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Athena Itonia Indigenous to Athens? Appendix Athena Itonia Indigenous to Athens? In spite of the long-standing and extensive circumstantial evidence and scholarly agreement summarized in the first chapter of this book, that the cult of Athena Itonia had its earliest known prominence, if not origin, in Thessaly and that the byname of the goddess was probably derived from the primitive Thessalian town of Iton, there has been a recurring thesis that the cult of the Itonian goddess originated at Athens and that the byname Itonia had a peculiarly Athenian meaning. Because of the anom- aly and complexity of this thesis, it seemed advisable to respond to its many issues by this appendix rather than by extensive digression in Chapter Three on the cult of Athena Itonia at Athens. Conversely, this appendix will include a number of references to Chapters One and Three, and the interested reader would probably benefit from reading those chapters before reading what follows here. The conception of an early and independent origin of the Itonian cult at Athens comprises a number of passim propositions and arguments by Noel Robertson in his studies of Athenian religion and the worship of Athena in particular.1 Fundamental to this conception is an etymology of the byname Ἰτωνία in the ιτ- stem of the verb εἶμι as a reference to the “going” of Athena’s processional rites in Athens.2 In a short treatise 1 The propositions and arguments considered here are found chiefly in Robertson 1996a, pp. 56–65; 1996b, pp. 389–408; 2001, pp. 38–39 and nn. 20–21, pp. 51–53, and nn. 55, 56. 2 The ιτ- stem of εἶμι appears in various forms of the indicative, imperative, verbal adjectives, and the iterative (see LSJ, Revised Suppl. [1996], s.v. ἰτάω). See Robertson, 1996a, p. 60, and 2001, p. 52 and n. 55 on this etymology. Since early on Robertson noted that his explana- tion of this byname of Athena came after “the experts have given up” (1996a, p. 60), he was apparently unaware that more than a century ago A.S. Arvanitopoulos (1908, p. 160) pro- posed the derivation of Ἰτωνία from εἶμι, but as a reference to the “going” of Athena’s “pro- machos” image so often depicted on Thessalian coinage, with the armored goddess striding forward and brandishing her spear (see Figs. XXX). Robertson also missed the fact that Nikolaos Papahatzis (1974–1981, vol. 5, p. 217) espoused the same etymology and meaning as Arvanitopoulos, but he in turn did not credit his elder countryman. The fact that Stephanus Byzantinus (s.v. Ἴτων) records that the people of Iton pronounced their toponym with the oxytone as Ἰτών is late and slim evidence for the proposed etymology. Stephanus does not say that this was the original pronunciation (pace Robertson 2001, p. 52 n. 55) and, if the root were ἰτάω, we should expect ἰτῶν. This etymology and the theory of an origin of Athena Itonia in Athens ignore above all the common Thessalian month Itonios, the festival of Itonia, the toponyms Iton and Itonos, and a hero Itonos, all cognate entities that are absent in Athenian evidence of the cult. Apropos of this point, see below (pp. 261-263) a response to Robertson’s rejection of a Thessalian origin of the Itonian cult at Athens. For the common Greek practice © Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2020 | doi:10.1163/9789004416390_007 Gerald V. Lalonde - 9789004416390 Downloaded from Brill.com09/26/2021 06:05:24AM via free access 256 APPENDIX: ATHENA ITONIA INDIGENOUS TO ATHENS? on the festival of the Panathenaia,3 Robertson linked this etymology to the fact that the reference in the Pseudo-Platonic Axiochus ([Pl.] 364 a-b[-d]) to the Itonian Gate in the city wall of southeast Athens shows that Athena Itonia’s shrine was in the Archaic civic district of the city, south and east of the Acropolis,4 and concluded that Athena Itonia “takes her name from the Panathenaic parade of early days,” that is, a primitive Panathenaic procession that took place in that district near the Ilissos River,5 and that the parade moved to the northwest of the city about 600 BC, when, according to a complex set of associations, the festival’s torch race began as part of Athens’ adoption of the cult of Hephaistos.6 Nevertheless, while there was probably a primitive form of the Panathenaia, we have no real evidence of the festival before its reorganization as the penteteric Great Panathenaia in 566/565, and there is no evidence at all of a Panathenaic procession in the southeastern region of Athens.7 of giving their gods toponymic names and bynames, a discussion of the interpretation of Arvanitopoulos and a general treatment of the origin of Ἰτων- names, see above, Chapter One, pp. 18–19, and footnotes 45–46. Less puzzling, unless it implies acceptance of Robertson ideas about the location of the Athenian Itoneion (for which, see below) is Jon Mikalson’s (2005, p. 34) inclusion of “Itonia” among the epithets of Athena “which indicated only the location of sanctuaries in Attica.” Only in Thessaly is there any evidence that the byname is toponymic in origin. 3 Robertson 1996a, pp. 56–65. 4 See Thuc. 2.15–16. For the ancient city walls and gates of Athens, see Theocharaki 2015; for the city wall gates, see also Travlos, Athens, pp. 59–61, 63. For the southeast region of ancient Athens, see Chapter Three and Map 4 of the present work, where the gates of the Themistoklean city wall are designated by Theocharaki’s alphanumeral (Θ +number) code and Travlos’s system of Roman numerals. For this region of Athens in general, see also Marchiandi et al. 2011. 5 Robertson 1996a, pp. 59–60. 6 Robertson 1996a, pp. 63–65. The complex of associations leading to the idea of Hephaistos’ torch race as a concomitant of the transfer of the Panathenaic procession from the southeast of Athens to the Kerameikos region is spelled out in Robertson’s lengthy article of 1985. Oddly neither that article on the origins of the Panathenaia nor his major book (1992), half of which is devoted to Athenian religion, including the festival of the Panathenaia, has any of the later revolutionary theses about Athena Itonia and her primitive Panathenaic procession. Among those theses is the claim that the move of the Panathenaic festival to the northwest district of Athens was associated with the shift of the city center there under the tyrants, but even when Hippias was marshaling the Panathenaic procession in the Kerameikos in 514 BC (Thuc. 6.57.1), much of the focus of Athenian civic life was still in its southeastern sector. Civic development began to shift to the northwest sector of Athens with the incorporation of Eleusis in the late-seventh century, but its major movement came with the Kleisthenic constitution and Themistokles’ change of the military and commercial ports from Phaleron to the Piraeus area. See above, Chapter Three, pp. 198–199, on the chronology of the Agora northwest of the Acropolis. 7 See J.L. Shear 2001, pp. 507–515, for the well-argued thesis that the earliest attested evidence in the festival’s history is its reorganization with the institution of the Great Panathenaia under Gerald V. Lalonde - 9789004416390 Downloaded from Brill.com09/26/2021 06:05:24AM via free access APPENDIX: ATHENA ITONIA INDIGENOUS TO ATHENS? 257 In another publication of 1996 Robertson proposed further connection with Athena Itonia in the Ilissos region by identifying her with Pallas Athena and assigning to this dual Athena a single sanctuary, a Palladion shrine at a site “exactly fixed.”8 The shrine meant is the small Ionic temple illustrated by James Stuart and Nicholas Revett just beyond the Ilissos above Kallirrhoe, where Robertson would displace the currently and commonly assigned Artemis Agrotera.9 This building, of which only the founda- tions and retaining wall now survive, was, according to Robertson, the place where the Palladion, the xoanon of Pallas Athena, was kept as a talisman of asylum, and where the original lawcourt ἐπὶ Παλλαδίῳ was established. Among arguments to support this temple as the Palladion shrine Robertson interpreted its fragmentary and controversial frieze as a mythical reference to the homicide court ἐπὶ Παλλαδίῳ,10 where, according to legend, Demophon was the first to be tried for homicide.11 Though determination of the Ilissos temple as “the site of the Palladium exactly”12 is problematical for more rea- sons than the obscurity of the frieze and the complication of associated mythology, it the archonship of Hippokleides in 566/5 BC and that proof of the importance of that reorganization (p. 507) “is perhaps most clearly seen in the absence of any information about the festival before this date.” It is hardly coincidental that the prize Panathenaic Amphorae, an extremely popular form of Athenian pottery first appears at this time; see Parker 1996, p. 89; Papazarkadas 2011, pp. 266–267. The utter absence of evidence of a primitive Panathenaia in the southeast quarter of Athens makes a strong ex silentio case. 8 Robertson 1996b, pp. 392–408. 9 Robertson 1996b, pp. 391, 395. For the temple on the Ilissos, see Travlos, Athens, pp. 112–120 and figs. 154–163. Marchiandi et al. 2011, pp. 490–494, figs. 270–271. Robertson’s identifi- cation of the Ilissos temple as the Palladion shrine followed the earlier views of Franz Studniczka (1916, p. 171) and Michael Krumme (1993). Robertson speculatively reassigned Artemis Agrotera to a location about 75 meters southeast of the temple, “at the top of the hill, near the windmill,” the site where John Travlos signified the hieron of Poseidon Helikonios and a modern ἀνεμόμυλος (Athens, figs.
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