Alice Joyce Hamer a Dissertation Submitted in Partial Fulfullment of the Requirements for the Degre
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TRADITION AND CHANGE: A SOCIAL HISTORY OF DIOLA WOMEN (SOUTHWEST SENEGAL) IN THE TWENTIETH CENTURY by Alice Joyce Hamer A dissertation submitted in partial fulfullment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (History) in The University of Michigan c'7 1983 Doctoral Committee: Professor Louise A. Tilly, Co-chair Professor Godfrey N. Uzoigwe, Co-Chair -Assistant Professor Hemalata Dandekar Professor Thomas Holt women in Dnv10rnlomt .... f.-0 1-; .- i i+, on . S•, -.----------------- ---------------------- ---- WOMEN'S STUDIES PROGRAM THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN 354 LORCH HALL ANN ARB R, MICHIGAN 48109 (313) 763-2047 August 31, 1983 Ms. Debbie Purcell Office of Women in Development Room 3534 New State Agency of International Development Washington, D.C. 20523 Dear Ms. Purcell, Yesterday I mailed a copy of my dissertation to you, and later realized that I neglected changirg the pages where the maps should be located. The copy in which you are hopefully in receipt was run off by a computer, which places a blank page in where maps belong to hold their place. I am enclosing the maps so that you can insert them. My apologies for any inconvenience that this may have caused' you. Sincerely, 1 i(L 11. Alice Hamer To my sister Faye, and to my mother and father who bore her ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Numerous people in both Africa and America were instrumental in making this dissertation possible. Among them were those in Senegal who helped to make my experience in Senegal an especially rich one. I cannot emphasize enough my gratitude to Professor Lucie Colvin who honored me by making me a part of her distinguished research team that studied migration in the Senegambia. I am equally appreciative of her interest, encouragement and scholarly counsel throughout the duration of my research. In addition I warmly thank all the migration team members for all the assistance rendered me, especially to Fatou Sow who helped give me considerable direction in the early stages of my research. Abdoulaye Bara Diop of the Institut Fondamental de l'Afrique Noire (IFAN) was extremely helpful in his critique of my study design on migration. My numerous discussions with Kaoussou Sambou on traditional medicine and religion, also affiliated with IFAN, were invaluable. I also tremendously appreciate Saliou Sambou's countless invitations to meet with one of Thionk Essil's urban associations, of which he is president. My rural experience was made particularly pleasurable by many people. I am forever indebted to my interpreter Martial Dieme, whose sensitivity, considerateness and iii natural love of rural life and people accounts for both the quality of his work as well as the strong bonds of sisterly and brotherly love that we built up while working together. One of the most rewarding experience in Thionk Essil was my residence with my adoptive family whose generosity and kindness gave me new insights into human potential in regards to warmth and understanding. I am especially indebted to my adoptive mother Mansata Diatta, who asked me to be her daughter and always treated me as such. Village life for me was also enhanced by the assistance of village chiefs, particularly Cheikh Aba Badji of Batine Bah, Mamadou Diatta of Daga Kabalane, Mamadou Badji of Daga Bougotir and Nikou Sagna, the Chef du Village. I am also grateful to several village teachers in Thionk Essil for the various ways in which they helped me in my research including Pierre Marie Daeme, Babeucar Thiam and Mamadou Diaw. The completion of this study was also greatly facilitated by my dissertation committee members. I would like to thank Professor Godfrey Uzoigwe for his guidance and counsel throughout my graduate studies. I sincerely thank Professor Louise Tilly whose firm and unwavering support are endlessly appreciated. The input given by Professors Thomas Holt and Hemalata Dandekar were also very helpful. I am deeply touched by the assistance of Bazel Allen, whose friendship over the years gave me the strength to continue and without whose skillful editing this study would hardly have been coherent. Finally I would like to thank iv Elizabeth Griffin who demonstrated infinite sympathy and patience while typing this dissertation. v TABLE OF CONTENTS DEDICATION . .. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ...... iii LIST OF MAPS . viii LIST OF APPENDICES ....... ix CHAPTERS 1 INTRODUCTION ... ............. Aims of the Study . .......... 1 The Theme of Tradition and Change ..... 5 Methodology ....... .......... 1 Geographical Setting and Background .... 17 Objectives of the Study .. .......... .30 2 WOMEN AND THE RURAL ECONOMY: A PARADOXICAL DILEMMA ....... .................... 43 Women and the Traditional Rural Economy . 43 The Rural Economy and Female Social Status . 53 Traditional and Precolonial Trade Relations 59 Colonial Trade Relations .. .......... .69 Women and the Modern Economy . 72 3 THE ENCOUNTER OF CULTURES: WOMEN AS AGENTS OF CHANGE IN TECHNIQUES OF PRODUCTION, DEVELOPMENT PROGRAMS, AND EDUCATION ... ........... 89 Women and Change in Techniques of Production ............. ....... 90 Women and Change in Development Programs . 96 Women and Change in Formal Educational Instruction ..... ................ 103 4 THE CRESCENT AND THE CROSS: THE IMPACT OF RELIGIOUS CONVERSION ON DIOLA WOMEN . 129 Traditional Diola Religion and Women .... 131 The Pentration of Alternative Religions . 138 Resistance to Religious Conversion . 152 The Impact of Religious Change on Women . 156 vi 5 FEMALE FERTILITY ASSOCIATIONS: A MICROCOSM OF CONTINUITY AND CHANGE . 186 Social Meaning and Structure . ...... 187 Continuity and Change in the Economic Functions of Gaenaelene . .. .. 199 Continuity and Change in the Social Functions of Gaenelene . ....... 206 Additional Dimensions of Continuity and Change in Gaenaelene .......... 213 6 MODERN FEMALE MIGRATION: UNPRECEDENTED DEPARTURES FROM TRADITION ... ........... 228 Women and Migration in Traditional Diola Society ....................... 229 Women and Early Modern Migrations to the Gambia.......... .......... ..... .... 233 Patterns Set By Early Modern Migration . 242 Sex Differences in Alternative Rural-Rural Migration ....... ............. .245 Women and Rural-Urban Migration ........ 248 7 CONCLUSION . .. ................. 274 APPENDICES BIBLIOGRAPHY . .......... 293 vii LIST OF MAPS 1. Administrative Map of Senegal . 18 2. Ethnic Map of Senegal ... .......... 19 3. Administrative Map of Casamance . .. 20 4. Major Cultural Zones of Lower Casamance . 21 5. Former Administrative Cantons of Lower Casamance .......................... 22 6. Villages of Lower Casamance . 23 7. Thionk Essil's Trip to the Gambia . ........ 234 8. The Gambia ...... ................ 235 viii LIST OF APPENDICES A. Wards and Subwards of Thionk Essil . .. 289 B. Male Circumcisions of Thionk Essil . .. 290 C. Villages of Boulouf ..... ....... 291 D. Interviews ... ........... .. 292 ix CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION AIMS OF THE STUDY Djikilior Djiba of the village of Thionk Essil witnessed the effects of significant changes that have influenced Diola women throughout the twentieth century. Born between 1890-1900, many of the events of her childhood anticipated those that were to accelerate as the century moved to the present. Those included: the widescale integration of her community into the international economic market structure, the cultural borrowing of other indigenous and European techniques of production as well as educational institutions, the religious conversion of the Diola from their traditional faith to Islam, and migration. This dissertation discusses both the evolution and consequences of these transformations in the lives of the women of Thionk Essil since 1900. This dissertation argues, for one, that the economic and social changes that took place in the twentieth century were disadvantageous to the women under study. It is undeniable that some existing literature has already made this point. Notably, some scholars have convincingly argued 2 that the colonial experience in particular has weakened African women's social and economic position vis-a-vis men in their respective societies. While reiterating this pro position, this dissertation seeks to offer a different perspective by means of countering a somewhat distorted image projected by this argument. One of the inferences of the contention that twentieth century change had deleterious effects upon women is that women's initiative was considerably, if not totally, weakened in the process. Thus one of the ironies is that this sympathetic stance in some ways supports those sterotypical images of third world women as passive acceptors of their fate, and as inert backdrops in the march of their own history. In fact this image is not peculiar to third world women; it has been projected upon Western women as well. 2 In contrast this dissertation argues, first and foremost, that these women exercised considerable initiative in shaping their own lives. More specifically, it seeks to illuminate this point by means of exploring the creative mesh that women forged between their own cultural traditions and the changes at hand. An examination of this synthesis was facilitated by utilization of the subtheme of tradition and change. Another aim of this study is to balance the literature on African women and change by focusing on the rural sector. In West Africa, the broad geographical region in which the Diola are located, the population is sixty-eight percent rural. 3 Yet in spite of this the experience of the rural 3 African woman remains comparatively