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Dictionnaire Des Racines Berbères Communes

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Dictionnaire Des Racines Berbères Communes Etude réalisée pour le compte du Haut Commissariat à l’Amazighité 2006-2007 M. A. HADDADOU DICTIONNAIRE DES RACINES BERBERES COMMUNES Suivi d’un index français-berbère des termes relevés Haut Commissariat à l’Amazighité 2006-2007 A la mémoire de mes parents, A Nadia, Ndjima et Mehdi, A ma sœur. Je remercie le Haut Commissariat à l’Amazighité, notamment son secrétaire général, M. Youcef Merahi, pour l’aide précieuse apportée à la publication de cet ouvrage. Abréviations Cha : chaoui Chl : chleuh coll. : collectif conj. : conjonction dim. : diminutif Djer : dialecte de l’île de Djerba (Tunisie) fém. : féminin Ghd : ghadamsi, dialecte de Ghadamès (Libye) int. : intensif K : kabyle MC : dialecte tamazi$t, parlers du Maroc central msc. : masculin Mzb : mozabite n. d’un. : nom d’unité Nef : néfoussi, dialecte du Djebel Nefousa (Libye) p. ext. : par extension pl. coll. : pluriel collectif pl. : pluriel pl. div. : pluriel divergent (base différente de celle du singulier) plssg : pluriel sans singulier pré. : préposition R : rifain (parler du Rif proprement dit) R Izn : rifain, parler des Iznacen R Ket : rifain, parler des Ketama R Snh : rifain, parler des Senhadja R, Tz : rifain, parler des Touzin sg. : singulier Snd : dialecte de Qalaat Sned (Tunisie) Skn : dialecte de Sokna (Libye) sngspl : singulier sans pluriel Siw : dialecte de l’oasis de Siwa (Egypte) To : touareg, parler de l’Ahaggar T Ad : touareg, parler d’Adrar T Ghat : touareg, parler de l’oasis de Ghat (Libye) T N : touareg, taneslemt, parler du Mali T Tay : touareg, parler des Taytoq T Touat : touareg, parler du Touat Wrg : dialecte de Ouargla Zng : zénaga, dialecte de Mauritanie Système de transcription Consonnes : Chuintantes : j, c (français ch) Emphatiques : v, û, ô, î, é Labiovélarisées : b°, g°, k°, q°, x° Vélaires : $, q, x (traditionnellement kh) Uvulaires : ê, â Laryngale : h Affriquées : nous n’avons noté que o (français dj) ç (tch) et, occasionnellement tt (ts), qui apparaît en kabyle et en chleuh Nasale palatalisée : n du touareg (ng) Spirantes : la spirantisation, sans incidence notable sur la signification des mots, n’a pas été notée Les autres consonnes sont notées comme en français : b, d, f, g, , k, l, m, n, r, s, t, z La tension consonantique est notée par une lettre doublée Semi –voyelles : w, y Voyelles : a, i, u, voyelle neutre : e et pour le touareg : i, e, a, u, o, pour les brèves et, î, ê, â, û, ô, pour les longues Mohand Akli Haddadou Introduction Depuis longtemps, les berbérisants mais aussi la public qui, sans être forcement un spécialiste des questions linguistiques, appellent de leur vœux un dictionnaire de berbère : non pas un dictionnaire consacré à un dialecte, il en existe, mais un dictionnaire qui mette en rapport les dialectes, pour montrer leur unité fondamentale. C’est que là où le linguiste ne voit que des dialectes, parfois très éloignés les uns des autres, le locuteur voit une langue. Et, en effet, le berbère a été une langue unifiée : l’existence de structures communes, aux plans phonologique, syntaxique et morphologique, le prouve largement. Le lexique, en raison des altérations phoniques qu’il a subies, paraît plus hétérogène, mais là aussi, on peut, une fois reconnues les changements, relever sans difficulté un fonds commun important. Un dictionnaire de berbère commun est donc tout à fait possible : même s’il ne réunit pas tout le vocabulaire commun, en raison des difficultés de la recension, il donnera une idée de l’importance de ce « berbère commun », en fait le berbère, tamazight, et pourra servir à des recherches plus approfondies. Un long processus de dialectalisation Si le berbère a été unifié un jour, c’est certainement à une époque très lointaine, au moment où cette langue a quitté le tronc chamito-sémitique et s’est individualisée. Cela s’est passé il y a plusieurs milliers d’années, puisque l’égyptien qui appartient à la même famille que le berbère, est attesté depuis le 4ème millénaire avant J.C. et l’accadien au 3ème millénaire, la séparation du tronc commun ayant dû avoir lieu bien avant. Cette première langue berbère a dû très vite éclater en dialectes, en raison de la mobilité des hommes, que la recherche de sources de subsistance, pousse à se déplacer, parfois loin. Le schéma de la dialectalisation est connu : le point de départ est une langue unique qui se diversifie dans l’espace, au fur et à mesure que les locuteurs s’approprient de nouveaux territoires. La variation se fait progressivement et si, de localité proche en localité proche, l’intercompréhension est assurée, elle diminue fortement jusqu’à disparaître entre deux points éloignés. Mais les choses sont loin d’êtres aussi schématiques, la variation et, partant l’intercompréhension, se faisant à des degrés divers : à l’intérieur d’un même dialecte qui peut comporter plusieurs parlers (par exemple, dans le kabyle, les parlers de Grande et de Petite Kabylie, le parler de Bouira, les parlers côtiers etc.) ou à l’intérieur d’une même aire dialectale, qui réunit des dialectes proches : ainsi, le kabyle fait partie des parlers dits maghrébins, aux côtés du chaoui, du chenoui, du chleuh, du tamazight du Maroc central, du rifain... Si la variation peut exister à l’intérieur d’un même dialecte, comme c’est le cas en kabyle, elle ne nuit pas à l’intercompréhension. Elle est forcément plus importante entre les dialectes d’une même aire, où les affinités restent quand même importantes. Les difficultés augmentent quand on sort d’une aire dialectale pour aller vers une autre : si un kabyle comprend avec une aisance relative un chaoui, il comprendra moins un mozabite ou un ouargli et encore moins, voire pas du tout un touareg. Ce n’est pas que ces dialectes soient très différents les uns des autres c’est qu’ils ont subi des altérations très important qui rendent difficile l’identification du fonds commun. Ce processus de dialectalisation du berbère a été signalé par les auteurs antiques. Le poète Corippus, né en Afrique et peut-être lui même d’origine africaine, signale que les tribus berbères parlaient des langues différentes. A l’époque chrétienne, saint Hyppolite signale également que chaque tribu avait sa langue. Ces témoignages sont contredits par Saint Augustin qui, lui, mentionne que les mêmes tribus parlaient une seule et même langue. Mais comme le fait remarquer S. Gsell, qui cite tous ces auteurs : « les termes dont (Saint Augustin)se sert ne permettent pas de savoir s’il fait allusion à la langue libyque dont il aurait connu l’unité sous ses divers dialectes ou à quelque dialecte fort répandu »1. 1 GSELL, S, 1913-28, Histoire ancienne de l’Afrique du nord, Paris, Hachette, 8 volumes, notamment le tome 1, 1913, p. 311. - 11 - Dictionnaire des racines berbères communes En arrivant au Maghreb, les Musulmans ont dû être confrontés, eux aussi, à la même diversité, mais singulièrement, ils ne parlent pas de dialectes mais de langue berbère et se comportent comme si celle-ci est une langue unifiée. C’est ainsi, qu’Ibn Khaldoun, qui signale pourtant la variété des dialectes berbère, ne fait aucune allusion aux spécificités de ces mêmes dialectes qui devaient pourtant être fortes. Et quand il lui arrive d’employer le mot dialecte, ce n’est pas pour citer une variante de la langue berbère mais pour stigmatiser celle-ci : langue de barbare, jargon incompréhensible. Lexique et diversité Les divergences les plus fortes entre les dialectes se relèvent surtout au plan du lexique. Si le lexique est si foisonnant et surtout si changeant, c’est parce qu’il est en rapport avec l’univers extralinguistique. Les mots sont les véhicules des concepts, des moyens qui permettent à l’homme de connaître le monde et d’agir sur lui. A l’inverse des éléments grammaticaux qui connaissent une stabilité dans le temps et qui sont en nombre limité, le lexique est formé d’éléments à la fois nombreux et hétérogènes, donc irréductibles à un système. Et si le lexique présente un caractère illimité, c’est parce que l’expérience que le locuteur a de l’univers est également illimitée. Les auteurs anciens voyaient volontiers dans le lexique une liste, un inventaire de l'univers, reflétant les expériences humaines. La notion de reflet, reprises par les analyses ethnolinguistiques, comme celles de Whorf et de Fishman, a été l’objet de nombreuses critiques, mais si on ne croit plus aujourd’hui que les langues déterminent l’expérience de la réalité acquise par les locuteurs, on pense que les langues, surtout les vocabulaires, reflètent les réalités socioculturelles d’une communauté2. Si le vocabulaire de la figue est riche en kabyle et si, inversement, celui de la datte est pauvre dans le même dialecte, c’est parce que la culture et la consommation de la figue ont une importance primordiale dans la société kabyle traditionnelle alors que la datte n’est pas produite localement et n’entre que pour une part négligeable dans l’alimentation. Inversement, le vocabulaire de la datte est particulièrement développé au Mzab, région de culture, et celui de la figue, importée, est très restreint. Il est certain que les mots touaregs désignant le chameau sont plus nombreux que dans tout autre dialecte berbère : le nomade qui tire l’essentiel de son alimentation de cet animal ainsi que le voile de sa tente et une partie de ses vêtements et de ses ustensiles, lui accorde une première place dans son économie et dans sa langue. Les conditions géographiques et sociales des groupes berbérophones différant d’une région à une autre, on devine l’abondance des systèmes locaux. On peut penser que l’identité des conditions d’existence rapproche les dialectes.
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