] 15th ICAL 2021 PROGRAMME Monday, June 28 8:30–9:00 WELCOME 9:00–10:00 EARLY CAREER PLENARY | Victoria Chen et al | CHANNEL 1 Is Malayo-Polynesian a primary branch of Austronesian? A view from morphosyntax 10:00–10:30 COFFEE BREAK | CHANNEL 3 CHANNEL 1 CHANNEL 2 S2: S1: 10:30-11:00 Owen Edwards and Charles Grimes Yoshimi Miyake A preliminary description of Belitung Malay languages of eastern Indonesia and Timor-Leste Atsuko Kanda Utsumi and Sri Budi Lestari 11:00-11:30 Luis Ximenes Santos Language Use and Language Attitude of Kemak dialects in Timor-Leste Ethnic groups in Indonesia 11:30-11:30 Yunus Sulistyono Kristina Gallego Linking oral history and historical linguistics: Reconstructing population dynamics, The case of Alorese in east Indonesia agentivity, and dominance: 150 years of language contact and change in Babuyan Claro, Philippines 12:00–12:30 COFFEE BREAK | CHANNEL 3 12:30–13:30 PLENARY | Olinda Lucas and Catharina Williams-van Klinken | CHANNEL 1 Modern poetry in Tetun Dili CHANNEL 1 CHANNEL
    [Show full text]
  • Introduction to the Bunun Language
    Introduction to the Bunun language Languages of Taiwan 14 May 2011 Rik De Busser (戴智偉) 中央研究院語言學研究所 1 Overview This presentation is an overview of the Bunun language, in particular its grammar. I will concentrate mainly on two dialects: Takivatan and Isbukun. • 2 . Background : General information about Bunun language; its speakers, dialects, geographical location; a short grammar outline; previous research • 3 . Phonology : The sound system of Bunun; the phoneme inventory of Takivatan and Isbukun Bunun; an overview of some systematic differences between dialects; some information on vowel combinations; syllables; word stress; interactions between morphology and phonology; some audio samples of Takivatan and Isbukun • 4 . Morphology : Words and morphemes; word classes; some important affix types: verbal affixes and definiteness markers; different types of verbs; different types of pronouns • 5 . Intermezzo : Some information about Bunun culture • 6 . Syntax : Clause structure; topicalisation; complement clauses; auxiliary verb constructions; adjuncts of place, time and manner; clause combining • 7 . What we do not know about Bunun 2 Background 2.1 Bunun and its speakers With around 50,156 ethnic members, the Bunun are the fourth-largest of the Taiwanese indigenous tribes. ‒ 1 ‒ Tribe Population Tribe Population Amis 178,067 Sediq (10,000) Paiwan 85,718 Tsou 6,585 Atayal 71,452 Saisiyat 5,698 Bunun 50,156 Yami 3,513 Truku 24,578 Kavalan 1,172 Rukai 11,684 Thao 647 Puyuma 11,367 Sakizaya 343 TOTAL 494,318 Table 1: Taiwanese aboriginal groups ordered according to population size CIP 2009 Before the Japanese took control of Taiwan, the Bunun were living high up in the mountains in the northern and central part of the Central Mountain Range.
    [Show full text]
  • Download Conference Book
    目次 Contents 會議介紹與歡迎詞 Conference Introduction and Welcome Remarks 1 會議議程 Agenda 3 專題演講 Keynote Speeches 13 會議論文摘要 Presentation Abstracts 19 December 3 21 Roundtable: Path (conference theme) 21 Engagements, Narratives and Impacts of WWII 22 Comparative Colonialism: Colonial Regimes Across the Pacific 26 Crossing Divides: Movements of People and Objects in Contemporary Taiwan 29 Pan‐Pacific Indigenous Resource Management: Part 1 33 Genres of Articulation: Cultural Nationalism and Beyond 37 Colonial Encounters as Contact Zone 40 Micronesia History & Identity 42 Reconsidering Asian Diasporas in the Pacific 45 Outreach Teaching & Appropriate Education Models for Pacific Communities 48 Climate Change, Disasters & Pacific Agency 52 Contestations and Negotiations of History and Landscape 56 Studying History Through Music 58 December 5 61 Visualization and Exhibition of Nature and Culture in the Pacific 61 Pan‐Pacific Indigenous Resource Management: Part 2 64 Methodologies & Themes in Reconstructing Hidden Cultural Histories 68 The Rise and Fall of Denominations 71 Pacific Transnationalism: Welcome, Rejection, Entanglement: Part 1 74 Special Event: Exchanging Reflections on Ethnographic Filming 77 Rethinking Relations to Land 78 Pacific Transnationalism: Welcome, Rejection, Entanglement: Part 2 82 ‘Swift Injustice’: Punitive Expeditions in East Asia and the Western Pacific: Part 1 85 Fluid Frontiers: Oceania & Asia in Historical Perspectice: Part 1 88 Iconicity, Performance & Consumption of Culture & Ethnicity 91 Historicizing Gender and Power
    [Show full text]
  • On the Development of Comitative Verbs in Philippine Languages*
    LANGUAGE AND LINGUISTICS 12.1:205-237, 2011 2011-0-012-001-000315-1 On the Development of Comitative Verbs * in Philippine Languages Hsiu-chuan Liao National Tsing Hua University This paper deals with both the synchronic distribution and the diachronic change of comitative verbal forms in Philippine languages. Three research questions are addressed in this paper. First, how is the notion of comitativity encoded morphosyntactically in Philippine languages? Second, is there any formative that is commonly used to encode comitativity in Philippine languages? If there is, can such formative(s) be reconstructed for the immediate ancestor language of all Philippine languages? Third, does the common comitative marking have other functions? If so, can we posit a path for the development of these functions? Comparative data will also be drawn from other Malayo-Polynesian languages. Key words: Malayo-Polynesian, Philippines, comitative verbs, morphosyntactic reconstruction, semantic change 1. Introduction Cross-linguistically, the notion of comitativity is found to be encoded by one of the following strategies. First, a special comitative case form is used to express the meaning ‘along with’ or ‘accompanied by’, as in Yidi; e.g. Basque gizonarekin ‘with the man’, cf. gizona ‘the man’. Second, a derived form of an intrinsically intransitive verb is used to express the idea that an underlying comitative relation is added to the valency of the * An earlier version of this paper was presented at the Workshop on Coordination and Comitativity in Austronesian Languages, held at the Institute of Linguistics, Academia Sinica, Taipei, 7-8 November 2009. I wish to thank Lawrence Reid and two anonymous reviewers for their helpful comments on earlier drafts of the paper.
    [Show full text]