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'Love-Sick' Knut This is a repository copy of ‘Love-sick’ Knut : Medieval and Early Modern Commemorations. White Rose Research Online URL for this paper: https://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/134364/ Version: Accepted Version Article: Vohra, Pragya orcid.org/0000-0002-2515-9398 and Moon, Nicolas (2018) ‘Love-sick’ Knut : Medieval and Early Modern Commemorations. Scandinavica. pp. 14-38. ISSN 0036-5653 Reuse Items deposited in White Rose Research Online are protected by copyright, with all rights reserved unless indicated otherwise. They may be downloaded and/or printed for private study, or other acts as permitted by national copyright laws. The publisher or other rights holders may allow further reproduction and re-use of the full text version. This is indicated by the licence information on the White Rose Research Online record for the item. Takedown If you consider content in White Rose Research Online to be in breach of UK law, please notify us by emailing [email protected] including the URL of the record and the reason for the withdrawal request. [email protected] https://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/ Nicolas Moon and Pragya Vohra ‘Love-sick’ Knut: Medieval and Early Modern Commemorations Nicolas Moon and Pragya Vohra University of York Abstract King Knut, or Knútr inn ríki, is remembered in medieval English and Norse traditions in interesting and occasionally contradictory ways: as a conqueror of England, and the ‘king of all England’; a descendent of the Danish Skjǫldungr dynasty, but also of Anglo-Saxon royalty; so much so that Norman Cantor dubbed him ‘the most effective king in Anglo-Saxon history’. The ambiguity in the representations and commemorations of Knut in contemporary sources is mirrored in his later afterlife in early modern England. In Anthony Brewer’s play, The Love-sick King, Knut appears as both conqueror and English king. Elizabethan and Jacobean engagements with the history of early Britain relate the ambiguity of Knut’s representation to contemporary anxieties regarding English nationhood and royalty after the death of Elizabeth I. This article is a first discussion of ongoing research into the ambiguities in the representations of ‘England’s Viking king’ and the forms of his commemoration. Keywords Knut; Brewer; commemoration; memorialisation; medieval kingship; early modern English play 67 ‘Love-sick’ Knut: Medieval and Early Modern Commemorations During an official visit to John’s College Oxford in 1605, James I was the audience for a short address from three ‘Sibyls’, whose speech was concerned with extolling his royal lineage. In this address, written in Latin by Matthew Gwynne and printed two years later as part of the printing of Gwynne’s academic play Vertumnus Sive Annus Recurrens, which was also performed for James during this visit, the three ‘Sibyls’ praise James as a national unifier, ‘whom divided Britain join’st in one!’ (Gwynne 1607: 175-185). The purpose of this short address was clearly to legitimise the authority of the Scottish king who had only recently ascended to the throne of England, following the death without an heir of Elizabeth I. Now, according to Gwynne, not only Scotland, but also England and Ireland faithfully serve his royal authority. Even France, somewhat anachronistically, gives ‘titles, [and] lands besides’ (Gwynne 1607: 175-185), possibly signalling the connection with James’ mother Mary, who was briefly Queen of France, before English claims to the French throne were abandoned in all but name by Elizabeth I. In what is clearly an allusion to Shakespeare’s Macbeth, the ‘Sibyls’ begin by noting that certain ‘fatal sisters’ have foretold James’ descent from ‘Banquo, proud Lochaber’s Thane’. Nevertheless, in extolling his royal majesty as a national unifier, the address goes on to compare James with another – rather less expected – royal figure when it claims, ‘Thou dost restore the fourfold glory of Canute / Great ancestor, his crowns and royal thrones’(Gwynne 1607: 175-185). The eleventh-century Scandinavian king of England, Knut,1 is here presented as an exemplar for the kind of monarch which the new king is expected to be. Knut is, not entirely accurately, presented as James’s ancestor and James is expected to replicate Knut’s Anglo-Danish empire by uniting the kingdoms of the island of Britain. In doing so, this address not only works to legitimise James as an imperial monarch and national unifier for Britain; it also, through its presentation of Knut as an exemplary figure, implicitly performs the same function for Knut. Knut is, in this address, an unambiguously positive figure and also, as the great ‘ancestor’ for James, an unequivocally British figure. The historical Knut’s Anglo-Danish empire is reimagined as James’ unified Britain. In this paper, we are concerned with the manner in which the medieval monarch Knut comes to be remembered and used in early 68 Nicolas Moon and Pragya Vohra modern dramatic and rhetorical works, with a specific focus on Anthony Brewer’s The Love-sick King (1655). There is no doubt that early modern English authors and playwrights drew extensively on historical sources for material and inspiration in order ‘to invoke the past to comment on the present’ (Kewes 2006: 8). That the past is also somewhat loosely, often even fancifully, invoked is also true of early modern English drama, which was meant primarily ‘to teach and delight’ (Kewes 2006: 7). There is, therefore, little reason to suppose that the use of the medieval monarch, Knut, in Gwynne address or in Brewer’s play is intended to be factual. In fact, the range of unequivocally English or British historical figures who could potentially have stood as exemplary ‘ancestors’ for the new, not-very-popular, monarch is vast. Why, then, do these performances choose to use the Scandinavian king of England, Knut, to speak to the Scottish and English monarch, James? This article attempts to understand the choice of Knut as an exemplar by looking at the contemporary, eleventh-century memorialisation of Knut. As a foreign king, Knut was a migrant to England, which he chose to make his home. Sources written at the time of his reign and shortly thereafter reveal a dual Anglo-Danish identity for Knut, a recognised feature of the migrant experience (see Hopkins 2011; Simon et al. 2013; Bello 2015). As a consequence, the different English and Danish traditions remember Knut differently and it is the role of this ambiguity in remembrance with which we are here concerned.2 Knut: The Danish King of England Knut was a Danish prince who came to England as part of the viking raids of his father, Sveinn, in the early eleventh century. After a series of conflicts with the Anglo-Saxon kings, Æthelred and Edmund, he ascended to the throne of England in 1016, and created a unified Anglo-Danish empire by 1019. He remained in England until his death in 1035 (see Lawson 1993; Bolton 2017). Although there is no direct line of descent connecting the two monarchs as presented in the Sibyls’ address, the choice of Knut as an exemplar for James is an intriguing one. Like James, Knut too was a foreign king – an outsider – brought into the line and history of the Anglo-Saxon kings by his own hand, by contemporary chroniclers and also by later commemorators. 69 ‘Love-sick’ Knut: Medieval and Early Modern Commemorations Knut’s desire to be seen as an English king is evident in his two letters to England sent back on the rare occasions when he was away from the country. The first letter, dated to 1019/1020 (Liebermann 1903-1916: 273-75; Whitelock 1979a), was probably sent from Denmark when Knut returned to his birthplace following the death of his brother, Haraldr II, to stake his claim on the Danish throne (Lawson 1993: 89–95). While it is unlikely that the king wrote this letter himself, despite the first- person voice, it was clearly created under his instruction. In this letter, Cnut appears not as a Scandinavian conqueror but as an English king, ruling by English laws and protecting English people. Significantly, Cnut asserts – among other things – his adherence to Edgar’s laws, that is, English laws ‘þe ealle men habbað gecoren 7 to gesworen on Oxenaforda’ (which all men have chosen and sworn to at Oxford) (Liebermann 1903-1916: 274 [13]).3 He alludes to an unnamed ‘unfirð’ (hostility) and ‘mara hearm’ (greater danger) to the English (presumably from vikings), which he has tackled with his own money and with God’s help (Liebermann 1903-1916: 273 [4-5]). The letter refers to Knut and the people of England as a composite, using the pronoun ‘we’ throughout. Knut further promises to continue his protection of England as long as he has the support of the people. Preserved in the contemporary eleventh-century York Gospels (York, Minster Library Add. 1, fo. 160r–v), the surviving manuscript is annotated in the hand of Archbishop Wulfstan, its probable author (Whitelock 1948, 1955; Kennedy 1983), who most likely also made revisions and additions to the letter (Kennedy 1983: 63; Keynes 1986: 96). The letter contains echoes of earlier law codes, leading Whitelock to suggest that the homilies and the letter were copied when Wulfstan was drafting Knut’s laws (1981: 435). The version of the letter surviving in the York Gospels can thus be considered a hybrid text, but one that closely resembled the original (Smith 2008). As an act of memorialization it is a useful contemporary view of the manner in which Knut was – and presumably wanted to be – perceived, irrespective of whether or not it was written in England. A source that was undoubtedly created in England and that similarly memorialises Knut as an English king is the contemporary Anglo-Saxon Chronicle.
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