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3. Armenidas SALVATORE TUFANO – Sapienza Università di Roma, Roma [email protected] 3.1. Armenidas F 1 Previous editions: BNJ 378 F 1; EGM I F 1; FGrHist 378 F 1 (Schol. Ap. Rhod. I 551a [p. 81 Wendel]). ἔργον Ἀθηναίης Ἰτωνίδος] Ἰτωνίας Ἀθηνᾶς ἐστιν ἱερὸν ἐν Κορωνείαι τῆς Βοιωτίας· ὁ µέντοι Ἀπολλώνιος οὐκ ἂν λέγοι τὴν Ἀθηνᾶν ἐπὶ κατασκευῆι τῆς Ἀργοῦς ἀπὸ τῆς ἐν Κορωνείαι κλήσεως, µᾶλλον δὲ ἀπὸ Θεσσαλικῆς Ἰτωνίας, περὶ ἧς Ἑκαταῖος µὲν ἐν τῆι ᾱ τῶν Ἱστοριῶν λέγει. Ἀρµενίδας δὲ ἐν τοῖς Θηβαϊκοῖς Ἀµφικτύονος υἱὸν Ἴτωνον ἐν Θεσσαλίαι γεννηθῆναι, ἀφ᾽ οὗ Ἴτων πόλις καὶ Ἰτωνὶς Ἀθηνᾶ. µέµνηται καὶ Ἀλέξανδρος ἐν τῶι ᾱ τῶν Κορίννης Ὑποµνηµάτων. 5-6 ἀφ’οὗ Ἴτων... µέµνηται P om. L 7-8 ᾱ τῶν Κορίννης L ᾱ Καρικῶν P “Work of Itonis Athena.] The sanctuary of Itonian Athena is in Koroneia, in Boiotia. However, Apollonius must not be referring to the Athena associated with the epiclesis of Koroneia, during the construction of the (ship) Argo; this Athena must rather be associated with the Itonian goddess of Thessaly: Hekataios speaks about her, in the first book of his Histories. Armenidas, then, says in his Theban Histories that Itonos, Amphiktyon’s son, was born in Thessaly, and that the city Iton, and Itonis Athena, were named after him. This is also recalled by Alexander, in the first book of his Commentary on Corinna” (tr. S. Tufano). Salvatore Tufano. Boiotia from Within. Teiresias Supplements Online, Volume 2. 2019. © Salvatore Tufano 2019. License Agreement: CC-BY-NC (permission to use, distribute, and reproduce in any medium, provided the original work is properly attributed and not used for commercial purposes). Tufano, Boiotia from Within – 3. Armenidas 3.1.1. Textual Transmission and Context The scholium concerns the epithet Ἰτωνίς of Athena, who helped build the ship Argo used by the Argonauts.443 A learned tradition assumes that the reader falsely imagines the Itonian Athena worshipped in Koroneia, whereas here, according to the scholium, Apollonius refers to the Athena worshipped in Iton, in the Achaia Phthiotis (in Southern Thessaly, not far from Iolcos).444 The scholium then adds three sources (Hekataios, Armenidas, and Alexander) and lists them in an apparently chronological order: these authors dealt with these two different Itonian Athenas.445 The scholiast is particularly careful when he quotes his sources, because he always mentions the number of the book and the title. Hekataios probably treated the cult of Athena in the first book of his Histories (BNJ 1 F 2), but we cannot be sure whether Athena was also instrumental in this case for the building of the ship Argo.446 The third source, Alexander Polyhistor (BNJ 273 F 97), probably agreed with Armenidas on the parents of Itonos, in his Commentary on Corinna, since the conjunction καί immediately follows this piece of information.447 Nonetheless, the fact that Alexander mentioned Itonos does not necessarily imply that Korinna also did it in her 443 On the construction of the ship, see Ap. Rhod. 1.18-9.721.768. For other formal variants of this epithet, cp. ThGL IV 723 CD-724 A and Burzacchini 1996: 87 n.1. The toponym and the epiclesis do not have a Greek etymology (Fowler 2013: 68), even if the personal noun Ἴτων (i-to) occurs in Mycenaean Greek (Bearzot 1982: 43 n.1. 44 n.6; see ibd. 47-8 on the Athena who was involved in this expedition). 444 Located in the valley formed by the Kuralios/Kuarios, a tributary of the Penaeus, Iton was one of the oldest cities in the Thessaliotis (Hom. Il. 2.696; Str. 9.5.14.435; Paus. 10.1.10; on the sanctuary, see Schachter 1981: 119 n.4; Bearzot 1982: 43-4 n.4; Kramolisch 1998; Zizza 2006: 122; Fowler 2013: 64 n.245). The exact collocation in Thessaly is disputed, however, and an identification of the Thessalian sanctuary with Philia, as distinguished by the site in the Achaia Phthiotis, was recently suggested by Mili 2014: 230. There probably was more than an Itonion in Thessaly: Graninger 2011: 50-1. 445 Apart from these Athenas worshipped in Koroneia and Iton, there were other Itonian Athenas in Greece, and they were often linked to the movements of the Thessalians. On these other Itonian Athenas, cp. Nilsson 1906: 89 and Fowler 2013: 67 n.257. There might be an association with the presence of a group of Thessalians in Amorgos (IG 12.7,22-3.33- 6; see Lagos 2009 on this attestation): cp. Moretti 1962: 100; Roesch 1982b: 220 and n.74; Kowalzig 2007: 362 n.72. 446 Hekataios dealt with the Argonauts (BNJ 1 FF 17-8), but we cannot be sure, on the basis of this fragment, that it belongs to the same part of the work. 447 See Burzacchini 1996: 88-9, against the previous thesis that it was Alexander Polyhistor, and that this author did not comment on Korinna. On the textual transmission of this fragment, see Burzacchini 1996. The verb µιµνήσκω, in this diathesis, means “mention, quote” (LSJ s.v. B), from the Archaic Age. Therefore, it cannot be misunderstood as implying that Korinna referred to Itonos with the alternative name of Alexander (Larson 2007: 24-5; cp. Lachenaud 2010: 82: “Alexandre, Hypomnemata consacrés à Corinne, livre I, en fait aussi mention”). 132 Tufano, Boiotia from Within – 3. Armenidas work: our same scholium shows how a character (here, for instance, Amphiktyon) may be present in the commentary of the text of an author, Apollonius, who does not name it.448 This fragment is the only one that gives us a title for Armenidas’ work, Theban Histories (Θηβαϊκά), and it is therefore puzzling that we immediately read a detail which concerns not Thebes, but another city, Koroneia. A possible link between this material and the ancient history of Thebes may be found if we associate this fragment with the other two (FF 3 and 7) where “the connection with Thebes is not immediately apparent” (Schachter 2011a ad BNJ 378 F 3). According to Schachter, Armenidas drew on the foundation myth of the Theban sanctuary of Dionysos Lysios, which was a thanksgiving, by some Theban prisoners, who escaped from the Thracians and freed themselves. The flight happened in a place which Herakleides Pontikos (F 143 Schütrumpf) identified as Lebadeia, although Pausanias claims it was in Haliartos (9.16.6). As far as the place where these Thebans were captured, two later sources connect the event with the celebration of a rite for Itonian Athena, not far from Lake Kopais, or else directly in Koroneia.449 According to Schachter (2011a), then, the fragment came from the description of the sanctuary of Dionysos Lysios, since Armenidas’ work, in general, consisted of a study of Theban monuments.450 Such a scenario forces us to think, however, that only a part of Armenidas’ work was still circulating in the Hellenistic period, the one on the topography of the city, and that even this was fragmentary. A further problem in our appreciation of the fragment is raised by the possibility that this information came to the scholiast on Apollonius only from Alexander’s commentary.451 A more prudent option is to see Armenidas’ Θηβαϊκά as 448 Korinna treated, instead, or referred to the sanctuary of Koroneia, on the basis of F 667 PMG, where she mentions the “rash shield of Athena” (Olivieri 2010-1: 87). On the limits of these ascriptions, cp. Fowler 2017: 160: “The story may be ‘in’ Pherekydes only in the sense that he treated the subject; Pherekydes’ details might have been completely different.” 449 Not far from Lake Kopais: Polyaenus, Strat. 7.43 (here the Boiotians, happy for the truce, sacrifice τῇ Ἀθηνᾷ τῇ Ἰτωνίᾳ). In Koroneia: Zen. 4.37, Θρακία παρεύσις. However, the indication of the place, περὶ Κορώνειαν, is not necessarily cogent for the placement of the event in the sanctuary; the syntagm is absent in part of the tradition, namely in the ms. Par. 3070. 450 Schachter (1981: 119 n.1) previously mentioned the “Thracian ruse”, arguing for a different thesis: “The story of the “Thracian Ruse” [...] might be connected with an early stage of the sanctuary’s history, but any attempt to try to pin it down would be fruitless.” 451 According to Slater (2008; cp. Berman 2013: 11), when there is a sequence of two authors in a scholium, if the second author is preceded by the conjunction καί, the scholiast may actually be referring to, or have just read, this second 133 Tufano, Boiotia from Within – 3. Armenidas similar to Pausanias’ ninth book, a composition where Thebes is the fulcrum of a narrative which can open itself, via the gates, and expand to other Boiotian towns (if with less details).452 Itonos, for example, may also be quoted as Boiotos’ father, and it is extremely unlikely that a figure like Boiotos was absent in a study of Theban history. The connection with Koroneia, therefore, is not mandatory, when we limit the extent of the fragment to the genealogy of Itonos.453 3.1.2. Itonos and the Hellenic Side of Boiotia The sanctuary of Athena Itonia in Koroneia was a very popular center in Boiotia, already in the Archaic period.454 It hosted horse tournaments and, likely, military dances,455 because author. In our case, Alexander would be the source both of Armenidas and of Hekataios. In the absence of further witnesses on the direct transmission of Armenidas, this hypothesis is likely and in line with the other occurrences of Armenidas in the scholia of Apollonius (F 2). 452 For this reading of the Boiotian book, cp.
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  • The Myth of the War of the Seven and Pausanias’ Educational Topography*

    The Myth of the War of the Seven and Pausanias’ Educational Topography*

    THE MYTH OF THE WAR OF THE SEVEN AND PAUSANIAS’ EDUCATIONAL TOPOGRAPHY* Andrej Yu. MOZHAJSKY The article examines the monuments of Thebes mentioned by Pausanias and related to the story of Seven against Thebes. It is claimed that these monuments were a part of the local educational practice, which reflected the Theban mythical history and fostered patriotism. Most of the monuments were located near the gates of the Kadmeia (at a distance of up to 260 m) and formed a close circle of monuments. In some cases, the monuments formed a far circle (at a distance of 300 to 500–960 m from the gates). The first of the mon- uments considered is the monument associated with Amphiaraos. Regarding the place where the earth swallowed Amphiaraos, there exist two traditions, namely the “Theban” and the “Tanagrian” ones. It is hypothesized that the “Tanagrian” tradition was adapted by the residents of Oropos and, thus, reflected in Euripides’ tragedy The Phoenician Women. The educational topography of Pausanias shows that the “Theban” version is consistent with the text of Aischylos’ tragedy Seven against Thebes, while the “Tanagrian” version is con- sistent with the text of The Phoenician Women by Euripides. The lo- cation of the tombs of Melanippos and Tydeus near the Proitides gates also corresponds to the tradition captured by Aischylos, which presumably reflects the local, or “Theban”, version of the myth. Through Pausanias’ educational topography, the connection of the figure of Kapaneus with the Elektrai Gates and the walls of Thebes is emphasized, which is confirmed by the evidence of material culture.