A Genealogy of Pro-Status Quo Voluntarism: from the Victorian Volunteer Movement to Fundraising Distance Runs for Healthcare

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2013-09-13 A Genealogy of Pro-Status Quo Voluntarism: From the Victorian Volunteer Movement to Fundraising Distance Runs for Healthcare

Francis, Cheryl

Francis, C. (2013). A Genealogy of Pro-Status Quo Voluntarism: From the Victorian Volunteer Movement to Fundraising Distance Runs for Healthcare (Unpublished master's thesis). University of Calgary, Calgary, AB. doi:10.11575/PRISM/24741 http://hdl.handle.net/11023/965 master thesis

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UNIVERSITY OF CALGARY

“A Genealogy of Pro-Status Quo Voluntarism: From the Victorian Volunteer Movement

to Fundraising Distance Runs for Healthcare”

CHERYL LYNNE FRANCIS

A THESIS

SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES

IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE

DEGREE OF MASTER OF SCIENCE

FACULTY OF KINESIOLOGY

CALGARY, ALBERTA

SEPTEMBER, 2013

Abstract

The current phenomenon of running long distances to raise money and

awareness for healthcare-oriented charities has roots in Victorian-era Britain.

Combining the pro-status quo nineteenth-century Volunteer movement with forced prison treadwheel labour specific to the same era yields a precursor of less-similar form than the current spectacle but with an exceedingly similar function. The Volunteer movement was little more than rational recreation under the guise of preparing for a war that never came, while prison officials of the era commodified treadwheel labour as a way to make inmates pay for their own institutional expenses. Thorstein Veblen’s concept of conspicuous consumption of leisure time defines both the 19th-century

Volunteer movement and its current counterpart, which also exhibits characteristics of rational recreation. Both the Volunteer movement and today’s charity running events were and are developed and employed in countries where the governments of the day took (and take) a ‘live and let live’ approach to service provision. Nancy Scheper-

Hughes and Margaret Lock’s publication “The Mindful Body: A Prolegomenon to Future

Work in Medical Anthropology,” provides a useful analytical tool with which to compare and contrast the individual, social and political aspects of the Volunteer movement, prison treadwheel labour and fundraising distance running.

Preface

All research projects begin at the level of the personal and this one is no exception. I have had some form of chronic illness all my life. When I was younger, I had severe asthma and running was never something I felt comfortable doing. In the late ‘90s, I joined an asthma study where I found out I was under-medicated and, therefore, not eligible to participate in the study. This turned out to be good news, however, since I changed my medication regimen and suddenly found myself able to partake in strenuous exercise. Running marathons became my hobby for a while and, during the period from 2001 to 2004; I trained for and participated in six of them. Many of these, and races of shorter duration – in which I participated as part of my training - raised money for charity. In January of 2004, I began to experience chronic, severe pain. I subsequently had five abdominal surgeries between December 2004 and

February 2012 and stopped running. Astonishingly, I found myself once again sitting on the sidelines hoping that there might one day be a cure for my illness. I had never thought much about how curious running to raise money and awareness for disease treatment was until I was no longer able to do it myself. The stark contrasts between having a physical limitation, getting rid of it and falling ill with a new chronic illness opened my eyes to the paradoxical nature of a phenomenon that features able-bodied people running to raise money for the care of their disabled compatriots, especially in a country with universal healthcare. It seemed to me that the social definition of pedestrian had changed and that this latest iteration of the activity may have been what changed it. Walking or running anywhere – for any purpose other than to win a bet or a

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prize – was once a behavior attributed only to the poorest or most desperate of citizens.

The distance runner appeared to have evolved from aimless vagabond to purposeful protagonist, as far as the general population and the popular media were concerned. I thought it was time someone took a closer look at running events that raised money for healthcare-related charities.

Most of these fundraising distance-running events originated in the 1980s and

‘90s, meaning that it was likely most of the event founders were still living. The best way to find out what led them to incorporate such events would be merely to ask them, I reasoned. My original goal was to produce a topical oral history and to reconstruct how the genesis of such events was understood to be a desirable outgrowth of the economic, political and emotional climate from which they originated. My initial research plan was to interview the founders of distance-running fundraising events. In addition to these interviews, I had planned to analyze archived event documents and survey race participants. Methodological triangulation employing these qualitative methods would have, I hoped, facilitated an understanding of the historic, economic, political and emotional influences and processes that led to the genesis of this new genre of sporting event, from the perspective of the principals as well as from that of historical traces. Through surveying race participants I had, furthermore, planned to investigate whether the early goals of the event founders had been realized in the motivations of current constituents.

Analyzing archived documents would have assisted me with discerning the individual founders’ rationales for propagating an event designed to raise funds for

health research through distance running en masse, would have allowed for substantiation of interview data, and provided demographic information on race participants. I had designed the survey instrument to augment archival data on latent cognitive dissonance and to discover whether race participants shared the same views on the purposes of these races as the race founders did when they incorporated these events. Well-publicized - but largely unconfirmed in the literature - reasons for engaging in this genre of sporting activity include the remembrance, acknowledgement or publicity of a loved one’s battle with a particular illness in addition to self-affirmation on the part of participants who have actually experienced the illness for which a given event raises research funds. This was the only part of the original plan that I was able to execute but, by the time I had completed it, I had no other related research to back it up.

I had targeted five organizations which hosted events that were either wholly local in character or were local versions of a larger national or international framework.

The five organizations I targeted were: the Terry Fox Run, Calgary Marathon, Forzani’s

Mother’s Day Run, Father’s Day Run for Prostate Cancer, and CIBC’s Run for the Cure.

I was unable to make contact with the person(s) responsible for the genesis of the last three events as directing my inquiries to the contact information posted on the websites for these events yielded no response. I was able to correspond with Fred Fox from The

Terry Fox Foundation, who was willing to give an interview but not to grant access to provincial archives. According to him, the organization does not keep demographic data on participants. I was doubtful, in any case, of the amount of involvement he had had in the creation of the Terry Fox Run and one interview with one possible event

founder was virtually useless for my purposes. I also corresponded with a representative of the Calgary Marathon who assured me that the organization was just too busy to assist with my request. An added difficulty with using the Calgary Marathon was that, while the current iteration of the Calgary Marathon has a health charity focus, the original version of the race did not. The narrowed focus on running for health- related charities only became a reality for this event in 2009, and was a decision made by committee and not a lone individual. Given the lack of interest on the part of the

Calgary Marathon’s executive committee for my project, interviewing everyone responsible for the change in direction seemed unlikely to happen. The organization responsible for the Father’s Day Run for Prostate Cancer allowed me access to their race participants for the survey portion of my research, but I was unable to make contact with anyone at an executive level. As I had not been able to gain access to any organization’s archives nor secure an interview with any reliable source, the methodological triangulation I had originally envisioned was no longer a viable option.

The only feasible part of the project remaining was the participant survey questionnaire, which has been omitted from this thesis document due to space and time constraints.

When I realized that Plan A was going nowhere, I knew Plan B was in order. I began to read everything that seemed related to the question at hand. Two good leads surfaced early on: one was a capital ‘V’ on the phrase ‘Volunteer movement’ in a

Victorian-era publication called the Badminton Library – a sort of encyclopedia of sport for the era. The other was the word ‘treadmill’ in Foucault’s The Birth of the Prison. I had very little else to go on as I was unable to find any single vein of information on the

socio-political aspects of contemporary charity running. Luckily, a required reading from a fourth-year undergrad Medical Anthropology provided the theoretical foundation for the analysis of the phenomenon in question. Scheper-Hughes and Lock’s The Mindful

Body: A Prolegomenon to Future Work in Medical Anthropology allowed me to weave all the disparate works on tangential aspects of running for charity into a whole cohesive with the related historical, socio-political, and behavioural precedents. I hope you enjoy it.

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Acknowledgements

I would like to thank the Social Science and Humanities Research Council of

Canada, the Province of Alberta and the University of Calgary for their generous financing of this project. I would also like to acknowledge Doug Brown for his advice,

Kevin Young and Dave Paskevitch for their patience, and Pauline Willis for her

unflagging moral support.

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Dedication

This document is dedicated to Jack Francis, ΑΩ.

Table of Contents

Abstract ...... ii Preface ...... iii Acknowledgements ...... viii Dedication ...... ix Table of Contents ...... x

CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION ...... 1 1.1 Philanthropic Pedestrianism ...... 1 1.2 Defining Pedestrianism ...... 5 1.3 Review of Literature and Context ...... 6 1.4 Motivations for and the Symbolisms of the Public Running Performance .. 12

CHAPTER 2: RESEARCH QUESTION AND METHODOLOGY ...... 18 2.1 Limitations ...... 26

CHAPTER 3: THE TRADITION OF PUBLIC PEDESTRIANISM ...... 29 3.1 Distance Running: Historical Context ...... 30 3.2 Anthropology-Based Analysis of the Distance Running Performance .... 33 3.2.1 The Individual Body ...... 34 3.2.1.1 Runner’s High ...... 34 3.2.1.2 Avoidance, Investment, and Empowerment ...... 36 3.2.2 The Social Body ...... 38 3.2.2.1 Runners as Entertainment ...... 38 3.2.2.2 Running Symbolically...... 45 3.2.2.3 Reciprocity ...... 47 3.2.2.4 Conspicuously Benevolent Leisure ...... 50 3.2.3 The Body Politic ...... 51 3.2.3.1 Pedestrians for the Status Quo ...... 51 3.2.3.2 Pedestrians against the Status Quo ...... 54 3.3 Summary ...... 54

CHAPTER 4: VOLUNTARISM, LIBERALISM, AND CONSPICUOUS RATIONAL LEISURE ...... 59 4.1 The Social Contract and Voluntary National Defence ...... 60 4.2 Rational Recreation ...... 64 4.3 Voluntary Societies ...... 68 4.3.1 The Volunteer Movement ...... 73 4.3.1.1 Uniforms ...... 75 4.3.2 Rational National Defence ...... 76 4.3.2.1 Age ...... 81 x

4.4 The Economics of Voluntarism ...... 83 4.5 Conspicuous Consumption of Leisure Time ...... 87 4.6 Summary ...... 90

CHAPTER 5: THE VICTORIAN PRISON TREADWHEEL AND THECOMMODIFICATION OF RUNNING ...... 93 5.1 The History of Treading for a Living ...... 93 5.2 Victorian-Era Prison Treadwheels ...... 96 5.3 The End of Prison Treadwheel Labour ...... 104 5.4 Summary ...... 108

CHAPTER 6: CONCLUSION ...... 112 6.1 The Advent of Conspicuously Benevolent Rational Leisure ...... 112 6.2 Neoliberalism and Volunteering ...... 114 6.3 Individual, Social, and Political Bodies...... 116 6.4 Commodification ...... 122 6.5 The Final Analysis ...... 124 6.6 Future Research Directions ...... 126

Notes...... 136

Bibliography...... 171

Chapter 1: Introduction

This thesis is a history of the subset of distance running/walking events that are

fundraising vehicles for healthcare. The overarching framework of this interdisciplinary

study most closely follows that used in political economy and draws on political science,

economics, and law to explain how political institutions and politico-economic

environments influence each other.1 The subarea of political economy that this thesis

focuses on is the role of government and/or power relationships in resource allocation.

The two periods under scrutiny are those where a market – or laissez-faire - economy

predominates. Historians usually employ political economy to explore past instances

where people with common economic interests have used politics to effect change

beneficial to those interests. This study, however, addresses the ways that groups with

similar interests have avoided using politics to effect change and have, instead,

engaged in behaviour that supports government economic policies. The groups under investigation – Victorian-era Volunteers and the fundraising distance runners of today -

have volunteered their time to perform pro-status quo duties and have done so at considerable personal expense. This document examines the role of volunteers in the viability of the state and, conversely, the role of the state in the lives of its volunteers.

1.1 Philanthropic Pedestrianism

Distance running/walking events whose purpose is to fundraise for healthcare

are a genre of sport performance that has evolved into a business behemoth. These

ubiquitous events occupy an increasingly prominent place in the hearts, minds and

social calendars of North Americans and Britons every year.2 These events appear to

be gaining prestige and proliferating rapidly. As an illustration of the popularity of this sport practice, one issue of one Calgary periodical, Impact Magazine - a publication dedicated to fitness and sport - listed over six hundred events from March 2008 to

January 2009, with distances from three to one hundred kilometers in locations as wide- ranging as New Glasgow, NS; Maui, HI; Napa, CA; Hopkinton, MA; Nashville, TN;

Miami, FL; Anchorage, AL; Obertsdorf, Germany; Jimbaran Bay, Bali; and Dublin,

Ireland.3 Four years later, the same issue of the same publication listed more than twelve hundred similar events for the same eleven-month period; two hundred and sixty-four of those events occurred in places other than North America.4

Organizations which advocate for research into everything from Alzheimer’s disease to prostate cancer stage running events to raise awareness and money for the various causes they represent.5 In and around Calgary, eager participants have had the option to take part in events that raised money and awareness for an almost endless array of disease-related causes and corresponding organizations, including:

Alzheimer Society Calgary, Alberta Cancer Foundation, ALS Alberta, The Arthritis

Society, Canadian Breast Cancer Foundation, Canadian Cancer Society, Canadian

Liver Foundation, Colorectal Cancer Association of Canada, Heart and Stroke

Foundation, Juvenile Diabetes Research Foundation, Kids Cancer Care, Leukemia &

Lymphoma Society of Canada, Multiple Sclerosis Society of Canada, and Prostate

Cancer Canada, to name a few. Fundraising for disease is a big business that seems to have no limit. Since 1988, for example, the international Leukemia and Lymphoma

Society’s Team in Training fundraising arm has had over half a million participants raise

more than US$1.2 billion. The Canadian website for the Calgary chapter is soliciting

participants for events planned for 2013 in Halifax, NS, San Diego, CA, and Anchorage,

AK.6

In 1980, Canadians from coast to coast embraced cancer-amputee Terry Fox

and his Marathon of Hope. When he started his cross-country Marathon of Hope on

April 12, Terry’s initial goal was to raise one dollar for each of Canada's twenty-four million people. By September 1 of the same year, he abandoned his efforts in order to take treatment for a recurrence of the osteosarcoma that had claimed his right leg and subsequently metastasized to his lungs. Canadians rallied to his cause and, by April,

1981, the Marathon of Hope had raised $23 million dollars. To date, the Terry Fox

Foundation has raised over $600 million for cancer research worldwide.7 The London

Marathon, billed as the single largest annual fundraising event on the planet, has raised

over £500 million for various charities – both health-related and otherwise - since its

inception in 1981.8 Between 1982 and 2010, America’s Susan G. Komen Breast

Cancer Foundation, which organizes the instantly-recognizable ‘Race for the Cure’ events, invested nearly US$2 billion for breast cancer research, education, health services and social support programs in the U.S. and - via partnerships - in over fifty

countries. 9 These three events represent only a very small sampling of the growing

focus on raising money for healthcare by participating in distance running or walking.

The proliferation of these events and corresponding increase in fundraising success

have occurred “as new social spaces, solidarities, and sensibilities among…survivors

and activists have emerged from the multiplication of treatment regimens, the

proliferation of support groups, and the expansion of screening into asymptomatic

populations in the past twenty years.”10 These events have symbolic meaning for the

participants, engendering participant behaviours which, in turn, reinforce the messages

implied by sponsors’ involvement with such events. The focus on using charity events

to generate positive emotions for branded merchandise effectively turns charity

fundraising runners and their performances into commodities and, in a self-perpetuating

circle of symbolism, the message received by onlookers and participants alike leads to

increases in participation, more money for charities and for sponsors.

While one of the obvious functions of charity-fundraiser running events is to

promote awareness for a cause, the events themselves are often two different events

under one banner: a non-competitive ‘fun-run’ and a fiercely competitive road race for prize money, bragging rights and/or qualifying times that allow entry into a more prestigious event with limited registration. Because of the multiplicity of purposes inherent in a single performance genre, running for charity appears to have changed the face of running for sport. The U.S.-based Run Walk Ride Fundraising Council reports,

in its annual study on charitable dollars, that the top seven programs raised more than

US$1 billion in 2011 through run/walk events alone.11 The ready acceptance of this

activity and the willingness of the trans-Atlantic Anglophone population to nurture this method of augmenting government healthcare coffers is evidence of a curious compulsion to volunteer in order to uphold a minimum standard of healthcare provision for society as a whole. Is there something in the shared history of England, Canada and the United States that makes this activity seem like the natural solution to the bodily

harm that may result from the inability of government to afford programs which effectively protect its citizenry?

1.1 Defining Pedestrianism

On an annual basis, then, hundreds of thousands of people who participate in distance-running fundraisers for healthcare doggedly raise money for months before showing up - rain or shine - to become moving symbols of vigour, perseverance, and compassion on behalf of their favourite causes. Their very public presence helps to raise awareness and even more money and the efforts of increasing numbers of participants spur ever more deep-pocketed event sponsors to contribute.12 Despite the sheer number of people involved and the ubiquitousness of this particular brand of running performance, little exists in the scientific literature about the antecedents of the behaviours that characterize these social events; facts and figures tell us nothing about where the idea for fundraising distance runs came from, how they became so commonplace and why they are so readily and widely embraced as the grass-roots solution to the general public’s belief that research on and treatment for many diseases is underfunded.

In the process of developing this groundswell of fundraising, the contemporary running community may have redefined pedestrianism. According to Running USA, running and charity are “almost becoming so synonymous that you almost cannot mention one without the other. More and more events are aligning themselves with charities, runners are sporting team jerseys to support the cause, and social networking is providing the “buzz” to spread the word. While the exact number of charity runners in

the United States is not available, there is no doubt that part of the increase in road race

entrants over the past decade has been driven by charitable running.”13 These are

some of the reasons that the sport/recreation genre of distance-running healthcare

fundraisers warrants closer examination.

1.1 Review of Literature and Context

Scholars from disciplines other than history have reported their findings on

numerous facets of distance-running fundraisers. Some published material has been

useful for its insight into the evolution of cause-related marketing (CRM). Samantha

King’s work highlights the ascendant breast cancer movement – specifically the Susan

G. Komen Breast Cancer Foundation’s Race for the Cure events and the US

government’s role in the rise in popularity of breast cancer fundraising charity runs.14

Maren Klawiter conceptualized “the breast cancer movement in terms of three different

cultures of action,” one of which, “represented by Race for the Cure, draws upon

biomedicine, connects breast cancer to survivor identities and the display of

heteronormative femininities, mobilizes hope and faith in science and medicine, and

promotes biomedical research and early detection.”15 Published work by Filo, Funk and

O’Brien posits the reasons participants become attracted to the Lance Armstrong

Foundation’s (LAF) fundraising events, and why and how people become attached to

the ‘brand.’16 From a sports marketing perspective, McGlone and Martin discuss Nike’s application of CRM in conjunction with the LAF Live Strong fundraising campaign and how “the positive emotion generated by a cause gets transferred to the sponsor’s brand, ultimately increasing sales,” - a phenomenon commonly known as the ‘halo effect.’17

Other authors contend that people participate because these branded events represent

an opportunity for “self-determination, sense of competency or mastery, challenge,

learning, exploration, relaxation, and social interaction.”18

Some scholars, from a range of academic disciplines, have focused on the less

provocative elements of a more generic form of running, one less imbued with

symbolism. Anthropologist Louis Liebenberg touts the efficiency of team persistence

hunting vis à vis endurance running among the !Kung San in contemporary Botswana.

Liebenberg notes that the average time spent on successful hunts between 1998 and

2001 was four hours and seven minutes, the average distance thirty-one kilometers.19

Liebenberg’s findings lend credence to the idea that humans may be genetically

predisposed to run in groups - over long distances - as a means of ensuring group

survival. Sports psychologist Susan Ziegler published on the perceived benefits of

marathon running among both men and women and found that women associate the

activity with a positive influence on self-image and increased quality of life – “traditional

expressive qualities associated with ‘feminine’ pursuits.”20 Evolutionary biologists

Lieberman and Bramble discuss the adaptations that ultimately allowed humans to

succeed at running for extended periods; Lieberman et al argue that the minimal role of

the human gluteus maximus in walking “supports the hypothesis that enlargement of the

gluteus maximus was likely important in the evolution of hominid running capabilities.”21

William P. Morgan and Michael L. Pollock studied the psychological characteristics of elite marathon runners and found that they are very similar to middle-long distance runners and world-class athletes from other sports.22 Ethnic studies expert Andrew

Suozzo’s publication focuses on diversity, inclusion, and class distinctions within the

amateur marathon movement, concluding that “the marathon’s new role in global

tourism…promotes[s] simultaneously the new internationalism and old class

distinctions.”23 Sociologist Stuart L. Smith studied group dynamics within the

recreational running community and found tension between those who self-identify as

‘joggers’ and those who consider themselves ‘runners.’24 In their book, Deviance and

Social Control in Sport, Michael Atkinson and Kevin Young dedicate a chapter to the

connection between illness narratives within the context of participation in sport. These

narratives include: comeback narratives, transgression narratives, and exit narratives.

According to Atkinson and Young: “the comeback as a restitution narrative in sport is

meaningful because it documents the athlete’s successful return to a normative medical

state and because it reaffirms body codes associated with the athletic social identity.”25

Lance Armstrong’s comeback, for example, is “perhaps the most globally told story of its kind in modern sport.”26 Harvard University’s public policy scholar Robert Putnam

studied the decrease in social capital wrought by neoliberalism in American, and how

informal volunteering has taken its place. Crammed with statistics, his book is a

nuanced look at the decline in civic engagement in the last half of the twentieth century

and a possible explanation for the shift in participation from service clubs to more

informal ways to contribute, like charity fun runs.27 While all of these aforementioned

works address some related aspect of fundraising and distance-running, none of these

scholars discusses the genesis of distance-running fundraisers for healthcare.

Historians have, nevertheless, addressed various constituents of the

phenomenon I am studying. Martin, Benario, and Gynn, for example, wrote on the

history of the marathon, from the ancient Greek legend of Pheidippides to the present.

Their work was the first, and may be still the only, compilation of exact dates, race sites,

winners’ names and nationalities and finishing times for “significant established races.”28

Earl Anderson has published a history of footraces and its accompanying wagering

among British men from1660 to 1860. Anderson points out that there were “four

periods of widespread interest in the sport,” beginning in 1660, again in 1764, with a

subsequent revival in 1796, and that the last period – “the golden age of pedestrianism”

– lasted from 1840 to 1860.29 In his article “Women’s Foot Races in the 18th and 19th

Centuries: A Popular and Widespread Practice,” Peter Radford reveals that female

Britons had their own tradition of foot-racing for prizes in the eighteenth and nineteenth

centuries. Historical records show that girls as young as eight years and women as old as seventy ran and walked for money.30 Matthew Llewellyn wrote about the

professional marathon craze in North America in the early 1900s and how Dorando

Pietri, an Italian marathon runner, helped Italian-Americans “acculturate to American

society by pulling them into the orbit of the Anglo-American sporting world.”31 According

to Pamela Cooper, Pietri likely “personified the agenda of invented ethnicity. He was a

symbol that unified the group, defined the group culture, presented its claims to power

and status, and even demonstrated the compatibility of the ethnic group with American

ideals.”32 Thomas Osler and Edward Dodd documented the short-lived phenomenon of

grueling six-day ‘go as you please’ contests that began in 1874 and ended, for all

intents and purposes, in 1888. When one considers that, as of 2004, the world indoor

record for running twenty-four hours on a treadmill was set at just under one hundred

fifty-four miles and that, in1882, Charles Rowell ran over one hundred fifty miles during

the same interval, one has no choice but to concede that the performances of Rowell

and his competitors - who still had five more days of running ahead of them - are all but

out of reach for contemporary ultramarathoners.33 Nina Kuscsik, a retired American

long distance runner, recounted women’s marathon participation – including her own

experiences - from 1896 to 1976.34 Pamela Cooper examined the “ethnic influence on marathoning…the impact of the Cold War on [the] sport,” and how “fitness and endurance became matters of national pride” between 1896 to the 1996.35 Joseph

Amato wrote an entire history of walking, “from the first human migrations to marching

Roman legions and ancient Greeks who considered man a ‘featherless biped;” from

trekking medieval pilgrims to strolling courtiers; from urban pavement pounders to

ambling window shoppers to suburban mall walkers.”36 Economic historians have

studied mutualism and fraternalism in the context of increased urbanization in the

nineteenth century. Atlantic Crossings: Social Politics in a Progressive Age by Daniel T.

Rodgers is one such investigation, studying privately-initiated collectivism in the first half

of the nineteenth century. 37 While each of these publications addresses some aspect of the act of running to raise money and awareness for a health-related cause, none of

these publications - and there are many more like these - addresses the genealogy of

the symphysis of disparate beliefs and behaviors that comprise the act of running in

public to facilitate one’s own or someone else’s healthcare.

In spite of the fact that the current association between running and fitness traces

its roots back to the 1960s and ‘70s, and that more and more people seem to be

involved in fundraising pedestrianism,38 obesity and its related disease processes are

increasing at an alarming rate. Obesity in Canada is "expected to surpass smoking as

the leading cause of preventable morbidity and mortality … and represents a burden of

Can$3.96 (US$4.16/€2.85) billion on the Canadian economy each year.”39 The

confluence of running for fitness, running to raise money, running as a volunteer, and

running as a symbol exists because of the perception that healthcare can never be

over-funded. This perception is especially prevalent in the province of Alberta.40 Many

healthcare dollars pay for treating the diseases of lifestyle caused by obesity - alarming

levels of which are currently considered a public health crisis - but there currently is no

public health initiative that effectively targets at-risk populations with made-to-order interventions. Donor-participants take part in fundraising events for healthcare as individuals while recipients access programs and receive treatment individually. This particular genre of pedestrianism, then, is sport and recreation by and for individuals in the name of individual health. It may be said that one person’s effort effects another person’s treatment; a healthy woman runs in the hope that she may increase awareness and funding for the treatment of an ill man whom she may not know. This random reciprocity is a form of corporeal surrogacy - capable bodies exerting

themselves on behalf of the incapable.41

1.2 Motivations for and the Symbolisms of the Public Running Performance

Running en masse in public has captured the imaginations of countless enthusiastic fundraisers but running regularly, especially alone, for fitness on one’s own schedule is largely a non-event. One possible explanation for this is that, for spectators, the distance running performance can be a sort of screen that allows onlookers to project their oft-mediated beliefs onto the performer. Nancy Scheper-Hughes and

Margaret Lock’s seminal anthropological treatise “The Mindful Body: A Prolegomenon to

Future Work in Medical Anthropology,”42 helps us to better understand how this process can occur, how running can be a powerful symbol of a dominant societal ideology.

They argue that the body is as much social construct as biological entity,

“simultaneously a physical and symbolic artifact…both naturally and culturally produced and…anchored in a particular historical moment.”43 I would argue that this assessment of corporeal symbolism also applies to any public performance involving the body including, but not limited to, the charity distance running performance as we know it. As participants in the social contract,44 we exchange some of our freedoms and submit to the decision of the majority in exchange for protection of our remaining rights. In this case, the (informal) majority appears to believe that running in support of charitable organizations is admirable.

Another possible reason for the popularity of charity runs is that the politico- economic underpinnings of a society can dictate the amount of time that citizens dedicate to volunteering. Funding for social welfare programs is subject to the whims of governing parties and, when popular policies are endangered, concerned civilians

redouble their efforts to protect them. Under laissez-faire governance, past and present,

“[a]s the state withdraws from welfare provision and diminishes its role in arenas such as health care…it leaves larger and larger segments of the population exposed to impoverishment.”45 Laissez-faire government economic policies – often called

liberalism outside of North America46 – shrink social ‘safety nets’ and remove trade

restrictions, at once facilitating and forcing economic growth. There have been two

periods when governments and economists believed that the state should not intervene

in the economy. The first period accompanied the rise, triumph and domination of

industrial Britain; the second era, still upon us, “benefits primarily transnational and

business enterprises for whom states and their laws are troublesome obstacles on the

road to profit.”47 The original Victorian-era liberalism produced mass voluntarism in a

collective effort to bolster national defence and Britons who lived during that era set the

precedent for today’s charity running performance.

Neoliberalism – new liberalism - as public policy at the state level began in

earnest in the U.S. and Britain in 1979. In May of that year, Margaret Thatcher declared

there was no such thing as society, but “there are “individual men and women and there

are families and no government can do anything except through people and people look

to themselves first. It is our duty to look after ourselves and then also to help look after

our neighbour and life is a reciprocal business.”48 The Thatcher government dissolved

all forms of social solidarity in favour of individualism, private property, personal

responsibility and family values. Reagan, too, backed “deregulation, tax cuts, budget

cuts, and attacks on trade union and professional power.”49 Almost all nations have

now embraced some version of neoliberal policy.50 Jurisdictions with universal healthcare, like the Canadian provinces, cannot limit demand for their services but choose instead to limit funding for services. Americans, many of whom are accustomed to private healthcare provision, purchase for-profit healthcare to treat someone else’s illness. Neoliberalist policies appear to have engendered this latest round of mass voluntarism in a collective effort to bolster government healthcare coffers, but this reaction to government inaction is not a novel one.

A final possibility is that the act of running in public for charity has become an easily recognizable symbol of status, a physical form of conspicuous consumption

“deliberately entered upon with a view to gaining repute for prowess.”51 First published

in 1899, sociologist and economist Thorstein Veblen explains in his book, The Theory of

the Leisure Class, that conspicuous consumption of time is one way the wealthy can demonstrate their pecuniary advantages - in this case, the luxury of being able to afford

spending long periods of time engaged in non-essential activities. Veblen calls this

“conspicuous leisure” and adds that “the greater the degree of proficiency and the more patent the evidence of a high degree of habituation to observances which serve no lucrative or other directly useful purpose, the greater the consumption of time and substance impliedly involved in their acquisition, and the greater the resultant good repute.”52 Veblen’s assessment becomes even more serviceable when one considers

that the public expenditure of energy in a sustained fashion must also be evidence of

one’s excess of health, an attribute that correlates positively to an excess of wealth.53 A

third method of displaying wealth and influence is to flaunt one’s proximity to legislative power; to be seen, for example, engaging in a government-sanctioned activity.

According to Rachel Vorspan, judges in the Victorian era “creatively adapted customary law to foster ‘desirable’ leisure pursuits such as amateur athleticism”54 in an effort to encourage ‘rational recreation,’ a contemporary term for pursuits that were

“respectable and morally ‘improving.’”55 At the time, the “middle and upper classes viewed street crowds [as a sign of] criminality, social instability, and danger to personal safety.”56 Nowadays, while impromptu street crowds are still viewed with suspicion, municipal authorities allow charity fundraising runs to proceed with minimal oversight. A genre of public performance with these characteristics is not merely conspicuous leisure, then, but conspicuous rational leisure, especially when one remembers that healthcare provision is solely the purview of government in Canada and Britain, and a responsibility shared between private enterprise and government in the United States.

An intersection of corporeal symbolism, conspicuous rational leisure and liberalism has produced today’s practice of running for charity. These conditions existed during the

Victorian era, spawning a phenomenon of surprisingly similar form and function – namely, the Volunteer Movement.

Over the past thirty years or so, millions of people in the English-speaking world and beyond have participated in distance-running fundraisers for healthcare and, in so doing, have become mascots for social welfare. Despite the number of people involved and the number of opportunities for involvement, the antecedents of this particular brand of running performance have received little attention in the scientific literature.

Anthropologists, economists, evolutionary biologists, psychologists, sociologists, and practitioners of sports management, sports marketing, sports medicine, and law have all failed to address the evolution of fundraising distance runs, and can offer only limited explanation for the assiduousness and popularity of the practice, especially as it pertains to funding government programs. When one considers, additionally, that the contemporary running community may have even redefined the act of walking or running in public,57 taking it from a act of necessity for the poor to a badge of honour for the affluent, the time has come to examine more than just the constituent characteristics of this curious confluence of behaviours and look at the ways in which this particular performance of recreation is also a re-creation of performances past. The spectacle of running long distances to raise awareness and money for health-related causes has evolved to become urban shorthand for conspicuous benevolence.

By employing historical precedents for certain aspects of this behaviour, as well as social, political, and economic theory, and the analytical tools provided in anthropologists Scheper-Hughes and Lock’s “The Mindful Body,” I will argue that the definition of pedestrianism has indeed changed and that today’s healthcare-fundraising distance runners participate in a new genre of physical performance. Given that this activity is one that supports the status quo of government healthcare provision, I will argue that this new category should be called “conspicuously benevolent rational leisure.”

This inquiry into the history of distance running as a fundraising vehicle for healthcare consists of six parts. Chapter 2 explains how I collected my sources and

addresses the limitations of those choices. Chapter 3 explores the symbolism that connects runners to each other and the performance of pedestrianism to the spectator.

Chapter 4 traces the development of rational recreation and conspicuous rational leisure in Britain and her colonies, with a particular focus on the Volunteer movement.

Chapter 5 discusses the evolution of the treadwheel and its role in commodifying the act of placing one foot in front of the other. The Chapter 6, the conclusion, compares the

Victorian Volunteer movement with the contemporary phenomenon of fundraising for healthcare by running long distances in a public event setting, highlighting the precedent of direct government involvement in commodifying the act of running vis à vis the Victorian penchant for prison treadwheel labour. The Conclusion also suggests that the politico-economic conditions common to both eras may have produced movements which involve en masse public participation in pro-status quo recreation disguised as selfless, pro-social activity.

Chapter 2: Research Question and Methodology

Which ideas, societal attitudes, political and economic circumstances contributed to the genesis of fundraising distance-running events as a genre of sport performance?

Is there a precedent in the history of the British Commonwealth for these conditions and this kind of volunteering behavior? Does the commodification of running have historical precedents? Does today’s volunteer running performance follow the same form and have the same function as what preceded it? Do people still participate en masse, in public, for the same reasons as their predecessors did? The research that follows is evidence of my attempt to answer these questions by excavating “the lineage of restored behaviours still at least partially visible in contemporary culture.”58

Data-gathering methods for this thesis consist entirely of document analysis. For the material involving the Volunteer movement and the prison treadwheel I have drawn on references from a selection of archived primary sources consisting of books, British parliamentary papers, and open letters to government officials. The remainder of the study employs government reports and numerous secondary sources which include books, journal articles, websites, magazines, and printed promotional materials from charity organizations.

I chose to use primary sources for gathering data on the Volunteer movement and, to a lesser degree, the prison treadwheel phenomenon so that I could avoid, as much as possible, having to work around previous authors’ editing biases. Finding any information on the Volunteer movement was difficult and amassing a relevant reading list was largely a self-limiting exercise. Out of the very short list of possibilities, the four

books I chose stood out because they were available in a convenient format (bound

books), reliable, well-written, and seemed reassuringly evidence-based. The fact someone had seen fit to reprint all four of these books after a century helped to justify my choices. I encountered a similar situation when searching for information on the

Victorian prison treadwheel. There were a reasonable number of secondary sources which mentioned the treadwheel in passing, like Sean McConville’s English Local

Prisons 1860-1900: Next Only to Death. Other sources looked at some aspect of the

wheel other than what I was interested in, a perfect example of which is Andrea L.

Matthies’s “Medieval Treadwheels: Artists’ Views of Building Construction .” 59 British

Parliamentary Papers provided the least biased, most comprehensive, source of information on prison treadwheels, the people who used them, and the British government’s rationale for using such equipment.

I used Gilbert J. Garraghan’s guidelines for establishing the authenticity, provenance, and reliability of a primary source.60 When analyzing the suitability of a

source, Garraghan recommends performing external and internal critiques on the

material. An external critique is a five-part inquiry that must answer the following

compound question: when, where, by whom, from what pre-existing material, and in

what original form was the source produced? An internal critique must answer one

deceptively simple question: How credible is the source and why?

The books I chose for this research were written during the Victorian-era.61 One

of these, A History of the Volunteer Forces From the Earliest Times to the Year 1860;

Being a Recital of the Citizen Duty, may be considered a primary source. I have no

reason to believe it is anything other than authentic. The British Library has a copy of the book and it is listed in the British National Bibliography. Although I worked from a scanned copy of the original, the publisher provides a free digital copy of the original book through its website. The grammar, spellings and citation style used in the book appear consonant with the early twentieth century. It conforms to the principles of external criticism. The original edition was published in 1908 and was written by Cecil

Sebag-Montefiore, whose father was Sir Joseph Sebag-Montefiore. He had a military career, achieving the rank of Major in the 4th London Field Company, Royal Engineers.

There is no information as to why Cecil wrote the book and he maintains a balanced perspective throughout the book. My copy of the book contains no preface or introduction and I was unable to access the book’s digital copy on the publisher’s website - despite having purchased their product - so it is still possible I am missing information. Reading and note-taking was complicated by the fact that it was printed using character recognition software and contained a surfeit of errors. While the book details the evolution of the Victorian Volunteer movement, it ends in 1860, the point in time just prior to which paramilitary voluntarism reached its zenith and a full thirteen years before he was born. Sebag-Montefiore’s sources were almost exclusively archival and include books written on politics and the army by other men from landed families. Using these sources would have reinforced his world-view rather than expanded it. The author does not discuss women’s roles in the Movement. First-hand interviews with actual Volunteers and information on the role of women with respect to their men’s Volunteer duties would have rounded out the narrative. Despite the

document’s shortcomings, it is well-annotated and its tone is objective. Since I have no reason to disqualify it as a viable primary source, it complies with the rule of internal criticism.

The title of the second book is The County Lieutenancies and the Army, 1803-

1814. I purchased a printed copy which was photocopied from the original. A reproduction of the original title page is included in the front matter and the copies of the original pages are formatted with margins wider than what today’s publications use.

The body of the text is printed in what appears to be an obsolete font. Worldcat.org, which advertises itself as the “world’s largest library catalog,” shows that four California universities and two Idaho universities have copies of the book in their libraries. It conforms to the tenets of external criticism. Sir John William Fortescue, son of the 3rd

Earl Fortescue, wrote the book, which was published in 1909. Like Sebag-Montefiore,

Fortescue would have led a relatively privileged life. Born in 1859, he was educated at

Harrow School and Trinity College, Cambridge. It is unclear whether Fortescue participated in the Volunteer movement as a true volunteer. The Oxford Dictionary of

National Biography states that Fortescue’s father refused his request to join the military due to the expense involved, and that the younger Fortescue subsequently joined the

Royal North Devon Yeomanry in order to satisfy his hunger for military adventure.62

Although Yeomanry regiments were traditionally comprised of volunteers, there is a possibility that the Royal North Devon regiment received pay from 1831 on.63

Regardless of the issue of pay, Fortescue belonged to a group that was rooted in the

Volunteer tradition. J. W. Fortescue was the Librarian and Archivist at Windsor Castle

and was a Knight Commander of the Victorian Order. He is best known for his thirteen- volume A History of the British Army and, in the Preface of the County Lieutenancies,

he describes the book as an “overflow” from the material he collected for the preceding

thirteen volumes. Like Sebag-Montefiore’s book, Fortescue’s publication omits the

perspective of women and the Volunteers themselves. It is exceedingly well annotated

although, like Sebag-Montefiore’s book, the sources Fortescue used were almost

exclusively archival and included books and government documents written by men from landed families. In spite of the limited perspective from which the book is written, it adheres to the rule of internal criticism.

Robert Potter Berry is the author of A History of the Formation and Development of the Volunteer Infantry: From the Earliest Times, published in 1903. A digital colour copy of the original book is available online. 64 It has margins, a type style, and a

vocabulary similar to that of Fortescue’s book. The Worldcat.org catalogue shows that

the National Library of Scotland, the British Library, Bibliothèque Nationale de France,

and the Berlin State Library all hold copies of the book. It complies with the principles of

external criticism. From 1870 to 1876, Berry was a member of the Volunteer

Huddersfield Rifle Corps (from Huddersfield, a city northwest of London) and a

Lieutenant with the 6th West York Rifle Volunteers. 65 In the book’s Preface, Berry

states his reason for writing the book: “that the perusal of these pages may stimulate

the youth and manhood of these isles to a warmer and more appreciative interest and a

personal participation in the volunteer Movement.” The tone of the book is decidedly

favourable toward the Volunteers (see n. 76, ch. 2). I have been unable to find any

other biographical information on this author and the Worldcat.org website lists only one

publication by this author. This source also omits a female perspective on the Volunteer

movement, as well as the perspectives of those who were not involved with the

Volunteers. Despite these deficiencies, the book is well-written and thoroughly

annotated. Archivists and digital publishers believed it was important enough to publish again after more than a century. It complies with the rule of internal criticism.

The fourth Victorian-era publication upon which I relied is Records of the Scottish

Volunteer Force, 1859-1908. The library website Worldcat.org shows that the

Bibliothèque Nationale de France holds an original copy of this book and that its author,

Major-General J. M. Grierson, published a total of five books on military history. It was

recently reprinted by the same publisher as Berry’s reprint and follows the same format.

For these reasons, it complies with the principles of external criticism. Grierson was the

grandson of an Anglican minister. The book, which was published in 1909, makes no

mention of his involvement in the Volunteer movement and it is unclear whether he was

ever personally involved. In the book’s Preface, however, Grierson acknowledges his

gratitude for the assistance he received from many Scottish Volunteers. During his

lifetime, he was made a Commander of the Victorian Order, a Companion of the Most

Honourable Order of the Bath, and a Commander of the Order of St. Michael and St.

George. One of the publication listings for the new reprint of Grierson’s book lists his

title as “Sir” but, other than that, I was unable to find any additional biographical

information. Grierson states that his book was “designed as a contribution to the

military annals of Scotland.” 66 It seems reasonable to assume that Grierson’s

perspective would have been similar to that of the three previously-discussed authors although, without more to go on that conclusion could prove folly. He would have come from a reasonably comfortable background but he appears to have been a self-made man and may have had a different perspective as a result. There is nothing to suggest that he was not a white, Anglo-Saxon male and likely shared similarities in perspective with the preceding authors, however. Once again, the missing perspectives are those of women, volunteers from the lower socio-economic strata, and those with no ties to the Volunteer movement.

I searched British parliamentary papers for information on the use of treadwheels in connection with government involvement in the commodification of running. All of these particular sources were from a database that I accessed through the University of

Calgary’s library website. I assumed that they all conformed to the rule of external criticism because of their provenance. These papers were essentially reports written in the nineteenth century and prepared for and by employees of the British government who, I assumed, spoke with the authority of their respective governments. British

Parliamentary reports adhere to the rule of internal criticism. Nothing I read gave me reason to believe otherwise.

On the topic of treadwheels, of special note are two published open letters to the same government official. John Ivatt Briscoe and Sir John Cox Hippisley wrote lengthy letters to the Secretary of State, the Right Hon. Robert Peel, decrying the use of treadwheel labour in prisons. I worked from hard copies of the digital versions that I found online. Briscoe’s one hundred and seventy-four page letter appears authentic

due to the type style, formatting and vocabulary used in the document. The British

Library holds a bound original copy of Briscoe’s letter. It conforms to the rules of external criticism. Briscoe was a magistrate who sought to end the practice of relying on treadwheel labour in prisons. His writing is biased against the practice but he, nevertheless, managed to balance his negative anecdotal evidence with positive reports. He includes in his letter the first-hand accounts of prisoners who sustained injuries on ‘the wheel” and second-hand accounts of the difficulties encountered by two female prisoners who had new babies and who were, nevertheless, assigned to the wheel. Briscoe’s letter includes testimony from representatives of all socio-economic strata and appears to accurately represent all sides of the treadwheel debate as it was in the early nineteenth century. It adheres to the rule of internal criticism. Six U.S. universities hold microform copies of Hippisley’s two hundred and twenty-eight page letter, which is very similar in appearance to Briscoe’s document. It conforms to the rules of external criticism. Hippisley, like Briscoe, was a magistrate with an interest in ending prison treadwheel labour. He includes correspondences with other government officials in his letter, but there is no evidence he interviewed any prisoners. The majority of the document is written in the first person. It would have been helpful to have had the perspectives of the prisoners, both male and female, for comparison to Briscoe’s letter.

These deficiencies do not, however, negate the validity of the source. It adheres to the rule of internal criticism.

2.1 Limitations

Two of the aforementioned books were available to me in their original formats on short-term loan from other institutions. It was impossible to purchase an original copy of any of these books as they are rare and old. For the sake of convenience, I purchased reprinted copies. Three of the books were photocopies of the original works, and some pages were distorted beyond recognition. Digital copies of two of the books were available online. Unfortunately, all of the photocopying errors in the reprinted versions were common to the digital copies. While providing a wealth of information, well-annotated primary source publications on the Volunteer movement are few in number. Each book I used provided only a temporally- or geographically-limited portion of the picture, making a complete understanding of the Volunteer movement in the last half of the nineteenth century difficult.

British parliamentary papers provided information on the institution and employment of treadwheel labour in British prisons and revealed what may be the first instance where government benefited from the commodification of running/walking. I searched through hundreds of online copies of British parliamentary papers from 1823 to 1911, using the search terms “treadwheel, tread wheel, tread-wheel, treadmill, tread mill, tread-mill, the wheel, the mill, the everlasting staircase, discipline mill, stepping mill, foot-mill,” and “walking-wheel.” There may have been other terms I missed. My short list contained one hundred and fifty-three different reports germane to the phenomenon under study. Of those, I used the ten entries which provided the most information on the government’s role in commodifying running via the prison treadwheel.

Open letters from the 1800s provided in-depth, first-hand accounts of the

circumstances and behaviours under investigation and are central to the history of

treadwheel labour.67 Of special note is a four hundred-page document published

in1823 by Sir John Cox Hippisley, a member of parliament who was a vocal opponent of

the use of treadwheels in British prisons. One of the best things about this document is

that he interviewed prisoners who had sustained treadmill injuries and quoted them

verbatim. Despite Hippisley’s refreshing data-gathering methodology, the preceding

publications (likely) offer a homogeneous perspective, having been written by white,

Anglophone males from the upper classes.

Of special note is a passage in Berry’s book attributed to Captain Carteret W.

Carey, who was a Volunteer with the Highland Light Infantry and Adjutant Lanarkshire

Rifle Volunteers.68 Berry quotes from Carey’s chapter which was included in a book

entitled The Present Condition and Future Organization of the Volunteer Force

(published 1891).69 I was able to verify the publication details of this book through the

library but was unable to either obtain a copy of Carey’s chapter or procure a copy of

the book, despite hiring a rare book finding service in Britain. I was also unable to

purchase a copy from the British Library’s Document Supply Services. In spite of an

inability to inspect the source for myself, I chose to use it because of its inclusion in

Berry’s book.

I read dozens of secondary sources - books, journal articles and websites - across disciplines ranging from economics, psychology, sociology, anthropology, marketing, business and administration, law, medicine, and, of course, history. Despite

their inclusion in this project, many of these documents addressed tangentially relevant aspects of the phenomenon under investigation and were of limited utility. The reader should bear in mind that my choice and reading of all sources was filtered through the lens of contemporary theories on political economy and aided by existing sociological critiques of distance-running fundraising events for healthcare.

Chapter 3: The Tradition of Public Pedestrianism

Every year, volunteers organize and participate in countless running/walking events with one common goal: to raise money and awareness for particular diseases.

Healthcare-centric charitable causes and their related events seem to be proliferating rapidly. Perhaps the strangest aspect of the behaviour of this specific group of participants is that most actually pay to volunteer. By performing exercise – running - they volunteer to raise funds for, and the profiles of, myriad different illnesses. Many of these events often end up competing against each other. More than a century ago, paying to volunteer to defend one’s countrymen from a potential foreign invader occurred under virtually identical politico-economic circumstances as today’s phenomenon and looked strangely similar to the way paying to defend one’s compatriots from the invisible inner invasion that we collectively call disease appears to us today. While scholarly literature exists on volunteering in general and in the context of sport in particular, very little of it - if any - discusses this particular subset of volunteers who are not coaching Little League teams, not driving swim team buses, not selling raffle tickets nor holding the countless bake sales which often enable organized minor sport to exist. This ‘new’ breed of volunteer has taken ownership of healthcare funding, which is a government responsibility (in Canada at least). Seemingly satisfied with the status quo - especially with respect to the way governments choose to prioritize spending on environmental issues, disease prevention and treatment, public health, and healthcare accessibility, to name but a few related issues – recreational runners contribute hundreds of millions of dollars annually to healthcare spending budgets. This

happens, in Alberta, despite the fact that there is no evidence that the jurisdiction’s healthcare provider (the provincial government) has grown complacent in its role to fund healthcare.70 Philanthropy-minded-recreational athletes who participate in distance-

running fundraisers believe they are raising money for research into cures for many

different diseases but appear to know little about where the money actually ends up.71

In order to make sense of this trend, I found it necessary to deconstruct it and more

closely inspect its three constituent characteristics, which are: the symbolic meaning of

the act of running; the fact that running has become a commodity; and the curious

compulsion of citizens living in British-borne societies to pay to volunteer to support the

healthcare needs of their compatriots. In the process of grounding my thesis in a

history of the distance running performance, this chapter discusses Scheper-Hughes

and Lock’s seminal anthropological treatise “The Mindful Body,”72 which argues that the

body is as much social construct as biological entity. Because the act of running to

raise funds for healthcare lies at the nexus of lived experience, corporeal symbolism

and institutional control of the body, Scheper-Hughes and Lock’s three categories –

social body, individual body, and body politic – form the foundation of this discussion of

the evolution and consciousness-raising efficacy of fund-raising through distance

running.

3.1 Distance Running: Historical Context

Under a blazing sun and at the pre-arranged location, a group – consisting mostly of lean, fit men – assembles. Lightly dressed, all carry flasks of water. At the agreed-upon time, the signal is given and they all begin to run in the same direction. More than two hours later, one persistent

participant emerges victorious. All will, nevertheless, benefit from taking part in the event . . .

The scenario above could easily be a description of one of the thousands of

distance-race fundraisers that occur each year or a cursory account of a persistence

hunt as practiced by modern hunter-gatherers in the Kalahari Desert of Botswana circa

2001.73 Though these two events may be morphologically similar, their purposes – the

meanings given to the two performances by all of those with a stake in the outcomes – differ substantially. For the !Kung San of Botswana, the person who runs the farthest or for the longest amount of time, returns with food to sustain the entire group. In their relatively small hunting camps, everyone benefits from the skill of the fleet-footed hunters and knows who is responsible for bringing back the meal. Campmates celebrate when !Kung San hunters return with a large kill, but “the correct demeanor for the successful hunter is modesty and understatement.”74 Half a world away, organizers

of the increasingly ubiquitous fund-raising distance race downplay the achievements of the fastest runners, choosing instead to treat every participant as a winner. Posting times better than the last is, nevertheless, the goal for many of these people but, for the

organizers, the purpose is to raise as much money for a charitable – often health-

related – cause as possible. The top fundraising individuals or groups that participate in

some of these events receive public recognition.75

These two examples illustrate how two different categories of stakeholders in two

radically different kinds of societies furnish just two of the myriad meanings embodied in

the distance runner. The act of running is often symbolic and, the more complex a

society, the greater the number of meanings it will generate – both for the act itself and the body that commits it. If the road race is a public arena for “the ritual sacrifice of human physical energy,”76 then “the athlete is both sacrifice and sacrificial victim”77 on, paradoxically, the altar of health itself. Running lends itself equally well to the purposes of the athlete and the healthcare-fundraising community “as a productive activity – one

that produces results, and as a reproductive exercise, reinforcing health, fitness, and

social integration.”78 Yet, according to historian Pamela Cooper, it was concern for the

health of runners that extinguished the fin-de-siècle distance running boom. The craze,

ironically, re-ignited in the 1960s when “medical opinion held that jogging promoted

overall and specifically cardiovascular fitness.”79 From the pedestrians of the 17th

century to the ‘ultra-marathoners’ of today, public opinion of the runner has shifted dramatically. Seventeenth-century Britons, for example, felt that pedestrians must surely be idle, worthless “footers.” In eighteenth- and nineteenth-century France, a

flaneur was a vagabond who wandered through the city without plans or a defined

route. To walk was to display one’s powerlessness and inferiority, walking “belonged to

the feet and legs, which lacked the dexterity of the hand and the elevated position of the

mind. Those compelled to walk suffered the ‘travail of travel,’ two words that were

etymologically joined by ages of painful movement on foot.”80

Nowadays, distance runners embody industry and the Protestant work ethic. In

many North American cities, it is not unusual to see them exercising their rights – and

bodies – at any time of day and in all kinds of weather. They not only routinely run forty-

two kilometers or more, they also raise millions of dollars for healthcare research. In the

early 1900s, talented endurance athletes made their livings running for hours, or even

days, on end;81 now armies of recreational runners pay for the privilege of running in

public for anywhere from one to five hours or more. By associating itself with

healthcare, the running community seems to have changed the cultural definition of this

entire performance category.

3.2 Anthropology-Based Analysis of the Distance Running Performance

In their seminal anthropological treatise, “The Mindful Body,” Scheper-Hughes and

Lock argue against Cartesian mind/body dualism and for the notion that the mind is

inseparable from the human body, that the body is as much a social construct as it is a biological entity.82 They articulate three overlapping discursive levels of analysis for the

body: the individual body, the social body, and the body politic. The ‘individual body’

relates to the phenomenological or lived experience of the body/self. Fervent adherents

often sing the praises of a life of running asceticism, for example, crediting it with:

improving their sex lives; helping them to stop smoking; curing hangovers; healing

ulcers; preventing the common cold; and allaying alcoholism, depression and

insomnia.83

‘Social body’ refers to societal use of the body as a symbol, in order to make

sense of nature, society or culture. Perambulation has had different meanings at

different times in different societies. The quality of a pedestrian’s performance,

moreover, may reinforce stereotypes that associate certain types of movement with the

geographic origins of the performer. Seen through the eyes of a farmer, for example, a

city dweller - accustomed to pavement and the pace of commerce - moves quickly

(perhaps not even on foot), whereas an urbanite may believe that a farmer, attuned to

the slow, seasonal rhythm of his work and ever wary of uneven ground, moves slowly.84

Any one of us may be tempted to chisel off from the social body another category – the

body economic – for in the past as well as the present, runners have performed for

money, and promoters, non-profit organizations, health research entities and entire

cities have relied on revenue generated by the act of distance running. We must ask

ourselves, however, whether it is only because of the symbolic value of the running

body that exploitation of the running performance ever succeeds.

Scheper-Hughes and Lock’s third term, ‘body politic,’ refers to the “regulation, surveillance and control of bodies (individual and collective) in reproduction and

sexuality, in work and in leisure, sickness and other forms of deviance and human difference…the stability of the body politic rests on its ability to regulate populations (the social body) and to discipline individual bodies.”85 The degree to which the random and chaotic impulses of bodies are disciplined and restrained by social institutions reveals, furthermore, a civilization’s degree of so-called ‘advancement.’86

3.2.1 The Individual Body

3.2.1.1 Runner’s High

This first of three discursive bodies represents the phenomenological theoretical

approach to analyzing the public running performance. When speaking of the lived

experience of running, one could conclude that the only type of runner devoid of social,

political, or economic meaning is he or she who runs purely for fun – the recreational

runner. According to Milan Kundera, the recreational runner “is always present in his

body, forever required to think about his blisters, his exhaustion; when he runs he feels

his weight, his age, more conscious than ever of himself and of his time of life.”87 Any activity characterized by a preoccupation with exhaustion and pain seems unlikely to attract and retain many devotees, however. It seems, therefore, more likely that the

“pain may be ameliorated by the body’s natural opiates . . . allow[ing] runners to continue with . . . injuries. This suggests that natural opiates collude with the body in its own oppression.”88

Some attest to running as a route to transcendence. Roger Bannister, the first

man to run a recorded four-minute mile, recalls: “The earth seemed almost to move with me. I was running now, and a fresh rhythm entered my body. No longer conscious of my movement I discovered a new unity with nature. I had found a new source of power

I never dreamt existed.”89 Runner’s high, an oft-reported sensation of euphoria,

enhanced well-being, and heightened appreciation for nature – accompanied by

transcendence of time and space – is not so easy to articulate. Another runner

explains:

I feel a sense of tremendous well-being . . . Everything . . . feels in harmony. I feel smooth . . . and relaxed . . . I get the feeling I can run forever. I’m not aware of time or space – only a remarkable sense of calm.90

In addition to running for the ‘high,’ some participants run to heal themselves emotionally through a heightened, albeit fleeting, experience of communitas.91

Opportunities for relationship development are critical to charity fundraising running

events. Individuals describe an immediate trust in and connection with other

participants, even going so far as to call them “pseudo families.”92 A runner in isolation may never associate running with anything other than the private feelings and perceptions she experiences through the act but, as soon as one other person observes her running, the act can become symbolic for both parties. I would suggest that a symbolic parallel exists between healthy distance runners and those with illnesses or disability. According to Elaine Scarry, “pain…destroys, disassembles, deconstructs” while healing, “especially during . . . intensely emotional and collective experiences [like fund-raising distance races] remakes it.”93

3.2.1.2 Avoidance, Investment, and Empowerment

An innate recognition of both the contrasts and the parallels of illness to the transcendent experiences made possible by participating in distance running may explain why people feel compelled to ‘go the distance’ to raise the funds that will provide healthcare for someone else. In his study of the imagery used in ads for biotechnology, anthropologist Usher Fleising highlights the “competing structures of avoidance of the strange [those with illnesses] set against the pro-social urgings of altruism, caregiving, and nurturing…The approach/avoidance emotional mechanism finds an outlet in

[Scheper-Hughes and Lock’s] second body – the place where oppositional categories, such as nature/culture, wild/tame, sickness/healing, are symbolically advertised and ritualized in culturally appropriate terms.”94 Since there is nothing stopping race participants from providing aid in a more direct and less symbolic fashion, it begs the question: why don’t they?

If “emotions are the catalyst that transforms knowledge into human

understanding and brings intensity and commitment to human action”95 then it follows

that a healthy runner might choose to run for a sick counterpart based on his/her

emotional investment in a cause. One of the reasons to run for a health-related cause

is self-affirmation. There are two dimensions to this. Participants who have escaped

death want to reaffirm life by publicly performing a vital act. Participants who have lost

close friends or family members want to display acts of remembrance.96 Rituals which

couple contrived acts of remembrance with public self-affirmation in overtly physical performances are as old as recorded history. Homer’s Iliad illustrates the practice of arranging funeral games to honour deceased loved ones. In Book 23, Achilles arranges memory of Patroclus – a comrade lost in battle. With a footrace the highlight, the games include chariot races, boxing, wrestling, archery, dueling with spears, and weight hurling. 97 In stark contrast to the Achillean funeral games, the contemporaneous

Olympic games, which were designed to honour Zeus, consisted of a mere footrace.

Another of the bases for choosing to participate in a distance race fundraiser is

empowerment – in this case, a reciprocal arrangement between event participants and

the fundraising organization. Filo, Funk and O’Brien, in exploring the experiences,

motives, meanings and perceptions associated with Lance Armstrong’s LIVESTRONG

Challenge, quote one participant who said: “I am empowering the LAF to do the work

that they do by doing what I do to raise money. But at the same time, those actions

empower me, and make me feel like I’m doing something good.”98

3.2.2 The Social Body

3.2.2.1 Runners as Entertainment

Athletes show spectators new ways in which the body may be tested,

endangered, exploited or confined by time and space.99 In this way, performances of

athletic prowess amaze and delight, generate admiration, and act as a source of

entertainment and distraction. Running’s capacity to distract and entertain may explain

why there were at least four distinct periods of interest in both amateur and professional

pedestrianism prior to the 1896 Olympics.100 The first occurred circa 1660 in England, following the demise of Puritan repression and the accession of Charles II to the throne.

From Dalrymple’s memoirs, we learn that the Duke of Monmouth, the eldest son of

Charles II, was exceedingly agile and entered all the country races, beating all comers barefoot and then again with his boots on.101 The second period was inspired by Foster

Powell who, at the age of thirty, ran fifty miles on the Bath Road in seven hours. He

completed the first ten miles in one hour. Interest in distance running died with Powell

in 1792, shortly after his last performance which was a run from London to York. By

1806, the extraordinary exploits of young Captain Barclay Allardice had revived interest

in the sport and made it respectable for gentlemen; class consciousness no longer

dictated one’s sporting preferences nor decreed that participation in footraces was

entertainment for the lower classes.102 Prior to this time, most low-class “peds” had been running footmen, tradesmen, farmers103 or women.104

In “Footnotes More Pedestrian than Sublime: A Historical Background for the

Foot-Races in 'Evelina' and 'Humphry-Clinker’,” Earl Anderson suggests that female

pedestrianism was rare in 1860, unique in 1820 and unheard of in 1778.105 In

“Women’s Footraces in the 18th and 19th Centuries: A Popular and Widespread

Practice,” Peter Radford argues convincingly for the existence of an annual race for

“maids” as early as 1638, though he admits that references to women racers were

extremely rare before 1660.106 Without doubt, the lowest pedestrians on the social

scale were the women who first appear on record in the 1820s. These fearless females

had no backers and arranged their performances more or less spontaneously, hoping to

profit from the generosity of spectators, who would – hopefully - see fit to reward them

before, during or after their performances by throwing some money into the collection

plate. Some other unfortunate women were prevented from finishing their races at all.

In 1833, one of these fearless females, a seventy-year-old Scot, attempted to go ninety-

six miles in twenty-four hours but was, instead, thrown in jail for being at the center of a

melee involving blocked roads, drinking, and fighting resulting in injuries.107 Others

were hindered just enough so that they failed to meet their finishing times, thereby

losing their wagers and leaving empty-handed. Such was the fate of an Irish woman

named Mary Motulullen who, at the age of sixty-plus years, was unable to accomplish

her goal of travelling ninety miles in twenty-four hours. She arrived at her destination

eight minutes late thanks to a group of young men who had bet against her and

subsequently “attempted by every means to induce her to relinquish her undertaking

and to render her incapable of preserving it.”108

Not all female pedestrians were self-employed, however. According to Radford, one particular genre of women’s racing consisted of events arranged solely to please

the crowds at weddings or cricket matches. The women who participated in events of

this type were “not normally regarded as ‘respectable’” and were imported specifically

for such events.109 One assumes that they had either been paid prior to performing or

had been promised an appearance fee that was not contingent on the outcome of the

race.

The advent of the first industrial revolution, circa 1820, brought irreversible change to the structure of English village life, with mass migration into towns and cities.

The Victorian era, additionally, ushered in new attitudes regarding decent behaviour for women, along with the notion that women were too frail to exert themselves in any manner as boisterous as running. Migration into industrial towns led to decreasing numbers of racing opportunities for ‘respectable’ women and the numbers of women racing against one another were increasingly made up of those “from the lowest end of the social strata, gypsies, immigrant Irish and itinerant vendors.”110 Victorian mores ushered in the decline and eventual (albeit temporary) extinction of female distance running.

According to Montague Shearman’s entry in the Badminton Library, pedestrianism in the nineteenth century showed “the steady progress of athletic ability.”111 Between 1825 and 1838, pedestrian matches were common and, by the end

of the period, a well-known magazine called Bell’s Life had given the sport its own

section with upwards of thirty events listed every week. The decade spanning 1840 to

1850 saw a running boom. Amateurs arranged matches amongst themselves or

against the professional ‘peds.’ Curiously, amateurs chose not to use their real names

in matches against professionals for the five years prior to 1843. By this time, the Bell’s

Life feature had fifty weekly events listed and “pedestrianism as an institution was an accomplished fact.” When George Frost (a.k.a. The Suffolk Stag) won a ten-mile contest in 1852, “lithographs of the contest were published and sold by the thousand.”

Shearman credits “the popularity of pedestrianism at this period” with “setting the amateur movement going.” 112

The period from 1874 to 1903 spawned a fascinating episode in the evolution of the distance race. Known as “six-day ‘go-as-you-please’ contests,”113 these first ultramarathon races tested the limits of human endurance. Occurring mainly in the northeastern United States and England, these demonstrations of endurance lasted from midnight Monday to midnight Saturday in halls rented especially for the purpose.

Within these venues, contestants circled tracks constructed in sizes ranging from eight to twenty laps to the mile. A popular site for such spectacles of stamina was Barnum’s

Great Roman Hippodrome, now known as Madison Square Garden.114 The winners of these contests could make as much as $30,000 for a punishing six day’s work. By

1903, however, the sport was in decline as the exhibitions had become risky to produce, in part due to the rise in popularity of the bicycle115 and by the Amateur Athletic Union’s formal recognition of the marathon in 1909.116

The marathon footrace as we know it was invented for the first modern Olympic

Games.117 European philhellenism ultimately led to the appearance of the marathon distance in the first modern Olympic Games. Greece’s War of Independence in the early third of the nineteenth century rekindled romantic revolutionary ideals across

Europe and provided the source of inspiration for what Paul Cartledge called “self- identification with the Glory that was Greece.”118 In the latter part of the century, discoveries from the new twin disciplines of archaeology and anthropology offered a more comprehensive view of ancient Greece, augmenting that which had previously been provided through Greek literature, Greek sculpture, and architecture.

Through the tireless efforts of Pierre de Coubertin and the generous donations of

George Averoff, the first modern Olympic Games took place in Athens in 1896. The marathon race, conceived of by Frenchman Michel Bréal and won by a Greek –

Spiridon Louys - particularly enthralled the Greek hosts.119 The marathon caught the attention of fans on both sides of the Atlantic during the London Olympics in July of

1908. During that controversial contest, the Italian front-runner – Dorando Pietri – became disoriented and exhausted before he could finish and was helped across the line by well-meaning officials. America’s contingent protested and their entrant, Johnny

Hayes, was declared the winner. The controversy ignited an era of fierce competition between marathoners and their fans, giving promoters a novel way to sell sport to the public.

The North American professional marathon craze became a symbolic battle for national and ethnic superiority at a time when “immigrants competing in commercialized pedestrian races for prize money symbolized urban pathology and degeneration”120 and respect for the profession hinged on class affiliation. Just four short months after the

London Olympics, Italy’s Pietri defeated Hayes in a rematch to win the title of World

Professional Marathon Champion at Madison Square Garden in the first indoor

marathon ever run. At the same venue one month later, Tom Longboat, an Onondaga

Indian from Ontario took the title from Pietri in front of 15,000 spectators.121 Longboat

won a rematch the following month – January 2, 1909 – and took home $3,300 in prize

money. In St. Louis nine days later, Pietri outran a Welshman named Percy

Smallwood. In Chicago, less than three weeks later, Pietri triumphed over Frenchman

Albert Corey - the silver medalist from the 1904 Olympics in St. Louis. In Indianapolis

the following month, Pietri ran against and conquered a four-man relay team from the local talent pool. Meanwhile, Longboat faced off against Alfred Shrubb, the world record holder in every distance from the two-miler to the one-hour run, in a marathon at

Madison Square Garden. Longboat won again. Pietri travelled to Toronto to take on local favourite, Fred Meadows, over a distance of twelve miles. Pietri won.122 In the

second rematch between Pietri and Hayes on March 15, 1909, Hayes lost to Pietri for

the second time.

The stakes and the field grew when New York’s biggest promoter, P.T. Powers

pitted six of the globe’s best distance runners against one another in pursuit of a

$10,000 prize. The International Marathon Derby featured athletes from six countries:

‘World Champion’ Longboat from Canada; multiple-record holder Shrubb from England;

American Olympic gold medalist Hayes; world outdoor marathon record holder and

Irishman Matt Maloney, the Italian Pietri and Henri St. Yves from France. Newcomer St.

Yves won with a time of 2:40:50, taking home a $5,000 share of the prize money. The

following month, Powers produced a similar spectacle with an expanded field, this time

adding Johan Svanberg, the Swedish silver medalist of the 1906 Intercalary Games and

Felix Carvajalk, a Cuban who finished fourth in the 1904 Olympics. St. Yves won again.

After Pietri retired from competition in 1910,123 interest in professional pedestrianism waned in North America even though amateur contests persisted in New

York (such as the Yonkers Marathon, which started in 1907) and around the globe.

Perhaps interest waned because, from 1896 onward, the common perception of the professional marathon - that it was a sport for blue-collar athletes and visible minorities

– persisted. Pamela Cooper maintains that the marathon retained its reputation as a lower-status event until the mid-1960s.124 Lewellyn asserts that the marathon craze was a “blip fuelled by the international publicity generated by the race at the 1908

Olympic Games, as well as by the powerful forces of nationalism and immigrant identity” that characterized the United States in the 1900s and adds, “marathon racing’s inherent flaws as a spectator sport” were partly responsible for waning interest in the performance genre.125 The decline was, no doubt, aided by emergent sentiments within the medical community that warned of the dangers of marathon participation. Several articles appeared in the New York Times between February and April, 1909, cautioning against cardiopulmonary and muscle damage leading to permanent injury or even death.126

What, ironically, re-ignited the marathon craze half a century later was medical opinion, which now touted jogging as beneficial for cardiovascular fitness. New published research demonstrated that marathon runners were at decreased risk for atherosclerosis, due to their lower levels of serum cholesterol. Needless to say, heart

attack survivors were encouraged to run. By 1968, New York City had opened twenty jogging paths, including a cinder track around Central Park Reservoir, where Samuel

Levy had been arrested for running in 1909.127

3.2.2.2 Running Symbolically

Doug Brown provides an apt characterization of track running with his description of speedskating – a sport also contested by racing on an oval track with multiple lanes.

Like speedskating, the marathon can be said to represent modernist ideals of precision, efficiency, linearity, unidirectionality, minimalism, sterility, standardization and individuality.128 During the Victorian marathon craze, the runner embodied the “image of the worker and the track…the image of the factory. Athletic activity became “a form of production” and took on “all the characteristics of industrial production.”129 From this perspective, the distance runner is little more than a human metronome, ticking off the miles.

As modern medical science continues to solve many of the mysteries surrounding health and disease, health is “increasingly viewed . . . as an achieved rather than an ascribed status . . . each individual is expected to work hard at being strong, fit, and healthy . . . ill health is no longer viewed as accidental, a mere quirk of nature, but rather is attributed to the individual’s failure to live right, to eat well to exercise.”130 Any kinesiologist or sport medicine practitioner will admit, however, that:

Basic physical fitness does not require an individual to run thirty miles a week and complete over 13 miles on the weekend. There is, then, a large group of mostly middle class men over thirty who run and train, week in and week out, at levels far in excess of that required for physical fitness, yet stand no chance of winning or doing well in any race. For them there

is no readily apparent reason for participation since it involves an enormous amount of hard work just to be a perennial ‘also ran.’131

Such an accurate assessment of the average distance runner begs the question:

why do so many of them persist? Emotions figure prominently from the

phenomenological perspective of running for charity (See Section A, ii). From a social

standpoint, however, what the runner symbolizes both to himself and to others is of

paramount importance. One of Smith’s interviewees provides at least a partial

explanation to the persistence puzzle:

Oh, I think people do respect you for it – I’m sure. My parents are, you know, quite proud. And I know that because they’ve gone out of their way to tell me. When people find out you’ve run 10 or 13 miles in a race that day, they tend to say things like, “That’s a long way in a car, let alone running it!” And you can tell by the way they say it, they’re impressed.132

Given the amount of time and money some charity distance runners must devote

to training for their events, there exists a very real risk that the uninitiated will view them

as self-indulgent for engaging in such an activity. Public participation in fundraising

events serves to deflect such criticisms by providing an opportunity to replace the

tarnish of self-preoccupation with the patina of saintliness. The contemporary distance

runner also acts as a sort of cosmo chameleon, “a model of the cosmopolitan, he

appears to represent different agencies as it suits him.” 133 Within the rootless, chaotic,

post-modern milieu of contemporary urban life, distance running for charity can be an effective method for the run-of-the-mill runner to identify and to be seen to be identifying

with a particular group. Indeed, “swiftness of foot . . . [is] less relevant than membership

in the proper group, because . . . sports are often not really contests at all.” 134

Distance runners, often well into their paces by 8:00 a.m. on any given Saturday

morning, are moving screens onto which society projects its ideas and beliefs regarding

all that is admirable about Western productivity. As animated billboards for

righteousness, runners serve as “potent symbols of values . . . [their] moral messages

can be eloquent expressions of human ideals.”135 There can be no better place to

display one’s corporate logo, then, than on the back of a distance runner’s t-shirt where

onlookers can easily make the connection between what the athlete is doing and what

event sponsors (would like you to think they) stand for. Terrence Turner likens “clothing

and other forms of bodily adornment” to a “social skin” which represents a “kind of

common frontier of society which becomes the symbolic stage upon which the drama of

socialization is enacted.”136 Just as a mountaineer may claim a summit for his country, sponsor or spouse by leaving a piece of cloth behind, so do corporate sponsors of

distance running fundraisers claim these icons of clean living by clothing them and

releasing them to time, space and spectators. In exchange for a relatively inexpensive entry fee,137 race participants run on public roads free of cars, are cheered by mobs of

supportive spectators, and held up as role models for modern moral athleticism.

3.2.2.3 Reciprocity

There are many reasons that runners go out of their way to be seen participating

in charity fundraising events and each involves the runners trading their public performances for - among other things - deferred disease treatment, an opportunity to increase their social capital by holding themselves up as role models, or the opportunity to display socio-economic status. Warren Smith and Matthew Higgins, in “Cause-

Related Marketing: Ethics and the Ecstatic,” assert that “all relationships are based on exchange.”138 Arthur Frank provides a provocative example of a healthcare-related reciprocal relationship: “people who give in order to be nice do not think of themselves as the needy; the needy are others . . . the ‘nice’ need the needy to be other to their niceness, but . . . the nice cannot acknowledge their need for the needy. Thus, charity turns into domination: the nice make the needy dependent upon them.”139 On an individual level, highly-visible fundraising event participants appear to be the ‘nice’ while the anonymous recipients of healthcare-centric charitable endeavors fill the role of the

‘needy.’ In Frank’s disquieting example, charity fundraising distance races become self-perpetuating, serving only to keep charities viable so that they can continue to employ people whose sole focus is to fundraise.

In addition to contributing considerable physical effort to bringing attention to charitable causes, race participants pay mandatory entry fees, and often fundraise extensively on top of that. By covering themselves in clothing blanketed in advertising and by allowing themselves to be seen participating on ‘branded’ race courses, their public performances generate priceless publicity for charities and event sponsors.

Upon closer inspection, the ‘needy’ - those who are unfortunate enough to have the diseases for which myriad charities fundraise - have needs that appear nebulous at best. In Canada, and other jurisdictions with universal healthcare, provincial governments are responsible for all of the expenses associated with treating illness and, while most participants believe they are raising money to fund research, Thomson and

Greve Young assert that most of the money raised by cancer charities in Canada pays

for the education and “care” of cancer patients (as opposed to treatment and medical

attention).140 This raises another question: would people accessing treatment for

cancer and various other diseases fare any differently if these events ceased to exist?

Their need for intensive health care - at once expensive and apparently underfunded (in

Canada) – characterizes these sick people. This relationship between the nice and the

needy extends even to the corporations who sponsor these events. Through cause-

related marketing, corporate philanthropy “seek[s] to generate and exploit an

association between the ‘giving’ company and a ‘recipient’ organization.”141 Corporate

sponsorship of sporting events – a strategic marketing tool to achieve both social and

corporate objectives – is a calculated strategy designed to cash-in on the positive

emotion generated by an association between a cause and the sponsor’s brand – the

“halo effect.”142

Race participants perform this activity for reasons other than adulation, however.

Among the reasons participants listed for participation in such events were a desire to

help those in need and to give something back to a system that has helped loved ones

through their own disease treatments. Those healthy enough to raise money and

awareness for healthcare in this fashion may anticipate needing future assistance with

their own health crises.143 In his book, The Biology of Moral Systems, Richard

Alexander uses the term “indirect reciprocity” to define charitable acts in which “the

return is expected from someone other than the recipient of the beneficence.”144 Jan

Tullberg proposes four categories of indirect reciprocity in his analysis of human social behaviour. The most salient to this particular discussion is his third category -

“institutionalized reciprocity” - a transaction in which the giver expects to receive a return benefit from a social institution instead of from the beneficiary.145 In the case of road race fundraisers, participants trade their efforts for future considerations from treatment providers (i.e., hospitals) and not from the charities (i.e. fundraising entities) they support.

3.2.2.4 Conspicuously Benevolent Leisure

Thorsten Veblen’s concept of “conspicuous consumption” provides the beginning of another explanation for the ostentatious magnanimity manifested in public displays of philanthropy.146 Veblen’s pivotal work, The Theory of the Leisure Class, “represents a

major literary achievement, a work that rearranges how we look at our social structures

and everyday behaviours.” Veblen was, according to novelist Henry James, a “restless

analyst” of American society and his “non-fiction study opened the way for the

insistence …that sociology, economics, and literature share (and must share) a

common aim to expose…the lopsided nature of social institutions of power.”147

Thorstein Veblen also coined the term “conspicuous leisure,” referring to public

evidence of non-productive consumption of time. According to Veblen, “the pervading

principle and abiding test of good breeding is the requirement of a substantial and

patent waste of time. There may be some considerable range of variation in detail within

the scope of this principle, but they are variations of form and expression, not of

substance.” 148 Simple participation in a distance running-related fundraiser calls

attention to the fact that participants have the requisite amount of leisure time that

allows them to train rigorously for weeks or months, enough social capital to become a

successful fundraiser, and an income sufficient to allow participation in distance running

fundraiser/awareness events that are unnecessary and often held far from home. 149

James Coleman furthered Veblen’s concept of conspicuous consumption, saying that

performances which are “intended to display egalitarian intentions …replace the

patterns of conspicuous consumption that Thorsten Veblen attributed to the rich. They

might be called policies of conspicuous benevolence [because] they display,

conspicuously, the benevolent intentions of their supporters.”150 Adding together the

concepts of Veblen’s ‘conspicuous leisure’ and Coleman’s ‘conspicuous benevolence’

yields a new descriptor for the charity distance running performance: conspicuously

benevolent leisure.

3.2.3 The Body Politic

3.2.3.1 Pedestrians for the Status Quo

Feats of strength and endurance can, furthermore, symbolize one’s political

power and history is rife with politically-motivated symbolic sports performances. One

of the oldest documents relating to sport depicts an Egyptian pharaoh, Zoser the Great,

participating in the Heb Sed Festival’s running program – a performance which publicly

symbolized his fitness to rule.151 Leaders of ancient Rome sponsored panem et

circenses – “bread and circuses” - various forms of gladiatorial combat which they used

to distract their underemployed populations from any efforts at civil unrest.152 A

particularly chilling example of this tactic is that of Nazi Germany. Despite the fact that

neither Hitler nor his Minister for Public Enlightenment and Propaganda - Joseph

Goebbels - had much interest in sport, they used sports as one element in a multi-

pronged program designed to “offset the more brutal, coercive elements of the regime” and assure Nazi hegemony through a “culture of consent.”153 The most notable example of Nazi Germany’s use of sport as distraction is the 1936 Olympic Games.

Recall that Scheper-Hughes and Locks’s third analytical term ‘body politic’ refers to institutional control of bodies in every stage of the life cycle and in every aspect of life including work and play, sickness and health. 154 That some of us are willing to voluntarily fund universal healthcare is evidence of a government’s successful strategy to devolve some of its responsibilities onto its citizens. Pedestrianism in the service of government is nothing new, however. The ancient Greeks employed a class of runners called the hemerodromoi, men who could run for a day or more without resting. These men were important in the life of early Greek cities and even more vital to the army, since they were one of the few means of communication between phalanxes fighting in distant locales. Herodotus (484-425 BCE) wrote of Pheidippides, the most famous of all

Greek military couriers, who ran over three hundred miles in three or four days. In 490

BCE, according to legend, he ran from Athens to Sparta to request Spartan assistance in an impending battle with the Medes. On the way back, he met up and fought with the

Athenian army at Marathon. On his return to Athens, he delivered the bad news that the Spartans had deferred their march, as was their custom, until the next full, moon.155

Throughout the course of history, however, no political pedestrian has inspired more fear or has more thoroughly embodied the sheer power of political will than the

Roman legionnaire. In On Foot, Amato writes:

Rome’s military strategy was built on the speed and concentration of its marching infantry . . . While the Roman army had a cavalry and used animals for logistics, its real strength rested on the feet of its infantry . . . They were trained to cover twenty Roman miles in five hours or, at full pace, twenty-five miles in the same period, carrying weapons and objects estimated to weigh about sixty pounds . . . The march made the army civilization’s most powerful organism . . . Like a giant centipede, the legions on march cut a giant swathe across the landscape as they exploited the countryside to feed its troops and animals.156

Almost two thousand years after the disappearance of the Roman legion, and half a

world away, the march came to symbolize something else entirely. American

compatriots marched out of a collective yearning to eradicate individual suffering.

United States President Theodor Roosevelt had founded the National Foundation for

Infantile Paralysis and, through his fundraising initiative the March of Dimes, he encouraged people to send dimes to the White House to help Dr. Jonas Salk develop a vaccine for the scourge of polio that was crippling and killing increasing numbers of children in North America. Concerned citizens went one step further and, taking

matters into their own hands, went door-to-door asking for dimes. With the extra financial help, Dr. Salk had cultured the three known types of polio virus and developed

a vaccine by 1948, which he tested on humans for the first time in 1952. Ten years

later, March of Dimes funding had enabled Dr. Albert Sabin to license an oral version of

the vaccine.157 Calling themselves the Marching Mothers, Canadian women entered the

fray in 1951, often carrying pickle jars door-to-door to collect dimes for polio research.158

When the Salk vaccine was released to the public in 1955, the polio epidemic was

effectively over. The March of Dimes fundraising campaign may have been the first

time in history that civilians marched for a health-related cause. It would not, however, be the last.

3.2.3.2 Pedestrians against the Status Quo

Almost two thousand years after the disappearance of the Roman legion, the march came to symbolize something else entirely. The first official protest march in

U.S. history began on March 25, 1894 as a way to call attention to the massive unemployment that resulted from the stock market panic of 1893. The five hundred workers who arrived in Washington, D.C. on May 1st came to be known as Coxey’s

Army after Jacob Coxey, the wealthy businessman who organized the march.159

America’s first large-scale suffrage parade, held in New York City in 1910 and organized by the Women’s Political Union, emulated the grassroots tactics of labour activists.160 In 1913, Mohandas ‘Mahatma’ Gandhi organized a massive display of civil disobedience to protest restrictions that the government of South Africa had imposed on its Indian inhabitants. For the first time ever, this type of event was described as a

“protest march.”161

3.3 Summary

Despite the voluntary nature of their efforts, fundraising distance runners have more in common with the government employees of ancient Greece and Rome than they do with modern-day protesters. They continue to volunteer to augment healthcare budgets across the English-speaking world but, despite their ever-increasing numbers, fail to demand preventive, proactive change of any sort. Running to raise money for healthcare is a genre of performance that exists in spite of the failure of government

institutions to control the bodies of citizens to the degree required to coerce participation

in either their own preventative health measures or healthcare fundraising. In the

absence of concrete proof of direct government involvement in promoting charitable

fundraising for healthcare, humanity’s penchant for solving problems with its feet and

our media’s and governing bodies’ talent for regulating our thoughts about health and

healthcare must serve as the most likely explanation. Inasmuch as it supports current

government healthcare policies, fundraising for healthcare is, nevertheless, a political

act.

Running has evolved from an effective means to ensure the health of a tribe (in the context of a persistence hunt), to a perceived health hazard and back again. The act of

running to raise funds for healthcare is an intersection of lived experience, symbolism

and institutional control of the body. Nancy Scheper-Hughes and Margaret Lock’s

foundational publication, “The Mindful Body: A Prolegomenon to Future Work in Medical

Anthropology,”162 sets the stage for an anthropological analysis of the fundraising

distance runner’s performance in three acts: individual, social, and political.

On an individual level, fundraising distance runners have many reasons to

participate in charity road races. Some may volunteer to participate because they enjoy

experiencing a ‘runner’s high.’ Some have confessed that they enjoy the sense of

immediate community they feel at fundraising running events. The reason participants

choose to engage in arm’s-length philanthropy may stem from an innate human

aversion to the sick; this instinct competes with its pro-social opposite: caregiving.

Some racers join the fray as an act of self-affirmation. Cancer survivors, for example,

want to reaffirm life by publicly performing a vital act. Other participants want to commit acts of remembrance for the loved ones they have left behind. Homer’s Iliad illustrates the ancient Greek practice of participation in funeral games as a means to remember the fallen and shows that this behaviour is nothing new. Lastly, some people report that their participation in charity fundraising events leaves them feeling empowered.

Superlative athletic performances serve as a source of distraction and can symbolize political power. Institutionalized Roman gladiatorial combat is a salient example of this tactic. The ease with which a footrace can be arranged and act as a source of gambling entertainment may explain why there were four distinct periods of interest in amateur and professional pedestrianism in Britain prior to the 1896 Olympics.

Men and women both participated in racing on foot, for wagers as well as prizes. In the

18th and 19th centuries, female pedestrians were a novelty and were often self-

employed; some women were hired to provide entertainment at weddings and cricket

matches. Victorian mores temporarily ended the spectacle of women racing on foot,

however. The popularity of six-day ‘go-as-you-please’ contests and the subsequent

international publicity generated by the marathon race at the 1908 Olympic Games,

spawned an international professional marathon craze which became a “symbolic battle

for national and ethnic superiority.”163 Though marathon racing’s “inherent flaws as a

spectator sport” may have been partly responsible for waning interest in the

performance genre,164 it seems likely the decline was further fuelled by a newly-wary medical community which warned of the dangers of marathon participation. By the

1960s, new scientific discoveries supported participation in the sport, touting jogging as

beneficial for cardiovascular fitness.

The marathon and its shorter cousins embody modernist ideals that originated in

the Protestant work ethic. This may help to explain the growing popularity of distance

running charity fundraisers within the currently cluttered landscape of fitness and

philanthropy options. What the runner symbolizes both to himself and to others can tip

the scales in favour of participation in these events. Distance running for charity allows

participants to identify and to be seen to be identifying with a prestigious group. The

events themselves are rich in symbolic value for their participants, who can have a

number of different reasons for participating. Many participants have already

experienced the diseases for which they fundraise and hope to reciprocate the

favourable care they or their loved ones received by doing something nice for a related

charity. If it is true that “all relationships are based on exchange“ (see n. 79), then the well participants in these events may need the sick just as much as the sick appear to need the charities that the well support; public participation in endurance-based charity events allows these runners to play a hero’s role. Others anticipate needing the future services of the charity for which they fundraise. Some just want to help out.

“Conspicuously benevolent leisure” is one way of describing the act of distance running performances that occur within the context of fundraising for charity. Corporations encourage this trend to continue to grow because it gives them the opportunity to

“generate and exploit an association between the ‘giving’ company and a ‘recipient’

organization”165 and to accomplish this on the backs of race participants.

People engage in public displays of walking or running for individual or social

reasons. This genre of sport performance also lends itself to political posturing and can

be done in ways that either reinforce the status quo or attempt to change it. Historically, pedestrians against the status quo have participated in protest marches. The first of these, organized by ‘Mahatma’ Gandhi, occurred in South Africa in 1913. The ancient

Greeks and Romans ran and marched as explicitly pro status-quo government employees. Present-day runners tacitly support current government healthcare policies by continuing to represent and fund programs that governments either refuse to fund or fund through arm’s-length organizations, making fundraising via distance running an inherently political act.

Chapter 4: Voluntarism, Liberalism, and Conspicuous Rational Leisure

In the early 1970s, Canadians walked to raise money for international aid programs.

In the 1950s, North Americans ‘marched’ door to door to collect dimes to support the

effort to eradicate the childhood scourge of polio. A century earlier, Britons practiced

marching in preparation for war. This chapter discusses the connection between the

symbolism of public pedestrianism, Victorian and contemporary laissez-faire government policies, and how these policies engendered and continue to engender conspicuous rational leisure. Nineteenth-century British participation in the paramilitary

Volunteer movement presages today’s growing spectacle of volunteering to publicly participate in charity-fundraiser distance runs as a means to raise funds and/or awareness for healthcare. While the forms of these two volunteer movements differ, their functions are not dissimilar. For over a hundred years, participants in the British

Volunteer Movement believed that England was vulnerable to attack from nearby countries; like the Volunteer Movement, the charity running movement can be interpreted as a form of national defence - both groups have attempted to ward off

death on behalf of themselves and their compatriots. Both movements have seen large

numbers of middle-class participants assemble to engage in public activities that were

and are officially sanctioned by their respective governments. These two groups used

different methods to defend themselves and each other, however – one group engaged

in military training and the other in supporting healthcare treatments. Victorian Britain’s

national preoccupation with fitness for battle appears to have spawned a cross-Atlantic

quest for fitness in its broadest sense. It has given rise to a movement that uses

volunteers who seek to ensure the health or ‘fit’-ness of society’s sickest members and who simultaneously engage in physical fitness regimens that allow them to improve upon their own health.

4.1 The Social Contract and Voluntary National Defence

In 1651, philosopher Thomas Hobbes laid out his theory of ‘the social contract’ in his book, Leviathan.166 To effect peaceable civilization, he argued, rational individuals tacitly consent to surrender some of their freedoms and individuals who were

formerly sovereign entities give their proxies to the state, which creates laws to regulate

social interaction. Over a century later, Jean-Jacques Rousseau elaborated on

Hobbes’s concept in his book, The Social Contract.167 Laws, he argued, are created by

the people acting as a body and are not limitations on individual freedom, but their

expression; people submit to the authority of a ruler, magistrate, or elected

representatives in exchange for societal protection of their remaining rights. Historically,

however, the people who looked to their governments for protection in times of

upheaval were the same people governments relied on to maintain political order on

behalf of the state. For centuries, ruling British monarchs and elected governments

were happy to allow their citizen-subjects to voluntarily assume responsibility for duties

that we now take for granted as being something performed by civil servants who

receive their mandates and compensation from government. During the Middle Ages,

for example, landowners (‘lords’) and tenants entered into reciprocal contracts wherein

the tenants agreed to fight at their lords’ commands, while the lords agreed to protect

their tenants from enemy forces - with their tenants’ help. This arrangement was

instituted on a national scale with Henry II’s Assize of Arms in 1181 – “‘the earliest of

enactments for the organization of our national forces, and the basis of all that followed

down to the reign of Philip and Mary’ - directed that the whole of the freemen of the

country should provide themselves with arms and armour according to their several

means.”168 This proclamation established conditions which enabled the King to assemble, at any time, an adequately-armed fighting force to assist in preserving the social order within the country and/or warding off any external threat, without any attendant increase in taxation.

Later, voluntary associations formed for practicing the longbow and, in every hamlet, village, and borough, men and boys assembled regularly to help each other master England’s national weapon of war. It was not until the Charter of the Guild of St.

George was issued August 25th, 1537, however, that the first records of incorporation

appear. King Henry VIII granted exclusive rights and privileges to this group, giving it

“authority for the training of the citizens which shortly became recognised as a school of

instruction for officers.”169 The Fraternity of St. George was self-supporting, received no

public funding and was “governed by Royal Warrants granted by successive Monarchs”

from 1537.170 The Fraternity still exists as the Honourable Artillery Company, a

registered charity whose purpose is to attend to the “better defence of the realm.”171

Prior to the English Civil War, which began in 1642, there was no standing army

in England. The monarch had maintained a personal bodyguard and a few locally raised companies protected strategically important places such as Berwick-on-Tweed or

Portsmouth. Monarchs raised troops for foreign expeditions when necessary.172 In

keeping with the feudal concept of fief, a lord was obliged to raise a certain quota of

knights, men-at-arms and yeomanry in return for his right to occupy land. Various Militia

Acts, furthermore, directed the entire male population who owned property valued at or

over a certain amount to keep arms at home and train periodically.

In 1645, after almost three years of Civil War, British Parliament created the New

Model Army. It was the first professional standing army in British history and was

formed to fight against an unpopular Charles I and his royal army. Charles I was

eventually captured and beheaded. Charles II, who was heir to the throne, had

supported his father in the Civil War and had been exiled as a result.173 This left Oliver

Cromwell, a leading military and political figure, to establish a Protectorate, which lasted

from 1643 until his death in 1658.174 Following Cromwell's death and his son’s exile, the

Restoration of Charles II saw the disbandment of the New Model Army.175 Parliament,

in its entirety, expressed distaste for and distrust of maintaining a standing army. One

side feared that the monarch might use it as an instrument of oppression while the other

remembered that the parliament-backed New Model Army had spearheaded a social

revolution and confiscated property in the process. It was generally agreed that there

was no need for a standing army, anyway, since the first line of defence was the Royal

Navy, and the second the militia. Anti-military prejudices such as these dominated

British politics until the early 1800s when, during the Napoleonic Wars, Britain’s army

experienced a period of rapid change.176 Due to an inherent distrust of maintaining a standing army, the Militia and Volunteers were repeatedly called upon to take up the slack quickly during times when the country felt it was in danger of imminent invasion.

Army life was harsh and the wages were low, which meant that the British Army drew most of its recruits from the lowest classes.177 Most often, only the wealthy had the time, money and resources to volunteer to defend their country, however. They also had the most to lose. By 1778, at the beginning of what would later be called the

Industrial Revolution, Volunteer officers were landed gentry - men of “position, influence and fortune, highly esteemed in their own districts, and who had made considerable sacrifices of time, effort and money, in the discharge of what they conceived to be a patriotic movement. They brooked it ill to find themselves regarded merely as a tolerated appanage to an inferior branch of the national service.”178 This sentiment prevailed largely because Militia members had always been selected by ballot whereas

Volunteer Corps members had the patriotic spirit (and financial wherewithal) to come forward without being forced to do so. In the minds of the Volunteers, this distinction made them the superior servicemen.

Because of Britain’s far-flung land holdings and its concomitant defence commitments in the mid-1800s, half of the British Army was stationed around the

Empire on garrison duty. Britain had been forced to send its militia to fight in the

Crimean War (1854-6) to compensate for the insufficiency in numbers among available regular soldiers.179 In 1859, when war broke out between France and Austria, there were fears that Britain might become embroiled in the continental conflict. The threat of invasion posed by the much larger French Army forced Britain to admit that its military defences had already been stretched temptingly thin.180 On 12 May 1859 Jonathan

Peel, the Secretary of State for War, authorised the formation of volunteer rifle corps

and artillery corps in coastal towns. Volunteer corps were to be raised according to the

Volunteer Act of 1804, which had allowed for the formation of local defence forces

during the Napoleonic Wars. 181

4.2 Rational Recreation

For centuries, fitness for battle was an ever-present concern in Britain and, while it seems as though the British have ever been eager to volunteer their time and money to serve king and country, various edicts from monarchs and magistrates alike have encouraged this attitude along the way. The safety of London was always of utmost importance and early attempts aimed at compelling her citizens to shoulder the burden of defending the city suffered setbacks. The populace’s frequent fecklessness had to be repeatedly checked in favour of more productive pursuits. It often became necessary to legislate special measures

to induce knowledge of the arms which were then in use, and the prohibiting of such games as were deemed likely to hinder the advancement of this object. Thus, in 1363 (temp. Edward the Third) the practice of archery, in which Londoners had formerly excelled, had so declined in favour of amusements of a frivolous sort as to compel the adoption of stringent means for its restoration. Letters were accordingly issued by the King to the sheriffs, enjoining that ‘in places in the City, as well with the liberties without, where they should see it expedient, public proclamation should be made, that every one of the City, strong in body, at leisure time on Holy days, should use in their recreations bows and arrows, or pellets, or bolts, and learn and exercise the art of shooting; forbidding all, on pain of imprisonment, in any manner to apply themselves to the throwing of stones, wood, iron, hand-ball, foot-ball, bandy-ball, cambuch,182 or cock-fighting, or other such like vain plays, which had no profit in them.’183

Inattention to the matter at hand – specifically, national defence - was still a

problem among British citizens almost one hundred and fifty years later. In 1514, Henry

VIII placed renewed emphasis on archery. The King’s new law made possession of

bows and arrows compulsory, and anyone who was convicted of being without them for

a period of one month was fined.184 He found it necessary to nurture the desire of his

citizens for their national sport by prohibiting certain supposedly unwholesome and

distracting games, such as tennis and bowls, “which only lead to murders and

robberies.”185 Later in the same century, Elizabeth I passed a law regulating the quality

and prices of bows, with an aim to making them affordable for all. Anyone caught

attempting to profit excessively in the trade in bows was subject to a fine of twenty times

the price of one bow made from English yew. The same statute stipulated that no

mature person should shoot at any target from a distance of less than two hundred and twenty yards.186 Using law to coerce citizens into making praiseworthy pastimes their priority was to be a tried and true tactic for British governments well into the future.

Recreation resulting from a strategy focused on pressuring a population – through

legislation or other methods – into devoting its leisure time to activities that might benefit

society as a whole is what we now call ‘rational’ recreation.187

The movement toward rational recreation began in earnest in the second half of

the nineteenth century, by which time leisure had become an area of relative autonomy

in the everyday life of all classes. Prior to the Industrial Revolution, the sun and the

seasons indicated the passage of time, work and leisure were intertwined, work-mates

and playmates were often the same people. In the populous industrial city - where time

was precisely measured by the clock - leisure time was distinct from work, spent

elsewhere than in the workplace, and passed in company no longer comprised

predominantly of co-workers. Work and leisure no longer overlapped in the jumble of

daily and yearly shared activities which had characterised the insular world of small and

homogeneous agrarian communities. Leisure in the second half of the nineteenth

century changed radically - it was the outgrowth not only of new technology and new

social groupings, but of the free choice unique to individuals in an industrial society.

The new look of leisure made its growth a source not merely of gratification but also of

considerable tension, for the pastimes that flourished in this uncharted territory

threatened to evade the reach of existing modes of social control.

In his book Popular Recreations in English Society, 1700-1850, Robert

Malcolmson posits that the multiplicity of pastimes that emerged during this period was shaped by “the Enclosure movement, the growth of cities, the rise of evangelicalism and the rigorous disciplining of labour under the new industrial capitalism [which] destroyed the old community of interest and generated a new temper among the ruling class…[whose] paternalistic tolerance now gave way to a sour impatience with plebeian culture as morally offensive, socially subversive, and a general impediment to progress.”188 Members of the nascent middle class, too plentiful to be absorbed into the

“aristocratic oligarchy,”189 were nervous about the potentially corrupting effects of

leisure time on the morals of its members. Their apprehension was amplified when

considered in light of leisure’s effects on the working class - a group known for its

wantonness and wavering allegiance to authority.190 Traditional methods of social

control withered in the populous anonymity of the sprawling city, where local lords and

church parsons could no longer exert personal influence over church attendance the

way they once had. The resultant indifference of urban labourers towards the Church led to a growing uneasiness among members of the middle and upper classes, who worried about “criminality, social instability, and dangers to personal safety.”191 Fear of urban radicalism forced the rich to think about the poor and propelled a programme - proposed by a vocal minority of evangelicals and idealistic political economists - of moral reform and education aimed at taming the menacing majority.192

By 1863, British lawmakers had succeeded in passing laws curtailing impromptu street activities, including musical entertainment, festivals, and street sports. Prize fighting was a street sport particularly objectionable to the Victorians since it invariably involved drinking, “betting and corruption and attracted large and volatile crowds.” With some legal prodding, the sport quietly moved indoors. Gloves eventually covered bare knuckles, and the addition of Queensbury rules made the sport socially acceptable.

Street football, a traditional sport dating to the Middle Ages, was “unconstrained, improvised, and inclusive…obviously incompatible with the requirements of an efficient and orderly society.” As late as 1860, an Ashbourne game - which involved several hundred participants dressed in thick nailed boots and padded clothing - obstructed a public highway. Under the national Highways Act of 1835,193 one man was convicted of the infraction and fined £200 even though a local constable had joined the game. By

1862, after more skirmishes of the legal kind, residents had no choice but to play on designated fields outside the town’s limits. By the late 1800s, though, football’s reputation had lost its tarnish. A perceived threat to national security after Germany’s unification in 1870 had prompted a preoccupation with manliness, athletic achievement,

and physical fitness, leading the middle classes to give football its stamp of approval.

They touted the game as promoting “fair play, self-reliance, endurance, and even sobriety.”194

Another catalyst for disorderly behaviour was street racing or ‘pedestrianism,’

which consisted of unconventional contests featuring individuals who often competed by

“walking backwards, racing in heavily weighted clogs, pick[ing] up stones (or eggs) at

regular intervals… [and] trundl[ing] barrow loads of bricks.”195 These spectacles

attracted thousands of people in the big cities, and government officials did their best to

suppress them - just watching a race from the street was illegal.196

4.3 Voluntary Societies

One of the most effective ways to disseminate middle class morality during the nineteenth century was to recruit people to voluntary societies, which “enabled the urban middle class elite to seek dominance over the industrial towns without the use of main force, not just by direct ideological influence, such as the propaganda against strike action based upon political economy, but also by reproducing in the voluntary societies forms of behaviour and social relationships which represented a paradigm for their ideal industrial society. The organisation of consent which they continually sought was not only the consent of the subordinate classes to a beneficial domination but the consent of the fragments of a potential middle class to cooperate with each other in seeking and sustaining this domination.”197 Members of the aristocracy, however, were

rarely involved in voluntary societies except as patrons and except in the urban-based

societies of Edinburgh or London, where they had some chance of realizing their

personal ambitions for influencing national issues.198 Wage-earners were even less

likely to participate in voluntary societies.199 For the middle class, these groups “were part of the continuous recreation of urban elites [and] were the basis for the formation of a middle-class identity across the wide status ranges, and the fragmented political and religious structure of the potential members of that class. They enabled the elite to assert their economic and cultural authority within that middle class. They enabled the middle class, under the supervision of the elite, to assert their identity and authority against and over the working classes.”200

The scope of voluntary societies addressed a wide variety of needs, ranging from

public order (Edinburgh Society for the Suppression of Beggars, Newcastle Society for

the Suppression of Vagrancy and Mendacity, Society for the Suppression of Vice); to

housing (Leeds Benefit Building and Investment Society, Leeds Friendly Loan Society);

moral reform (Leeds Temperance Society, Leeds Religious Tract Society); education

(Newcastle Literary, Scientific and Mechanical Institution, Edinburgh Lancastrian School

Society); the organization of leisure (Natural History Society of Northumberland,

Durham, and Newcastle-upon-Tyne; Newcastle Botanical Gardens); poor relief

(Association for the Relief of the Industrious Labourers and Mechanics, Greenock

Seaman’s Friend Society); and healthcare (Leeds House of Recovery, a fever hospital

for poor victims of typhus).201 While many of these societies formed in response to a

specific urban crisis, the major societies of the 1800s achieved their goals without

government assistance, especially before 1850. Most of the active members in these

groups also went unpaid. The defining characteristics of voluntary societies of the time

were that they were organized by people who desired to further common interests and

that membership was neither mandatory nor acquired by birth. The similarities between

disparate voluntary organizations were “significant for middle class formation.”202

There were several reasons why the urban middle class favoured voluntary

organizations during the nineteenth century. Involvement in an association required

little more than conditional commitment, for example. Migration rates and town size

meant that people who found themselves living and working in close proximity to one

another lacked the inborn trust and shared values inherent in kin and communal ties.

These people, nevertheless, needed to work together to build a new society to replace what they had left behind. The flexibility of membership in voluntary societies was almost a necessity in the face of great uncertainty. At any time, individuals might move on, policies might change and new organizations might appear. The voluntary nature of these associations meant that motivated men and women of action could avoid going through official government channels and the resultant inevitable slowdown caused by bureaucratic red tape. Voluntary societies were, furthermore, good for government, as they helped keep overhead and waste to a minimum. Nineteenth-century Britain developed the bulk of its educational, hospital, and poor relief systems through the work of voluntary organizations; the tactics and values those organizations employed served as a template for state action.203

The City of London was already responsible for many hospitals by the advent of

Victoria’s reign. It is likely, however, that even those were originally founded by private

citizens with private funds. St Bartholomew’s, for example, was founded in 1123, at

Smithfield in London, by a former courtier of Henry I. Barts, as it’s now known, became one of four Royal Hospitals that Henry VIII deeded to the City of London in1546.204

Because of the massive influx of ill-prepared migrants from the countryside during the

Victorian era, financially secure nineteenth-century Britons saw the need for more institutions. In “Philanthropy and the Hospitals of London: The King’s Fund, 1897-

1990,” F.K. Prochaska and HRH the Prince of Wales point out that “the persistence of poverty and disease was acutely embarrassing in a society of obvious wealth which prided itself on social improvement…The particular mix of Victorian evangelicalism and liberalism heightened and redirected philanthropic impulses and put a check on other forms of self-expression.”205 George Malcolm Young, in Portrait of an Age - a brilliant history of Victorian-era Britain - posited that “‘evangelical discipline, secularised as respectability, was the strongest binding force in a nation which without it might have been broken up.’” 206

While some administered institutions which had existed for centuries, others opened new facilities to fill unmet needs. For the urban poor of the Industrial Age, being poor as well as sick was often a death sentence. The London Fever Hospital (now the

Royal Free Hospital) was established in 1828 by William Marsden, a young surgeon who was shocked to discover that there was no treatment available for one particular penniless young woman. Originally named the 'London General Institution for the

Gratuitous Cure of Malignant Diseases' it was the only London hospital to treat victims of the cholera epidemic in 1832 and was recognized for its efforts with the ‘Royal’

designation by Queen Victoria five years later. The ‘Royal Free’ is now part of

England’s National Health Services (NHS).207

Although acute disease processes could be treated at places like the London

Fever Hospital, hospital admission did not guarantee food on the table and a roof over one’s head after discharge. Well-heeled, forward-thinking Victorians knew that eradicating the unsanitary living conditions that went hand in hand with poverty would go a long way toward containing the spread of contagious diseases. The poor had their champions in The Charity Organisation Society (COS), which was founded in 1869 by an eight-member group of concerned citizens who recognised a need for charitable assistance but believed that “indiscriminate almsgiving” did not always reach the neediest families or support them in the most productive ways. The goal of the COS was to organise charitable giving, thereby increasing cooperation and effectiveness amongst various charities. In 1870, COS opened the first Employment Enquiry Office in

Soho, London. The Government adopted the COS model for helping people find work and nationalized it in the form of Labour Exchanges. The COS established the Sanitary

Aid Committee in 1882, with a goal of reducing the spread of contagious disease. It also established tuberculosis dispensaries, after-care committees, soup kitchens, reading rooms and thrift clubs for the most vulnerable members of Victorian society.

The group’s efforts resulted in significant public health improvements and the passing of new housing legislation. Many local COS committees appointed a Sanitary Inspector to compel local landlords to improve their housing standards by doing such things as whitewashing to keep down fleas, improving access to clean water and disposing of

waste more hygienically. The service was eventually transformed into the

Environmental Health Department, which became the responsibility of local

government. In 1946, COS was renamed the Family Welfare Association (and in 2008,

FWA changed its name to Family Action). In 1948, the social casework previously

provided to families by the COS became a statutory responsibility and the families were

transferred to the new Children’s Departments established by the State. Family Action

is now the largest family services provider in the Britain, providing services in eight of

the nine regions and supporting over 45,000 vulnerable families and individuals a

year.208

4.3.1 The Volunteer Movement

One government jurisdiction for which a volunteer-organization template for government action already existed was that of Britain’s national defence. As early as

1181, Henry II’s Assize of Arms allowed for the first national militia on English soil.209

For the continually threatened British Isles however, mobilizing enough soldiers for any military threat was perpetually problematic due to a deeply-rooted national antipathy to the principle of maintaining an official standing army. For centuries, the saving grace during every threat of foreign invasion was the peoples’ readiness to accept personal responsibility for national defence.210

Since July 31, 1649 - during the first few months following the execution of

Charles I at the end of England’s second Civil War – legislation governing the

paramilitary voluntarism has been instituted in one form or another. During the

Cromwellian Interregnum, Volunteers were to exhibit “good affection to the Parliament”

and were “not to receive pay but when drawn out upon particular service.”211 In 1758,

local parishes were still responsible for supplying their quotas for service but Volunteers

were deemed acceptable in lieu of candidates for the Militia ballot. By 1779, France

was simultaneously threatening to invade England and supporting America’s War of

Independence from Britain; Spain had officially declared war on England. Parliament

passed a Bill that allowed for a doubling of the Militia through “intrusting the completion

of the defence to the voluntary action of the people.” Anyone raising companies of

Volunteers received a commission proportional to the number of companies he

raised.212 In 1794, England and its Allies were at war with France. With most of its

soldiers fighting on the continent, Britain felt the need to strengthen its defences at

home. The responsibility for raising recruits continued to rest with local parishes and,

under the Volunteer Act of the same year, counties were given a choice between

employing the Militia ballot or recruiting Volunteers to fill their quotas.213 Volunteers

were still entitled to receive pay only in the event of war, but were exempted from

serving in the Militia. The “verdict of the counties was emphatically in favour of

Volunteer corps.”214

The Volunteer Act of 1859 merely added to the Act of 1804, but there were

several differences between the corps raised in these two periods. The suspension of

the Militia ballot under the Act of 1859 meant that the Force raised under its imprimatur

was - for the first time ever – entirely voluntary in character.215 The Volunteer Corps of

1804 included a preponderance of members from the peasant class - partly as the

result of the influence of the ballot; that of 1859 was limited, because of the expense

involved, to the middle-classes. Had the Volunteers of 1804 been pressed into service, defending their local districts would have constituted the limits of their responsibilities.

The Force raised in 1859 was, however, liable to be sent to any part of Britain in case of war, making it national in character.216 No member of any of the various iterations of the Volunteer Movement ever saw combat on home soil,217 but the movement’s military mindset lasted long enough for the emerging middle classes to ultimately usurp it as a vehicle for promulgating their brand of moral respectability.

4.3.1.1 Uniforms

To legitimate their concerns and help secure their status within an entrenched social hierarchy, the urban middle classes created and controlled a number of patriotic activities.

Civic-mindedness and voluntarism were two of a variety of means through which they nurtured their developing group identity. One manifestation of the patriotic fervor which defined the

Victorian middle classes was the insistence among Volunteers on procuring and wearing their military uniforms. Wearing a recognizable uniform is one of the most time-honoured methods of simultaneously cementing group identity and displaying membership in a group. For the emerging but disparate middle classes, this was an apt tactic since uniformity in appearance between one group member and the next implies homogeneity among an “otherwise heterogeneous group of people.”218

Homogeneity between Volunteers extended little past the confines of the separate

Corps, however. In the absence of Government regulations, almost every characteristic of each Volunteer Corps’ uniforms seems to have depended upon the individual tastes of its

commanding officer. Over uniforms that were usually blue or scarlet, some wore coats and hats, others jackets and caps. Some extra element was always added to help onlookers distinguish the Volunteer from the regular soldier. The following details of a Light Horse

Volunteer uniform provide a typical example of military fashion. Established in 1779, the

Corps’ uniform was “a scarlet jacket with black velvet collar and cuffs and silver lace; white kerseymere waistcoat; bleached leather breeches; light horse boots; uniform spurs; gloves of bleached leather, and a black stock; the hair being worn short, ‘clubbed’ and powdered. The helmet was surmounted by a feather.” During a subsequent revival - in 1794 - of the Volunteer

Movement (and of the Corps), “the same uniform was adopted, with certain necessary alterations to meet the exigencies of fashion.”219 The War Office had a great deal of difficulty reining in the Volunteers’ taste for sartorial splendor and “the somewhat puerile, or should one say feminine, concern displayed by Volunteer officers on the questions of uniform and military etiquette” led to the Volunteers finding themselves the butt of many jokes. By 1860, the British government had succeeded in regulating just who was entitled to wear which materials, colours, styles, and insignia and how they could properly display silk sashes, swords, gold lace and braid, embroidery, decorative knots, belts, and feathers. Banning these decorative elements entirely was out of the question because, after all, “a gentleman may be quite willing to die for his country but he would like to die in a becoming dress…The foe whom the

Volunteers expected to engage was a Frenchman, the mirror of fashion, not a ragged unkempt

Boer.”220

4.3.2 Rational National Defence

Even though “the duties of a Volunteer could not be discharged without a

certain amount of sacrifice and self-denial,”221 Volunteers corps served as practicable

platforms for political clubs and were credited with promoting exemplary behaviour among participants: “after drill, there was no visiting public houses, no indulgence in loose habits, the conduct of the Volunteers generally had been such that the officers had good reason to be proud of them.”222 Parade days and public exercises were,

furthermore, the “perfect setting and pretext for patriotic speeches…The “brilliant

uniforms [Volunteers] affected were a splendid piece of propaganda in themselves,

impressive to the onlooker and tickling the vanity of the recruit.”223 Attending a Corps

meeting was, nevertheless, a good excuse for self-indulgence. One Cambridgeshire

man “refused to join because he would acquire a taste for pleasure and be rendered

unfit to earn his living.”224

These associations did not have to do without the accoutrements that other, more obviously recreation-oriented groups were used to as several well-established

sports clubs shared facilities with the Volunteers. In Huddersfield, for example,

Volunteers used the new cricket ground in Greenhead Park, the old cricket ground on

New North Road, and the Cloth Hall Yard in between.225 The 1859 Volunteers had

boundless enthusiasm and the quality of their endeavors had as much to do with their

appropriation of local facilities as the quantity of time they spent at drill. Many went

regularly to two or even three drills per day. They drilled in “Exchange Squares and

Meadow Walks, by the light of the rat’s-tail gas-burners of those days, when weather

permitted; in small steaming rooms below the Council Chambers when driven in by rain

or snow.”226 Within a short time, the volunteers outgrew their handed-down

accommodations and proceeded to invest in tailor-made facilities.

Rational recreation vis à vis paramilitary training was often an expensive

proposition and Volunteers readily assumed the responsibility of paying for

infrastructure. Despite having had access to pre-existing outdoor facilities, Volunteers

felt the need to go one step further and invest in more formal accommodations. Over

the years, many Corps went into debt to finance the construction of drill-halls, head quarters, and other facilities useful for military training. The records of the force are full of accounts of bazaars, public subscriptions, concerts, balls, and other private attempts to keep various Volunteer corps financially solvent.227 The 1st Lanarkshire Royal

Garrison Artillery, for example, had six separate drill-halls in different parts of the city,

housing harness-rooms, gun-sheds, batteries, and all the spare ammunition wagons. In

1878, the corps constructed new headquarters at a (then) cost of £16,000

(approximately $2 million US dollars today).228 The 1st Orkney Royal Garrison Artillery

had erected spacious headquarters at Kirkwall, with “drill-hall, storage, lecture and

recreation rooms, officers’ mess, &c. and had provided, at each of its seven outstations,

a drill-hall with an armoury and a four-room cottage for the serjeant instructor – all these

the property of the corps and free from debt.”229 This is truly impressive when one

considers that, until the passing of the Volunteer Act of 1863, government had provided no monetary assistance whatsoever for its Volunteers.230

Volunteer Corps’ recreations seldom seemed limited by a lack of government

funding, however, as their activities went well beyond drill practice, financing and

building expensive infrastructure, and taking over pre-existing sports facilities. Their

recreations also included pipe bands, cycling, shooting contests, camping and travel. In

Scotland, the First Banff Garrison Artillery Volunteers had its own pipe band as did the

1st Argyll and Bute Royal Garrison Artillery – which had over thirty pipers.231 The

Huddersfield Corps adopted a band uniform in 1860, consisting of “steel gray cloth,

facings of scarlet cord, the caps of same cloth, with scarlet cords and plumes.”232 In

1888, in an effort to compensate for the absence of mounted troops in the Scottish

Volunteers, “authority was given for cyclist sections, each consisting of 1 officer, 2 non-

commissioned officers, and 13-21 men (including a bugler) to be formed in each

battalion”233 In 1893, English regulations confirmed the place of the cyclist in the

pantheon of would-be Volunteer combatants. Officers mounted on bicycles were to

possess riding powers at least equal, if not superior, to those of the average rank and file…The officer to be armed with a revolver and also carry a field glass. The sword, when carried, was to be attached to the machine. The non-commissioned officers and men were to be armed with rifles and bayonets and the former were to carry whistles234

Circa 1860, shooting contests became part of the expanding schedule of extra- curricular activities. The Huddersfield Volunteers vied for various trophies from 1862 to as late as 1891. These prizes were usually named after the people who provided them: the Beaumont Gold Medal, the Bentley-Shaw Silver Challenge Cup and the Field

Officers’ Silver Challenge Cup, to name a few.235 In 1860, Lancashire county

Volunteers held a competition which hosted almost thirteen hundred contestants. On

April 8, 1865, five thousand Volunteers simultaneously participated in Enfield rifle

contests throughout England, Scotland and Wales.236 Whether these contests were

strictly local in nature or participants travelled to participate in them is unclear.

While being a part of the Volunteer Movement involved possible warfare, it involved real travel as one of the many recreations available to its members. When

Queen Victoria announced that she would be reviewing the troops in Edinburgh on

August 7, 1860, “troops were conveyed to Edinburgh by rail, by road, or by sea…A grand stand had been erected…for 4000 spectators” but the final estimate ranged from

200,000 to 300,000.237 Volunteers covered all of their own costs for attending, either out of their own pockets or by donations from private sources.238 In 1866, the King of

Belgium hosted fourteen hundred British Volunteers. After they marched in review, they sat down to a sumptuous meal at the Pavillon du Rivage, the only building in Brussels big enough to accommodate them. Britain hosted twice as many Belgian Volunteers the following year and the Prince of Wales presented every man with a commemorative silver medal.239

In the latter years of the Volunteer Movement, attendance at training camp

became mandatory. Three days of camp were mandated as of 1863 and, although the

State covered the expense of getting Volunteers to and from training camp, participants

had to supply their own dishes and cook their own food.240 As of 1902, Volunteers were

to attend camp for a minimum of six hours per day, six days per year. In his 1903

publication, A History of the Formation and Development of the Volunteer Infantry: From

the Earliest Times, Robert Potter Berry argued for a full month of training camp every

year:

Who will dispute that regular physical drill for 28 continuous days, conducted on scientific principles, accompanied by the ample rations of the barrack mess and enlivened by the recreations of a soldier’s life, would benefit any youth, no matter his birth, no matter his station and no matter his occupation…Nor would the physique only of our manhood be improved. Discipline has a beneficial moral effect…cleanliness, neatness…spruceness…regularity and punctuality, and …prompt unquestioning obedience…become virtues…Drill…quickens the intelligence, increases the mental receptiveness of a man…How entirely beneficial it would be for the young man to escape from the heated, stuffy atmosphere of the mill or factory to the breezy stretch of the camp, to expand in manual exercise the chest too long bent over the slowly growing warp, to swell the muscles that in a mill almost forget their natural use. 241

4.3.2.1 Age

In mid-Victorian England, a preoccupation with national military preparedness highlighted the importance of physical education. The Crimean War, the French invasion scare of 1859 and “the dramatic rise of Prussia increased alarm at the imminence of such a contest, and gave new emphasis to the traditional utility of sport in preserving the fitness of the nation’s physical stock. Thus the Volunteers played their games in the service of England’s security.”242 The Clarendon report on public schools in 1861 had recognised the value of sport in character training but, “in terms of the

State’s provision it was training reserved for society’s leaders, not the led. Physical education for working-class children meant not games, but drill…Drill would provide industrial training for each new generation of the labour force and paramilitary training for a potential citizens’ army.“ Drill became an inexpensive prophylactic for the ills of the working classes, who no longer had regular access to hunting and fishing and often

performed little manual labour. City life “blighted their health to an extent which alarmed doctors and disappointed recruiting sergeants.”243

Young boys and old men were equally welcomed as Volunteers. While rational recreation in the 1800s targeted males in particular, the age of those males mattered little. In England in 1861, “boys of fourteen years and upwards might…be enrolled for the purpose of being trained as buglers or trumpeters.”244 Two years later, regulations

“sanctioned the formation, in connection with a Volunteer corps or Administrative regiment, of Cadet Corps formed of youths of 12 years of age and upwards” in England and Scotland.245 Public schools and universities went so far as to organize their own corps, some earlier than others. The Cambridge University Rifle Volunteers was formed in 1803 during the Napoleonic Wars.246 The Oxford University Rifle Volunteer Corps was established in 1859 – concurrently with many other volunteer corps across Britain - in response to the threat of a war with France while the regular army was preoccupied with the lingering side-effects of the Indian Rebellion.247 The Harrow School Rifle Corps

- originally known as the Middlesex Rifle Volunteer Corps – was also founded in 1859.

The Eton College Rifle Corps was founded the following year.248 In Scotland, the 1st

Volunteer Battalion of the Gordon Highlanders formed a company made up entirely of university students in 1898.249

Membership in the Volunteer Forces appealed to young and old men alike. The tenacity of one Mr. Tower of Weald Hall of Essex is an example of how thoroughly some men identified with being a Volunteer. In 1860, Mr. Tower marched as a Private during

Queen Victoria’s review of four hundred and fifty Volunteers in Hyde Park. He was at

least eighty years old at the time and had, fifty years earlier, been similarly reviewed by

George III - Queen Victoria’s grandfather.250 This anecdote lends credence to

Christopher Tyerman’s assertion that “Imperial Britain, was militaristic in a sentimental, theoretical, rather than a grimly practical, Prussian manner.”251

4.4 The Economics of Voluntarism

The sentimentally militaristic men involved in the Volunteer Movement may have been actively preparing for war, but policymakers of the era were serious about interfering with the economy as little as possible. The history of the British government’s economic policy since the Industrial Revolution is essentially one of the waxing and waning of laissez-faire.252 Prior to the Industrial Revolution, the attitude of the British government toward the economy was that tinkering with it was acceptable when necessary. There have, however, been two periods in history when this philosophy has been abandoned for its opposite, when governments and economists believed that the economy should be left to its own devices. The first coincided with the ascension and domination of industrial Britain, and was singularly suitable to the situation of the country at that time. Live-and-let-live government policy in Britain had reached its nadir by the mid-1800s and fiscal policy consisted of three main points: how to minimize interference in business, how to ameliorate the tax burden on the rich, and how - nevertheless - to raise the necessary minimum revenue for public programs without incurring more debt. Government was streamlined, parsimonious and, in time, became even cheaper when compared to other states. Except for producing currency, maintaining armaments and erecting the occasional building, it “succeeded in avoiding

direct responsibility for some things normally regarded as obvious functions of

government.”253 Britain was the only country in which the government neither planned, helped finance, nor built any part of its railway system, for example, and the only country which steadfastly refused fiscal protection for industry. By the late 1800s, laissez-faire individualism was so conflated with British capitalism that the two terms

were often confused.254 What allowed the government a great deal of leeway to

proceed in this fashion was the prevailing sentiment among Britons that

The moral strength of Victorianism often lay in its reliance on amateurs rather than professionals to get things done… They conceived of self- dependence not only as a ladder to individual success but as the mainspring of social improvement. All men could profit from it…it was an indication of social stability that strong government was considered neither necessary nor desirable…Belief in a common moral code, based on duty and self-restraint, was [common to] most groups in society, including scientists, creative artists, and intellectuals. Institutions…emphasized the maintenance of those values which held society together…men should be good for good’s sake.255

This independent attitude extended even to the behaviour of professionals,

however. In 1885, the editor of The Fortnightly Review, one T.H.S. Escott, remarked:

“There is less tendency to socialism here than among other nations of the Old World or

of the New. The English working man…makes none of those extravagant demands

upon the protection of the State in the regulation of his daily labour and of the rate of his

wages, which are current among the working classes of America and of Germany, and

which cause a certain form of socialism to be equally the pest of both countries.”256

Competition and access to foreign markets was the name of the game during

Britain’s Victorian era and protectionist free trade laws eventually fell by the wayside

during Victorian-era British governance. The repeal of the Corn Laws in 1846 finally

made the importation of cheap grain into the country a reality, allowing manufacturers to

lower wages at home (since the workers’ staple food - bread - became cheaper and workers needed less of a wage to live on) and become competitive in foreign marketplaces.257 Britain’s total international trade increased from £400 million in 1840

to £200 million between 1840 and 1870.258

In the latter years of the nineteenth century, paramilitary Volunteers were still

providing their own arms and equipment and shouldering all expenses associated with

membership in the Corps - except in the event of being assembled for actual service.

They had “the supreme gratification of serving their country not merely at their own expense, but of paying somewhat handsomely for the privilege of doing so.”259 Rank

and file alike bore the expense of finding their own uniforms, arms, and associated

accoutrements. No allowances were made, even in cases where peasants and artisans

who, though having been invited to “volunteer for the defence of their country” in

General Peel’s Circular of May 12, 1859, rarely “earned more than sufficient for their

daily needs.” Section 16 of the Circular mandated that “Militia quotas for each district

were to be reduced by the number of effective Volunteers in that district, thus effecting a

considerable saving to the country, but saving at the expense of the Volunteers.”260

The popularity of the Volunteer movement dwindled in the late nineteenth

century. This may have been due to the sentiment that Britain was ready for a more

permanent, straightforward, cost-efficient and - some would argue - effective system of

national defence; perhaps it was because people had begun to feel more comfortable

engaging in less respectable and less expensive forms of recreation.261 Certainly, advancements in public transportation, especially rail travel both within and without the city of London, made getting to and from games as either a participant or a spectator much easier. Discussing the causes of decreasing Volunteer enrolment as illustrated in the most recent returns, Captain Carteret W. Carey, in his 1891 essay entitled “The

Present and Future Organization of the Volunteer Force” speculates: “to the increase in the number of athletic clubs, during the last few years, for lawn tennis, cycling, football,

&c., we may probably look for a cause of the decrease of numbers. In almost every town and village these institutions now are numerous, and there can be no doubt that many young fellows, with the facilities given, prefer to devote their leisure hours to sportive recreation rather than to the drilling and musketry requirements for

Volunteers.”262 As time passed, the Volunteer Force turned to sport as an “instrument of social discipline and a source of recruits.”263 This was likely due to a desperation borne of necessity, as there was no turning back the clock on the popularity of football.

By 1903, Berry lamented: “…the increase of professional football, with its inevitably attendant gambling, is steadily lowering the morals of the classes from which Volunteers are mainly recruited…tens of thousands of the youth of the country flock to see a cup match who regard with sublime indifference the Volunteer evolutions that are at once more useful in their object, more healthful and more gentlemanly.” Berry, nevertheless, had hope that the Force would experience a reversal of fortune. He fervently believed in the Volunteer Movement as a delivery vehicle for rational recreation:

I think…a day is not far distant when a youth will count it as a slur upon his manhood not to be deemed fit to draw sword or shoulder gun pro focis et pro aris, when for the wild scrimmage of the football field with its championship cups, its professionalism and its betting we shall see substituted a rational pride in our army of defence and a just emulation to excel in martial carriage and that manly bearing bespeaking the healthy form and the well braced muscles which delight the eye of the wise man and happily delight, too, the eye of lovely woman.264

For the vast majority of British males involved in the Volunteer Movement,

however, less noble leisure pursuits ultimately replaced military drill as a preferred

means of recreation. How and why this happened is due not to any single cause, but to

a variety of factors. In a letter dated October 11, 1873, a certain Major Freeman

provides a possible explanation: “Firstly, the panic which caused the rise of the

Volunteer movement had passed away. The novelty of the movement had worn off,

and times were very prosperous in a commercial sense.”265 Shearman offers an

alternative explanation: “The ‘Volunteer movement’ is usually put forward as the explanation of the outburst of athletic spirit throughout the kingdom about this period.

The more probable, and perhaps more philosophical explanation, of the impulse which undoubtedly began in the towns is that it was the natural product of the over-pressure of

modern commercial and professional life. Hours of work being long, there comes a

craving amongst adults for violent exercise, and that craving has led to the popularity of

various athletic games, which are now so universally practised.”266

4.5 Conspicuous Consumption of Leisure Time

Across the ages, upwardly mobile social groups seeking to solidify their identities have

imitated aristocracy. This strategy has proven an effective means of lending prestige to the

social groups’ collective endeavors. Volunteer Corps were no exception in this regard as they

were – invariably - sponsored by noblemen, whose social ties to government officials lent their

endeavours a greater air of legitimacy. Participation in the Volunteer Movement would have

been an attractive proposition for the middle classes, allowing them to adopt a mantle of

authenticity through associating with and emulating the upper classes. Participation in public

exercises that served as training for war was an acceptable way for men of any social stratum

to acquire an upper-class cachet simply because, as Thorstein Veblen notes

in the countries of civilized Europe the hereditary leisure class is endowed with [a] martial spirit in a higher degree than the middle classes. Indeed, the leisure class claims the distinction as a matter of pride, and no doubt with some grounds. War is honorable, and warlike prowess is eminently honorific in the eyes of the generality of men…The enthusiasm for war, and the predatory temper of which it is the index, prevail in the largest measure among the upper classes, especially among the hereditary leisure class.267

In The Care of the Self, Foucault explains: “One seeks to make oneself as

adequate as possible to one’s own status by means of a set of signs and marks

pertaining to physical bearing, clothing and accommodations, gestures of generosity

and munificence, spending behaviour and so on.”268 This strategy is most effective

when the behaviours that comprise it are performed in public. Members of the Victorian

middle class were experts at this and spent large sums of money in their attempts to

appear respectable; an American contemporary of theirs – Veblen - gave the

phenomenon the name we all know today: conspicuous consumption.269 He asserted, furthermore, that public displays of non-productive consumption of time were actually

‘conspicuous leisure.’ Veblen argued that “the pervading principle and abiding test of

good breeding is the requirement of a substantial and patent waste of time” and that

those who wish to appear well-bred “should find some means of putting in evidence the

leisure that is not spent in the sight of the spectators.” The best way to do this, he

observed, was “through the exhibition of some tangible, lasting results of the leisure so

spent,” the most likely evidence of which would be a trophy of some sort. A “system of

rank, titles, degrees and insignia” would ultimately serve as “a conventionally accepted

mark of exploit… which at the same time indicates the quantity or degree of exploit of

which it is the symbol.” Knowledge of the latest fashions, games, and sports would

serve as “serviceable evidence of an unproductive expenditure of time.”270 For the

Victorian middle classes, then, joining the local Rifle Corps and wearing the uniform provided a tailor-made opportunity to be seen subscribing to an upper class-sanctioned activity.

The progression from military exercises to sports as a novel, accepted form of

recreation for the Victorian middle classes was a natural one, logistically as well as

philosophically. For the leisure class of the era, sports were activities one deliberately

participated in with the aim of “gaining repute for prowess. Sports of all kinds [were] of

the same general character, including prize-fights, bull-fights, athletics, shooting, angling, yachting, and games of skill.” Sports, furthermore, differed “from the duel and similar disturbances of the peace” because they readily allowed people to assign other

motives for engaging in them, “besides the impulses of exploit and ferocity.”271

Victorians felt comfortable believing that involvement in sports, particularly athletics,

was suitable training for living a morally upright life, that - although organized sporting

events may appear to be little more than contained riots - by “some remote and obscure effect they result in the growth of a temperament conducive to non-invidious work.”272

Athletic sports, Veblen notes, were a good example of this peculiarity. The leisure class addiction to athletic sports propelled the idea that “these afford the best available means of recreation and of ‘physical culture.'"273 By meeting the two requirements of “ulterior wastefulness and proximate purposefulness,” sport was able to usurp the hold that the

Volunteer Movement once had. Sports became “the best available means of recreation under existing circumstances.”274

4.6 Summary

The social contract is an implicit agreement between rational individuals who

tacitly surrender some of their freedoms to the state which, in exchange, creates laws to

regulate social interaction. People submit to the authority of their rulers, magistrates, or

elected representatives in exchange for societal protection of their remaining rights.

This arrangement can be fraught with potential pitfalls, however, since the people who

expect government protection in times of upheaval are the same people governments

rely on to maintain political order on the state’s behalf. Voluntary associations formed

for the express purpose of national defence have existed in an official capacity since

1537. Throughout history, the British have been eager to volunteer their time and

money to serve king and country; different governments have, at different times, passed

various laws to promote this attitude along the way. Societies have chosen to encourage some forms of recreation while discouraging others, hoping that participation in desirable leisure pastimes will moderate the temperaments of its rowdier citizens.

This strategy was popular in Britain during the Victorian era, a time when traditional methods of social control were ineffective amidst the anonymity of its populous, burgeoning cities. The growing indifference of urban labourers towards the authority of the Church led to uneasiness among members of the middle and upper classes, who worried about social instability and crime. The middle class, moreover, worried about the effect of lawlessness on its own members and about its fragile group image. The alarming growth rate of British cities in this era resulted in the disappearance of open spaces which would have allowed immigrants from the countryside to engage in familiar forms of recreation. This led to disruptive street versions of rural games and caused much consternation among the middle and upper classes. By 1863, British lawmakers had succeeded in passing laws curtailing impromptu street activities, including musical entertainment, festivals, and street sports. Voluntary associations proved an effective means of enabling “the middle class, under the supervision of the elite, to assert their identity and authority against and over the working classes” (see n. 28). The scope of voluntary societies addressed a wide variety of needs, ranging from the organization of leisure to public order, housing, moral reform, education, poor relief, and healthcare.

The voluntary nature of these associations allowed members of voluntary societies to avoid bureaucratic red tape and, in a time of laissez-faire governance, allowed government to keep overhead and waste to a minimum.

The most popular voluntary associations of the era were those dedicated to paramilitary training. During the nineteenth century, these groups became so numerous that they were simply referred to as the Volunteer Movement. For most of the

Movement’s existence, members of the numerous Volunteer corps paid all their own expenses for equipment, elaborate uniforms, musical instruments, and travel to training camps, royal reviews, international volunteer exchanges, and regional marksmanship contests. To critics, Volunteers were mere hobbyists. Membership in the Volunteer

Movement was, nevertheless, credited with promoting exemplary behaviour among participants and boys as young as twelve were allowed to join. The Volunteer

Movement was, arguably, the largest government-sanctioned, participant-funded rational recreation program in British history.

The popularity of the Volunteer movement ebbed in the late 1800s. This may have been because Britain was ready to support a standing army. It may also have been that Volunteers themselves had begun to feel more comfortable engaging in forms of recreation (see n. 87 for a third option) outside the mainstream. The Volunteer

Movement gave Victorians the means to marry conspicuous consumption with leisure activities that adhered to their ideology of rational recreation, producing a phenomenon best described as conspicuous rational leisure.

Chapter 5: The Victorian Prison Treadwheel and the Commodification of Running

During the reign of Queen Victoria, middle-class men voluntarily and enthusiastically engaged in conspicuous rational leisure en masse. Other Britons - men and women – during this era were forced to engage in less-conspicuous, but no less rational, leisure. Ironically, these Britons lived in prisons, carrying out sentences often imposed for the simple crime of being poor and unemployed. This chapter discusses the connection between the conspicuous rational leisure of the Volunteer Movement and the controversial contemporaneous practice of forcing Britain’s prisoners onto treadwheels for hours every day.

Within the last two hundred and twenty years or so, Western modes of social control have run the gamut from public execution to private punishment to public self- discipline (for example, the spectacle of running and walking to raise money for healthcare research).275 From fleeing the guillotine, to treading the wheel, to “running for the cure,” our governed and self-governed bodies have been perpetually on the move. How is it that we once feared even small roving gangs of pedestrians but we now encourage them to come together, en masse, at fundraising events like Run for the

Cure? 276 How did the quotidian act of proceeding on foot become a commodity?

5.1 The History of Treading for a Living

That the simple act of placing one foot in front of the other might, somehow, be sold or traded on is not so difficult to understand when one considers that the word

‘trade,’ according to Chambers Dictionary of Etymology, dates from about 1375 and has its roots in words synonymous with the noun ‘footstep’ or the verb ‘to tread.’ This was

because tradesmen in simpler times had to rely on their feet to get themselves and their products to their customers. Many archaic languages used words for tread and trade interchangeably: in Middle Dutch and Middle Low German the word trade meant ‘track’ or ‘course;’ the Old Saxon word for footstep was trada; the word for ‘track,’ ‘way’, or

‘passage’ in Old High German was trata; and the Old English term for the verb ‘to tread’ was tredan. With the invention of the treadwheel, humans found a way to trade the act of walking for the necessities of life. A history of the device itself illustrates just how entrenched in our culture the concept really is.

Marcus Vitruvius Pollio - more commonly known as Vitruvius - was a Roman author, architect, and engineer during the 1st century BC and is perhaps best known for his multi-volume work entitled De Architectura. He may have been the first to conceive of a wheel-like apparatus powered by humans circa 20 BCE. He described his concept of a drum (tympanum) for raising water as “rectangular compartments…fixed around the circumference of [a] wheel and made tight with pitch and wax. Thus, when the wheel is turned by men treading it, the containers will be carried up full to the top of the wheel and on their downward turn will pour out into a reservoir what they have themselves raised.” 277

The best-known type of lifting device from ancient Rome is the treadwheel- powered crane depicted in relief on the tomb of the Haterii, ca. 414 CE. Calculations from O’Connor’s book on Roman bridges278 estimate that a compass-arm (or Haterii- type) crane, powered by two men in a 6m diameter treadwheel, could have lifted a six- ton block about 13m off the ground. According to Andrea Matthies in “Medieval

Treadwheels: Artists’ Views of Building Construction,” the treadwheel (magna rota) first

appears in archival literature in France, circa 1225, and in England about a century

later. In 1331, authorities at Merton College, Oxford, bought drinks for the men on the

day the institution’s treadwheel was removed.279 Early illustrations of the Tower of

Babel under construction consistently include treadwheel-powered compass-arm

cranes. Dating from approximately 1250, the lavishly illuminated Maciejowski Bible

includes one of the best-known depictions in this category. A 15th century illustration

entitled “Reconstruction of the temple of Jerusalem” clearly depicts a compass-arm

crane atop the unfinished temple. 280 During the construction of Gothic churches and

cathedrals, cranes were probably installed inside the buildings. Though initially on the

ground, they were moved up as the construction proceeded, being dismantled and

reassembled multiple times. After construction ended, some of these cranes remained

between the vaulting and the roof of the church, in anticipation of future repairs to the

building. Canterbury Cathedral’s medieval treadwheel, dating from the 1400s, was used

by maintenance workers well into the 1970s.281

Not long after they first appeared on construction sites, treadwheels appeared on

dockside cranes. Loading and unloading ships by crane proved to be a safer, cheaper

and faster method than that of men on gangplanks. With men inside the treadwheel,

the load could be manoeuvred with precision and, if necessary, held aloft indefinitely - once the crew stopped moving or applied the brake.282 Charles Czarnowsky has

catalogued several dockside cranes known from the 13th and 14th centuries, such as

those formerly located on docks at Strasbourg, Danzig, Antwerp, and Trier.283 Usually

larger in diameter than the ones used in building construction, these cranes were often

allow the machine to remain dry and the men comfortable.284 Evidence found to date

indicates that the men employed in working wheels of this type were either slaves or

freemen employed directly by the owners of the wheels. At Clarendon in 1488, for

example, money was paid "to four men running in the great wheel for four days."285

Little is known about the human-powered treadmills depicted in medieval

illustrations by Ramelli, Böeckler, Leupold and others. A mill of this type featured a

large, oblique, flat disk which turned via the motion of a man walking its surface.

Agostino Ramelli’s sixteenth-century conception may well have been the first, although

there is evidence to suggest that he copied many of Da Vinci’s designs.286 Jacob

Leupold, in turn, published reworked copies of Ramelli’s ideas over two centuries

later.287 In 1573, John Payne obtained a British patent for a corn mill powered either by

the turning of a hand crank or by two persons walking up an inclined circular rotating

platform. At the time, Payne suggested that his machine would be suitable employment

for the crippled residents of workhouses.288 Much like Ramelli’s treadmill, however, it appears that Payne’s machine never progressed past the design stage. Both designs foretold “a possible, mathematically guided future”289 that neither man lived to see.

5.2 Victorian-Era Prison Treadwheels

External treadwheels - similar to riverboat paddle wheels - had been the subject

of theoretical analysis in successive centuries by Leonardo da Vinci (1478), Simon

Stevin (1586), and Faustus Verantius (ca. 1615).290 These designs predated, by

several hundred years, the 1819 debut of Sir William Cubitt’s penal treadwheel at Bury

St. Edmunds Gaol in England. Cubitt wasn’t the first to explore the idea of using machines to busy prisoners, however.291 In the 1790s, Jeremy Bentham’s plan to house one thousand British prisoners in his circular "Panopticon”292 prompted his brother Samuel to suggest including his patented wood-planing machine as a means of employment, stating “the labor not only of the awkward and unpracticed but of the blind and the lame may be called in and a value given to it little if at all short of that which the most skillful and experienced artist bears at present."293 The passage of the

Penitentiary Act or Hard Labour Bill of 1779 constituted a call for organized,

mechanized labour as means to the end of making prisons, once again, places of

punishment so that the indigent and delinquent would be motivated to stay out of trouble

and become law-abiding citizens. The Act called for "labour of the hardest and most

servile kind in which drudgery is chiefly required and where the work is little liable to be

spoiled by ignorance, neglect, or obstinacy, and where the materials or tools are not

easily stolen or embezzled, such as treading in a wheel, or… any other hard and

laborious service."294

Though John Orridge, the jailer at Bury St. Edmunds, had been operating a

traditional treadwheel since at least 1812 - using inmates walking inside a 20-foot- diameter wheel to grind barley and corn into pig feed295 - he was the first to install, in

1819, a Cubitt wheel. His aim was to employ even more prisoners in an effort to curtail

"idle loitering" and "louting" in the prison yards.296 When it arrived, the treadwheel was

connected to a mill and the (man)power sold to a local miller at sixpence per bushel of

corn.297 Word of Cubitt’s effective “Discipline Mill” soon spread and, in spite of its great

expense, the treadwheel became wildly popular. In 1823, at Cold Bath Fields Prison,

the cost to install a Cubitt treadmill reached £12,000 (or about $12M current

Canadian/American dollars), including renovations to accommodate the machinery.

This did not, however, include a mill of any kind to make the labour productive. At

maximum capacity, the treadwheel complex at Cold Bath Fields employed three hundred and twenty prisoners on the several wheels in the yards, with twenty-seven

working and thirteen resting per wheel an any given shift. 298

By 1842, one hundred and nine of the two hundred houses of correction in Great

Britain had installed penal treadwheels as means to enforce sentences of hard labour.299 Over the years, the men and women working the wheel provided the power

to perform a wide variety of tasks, including sawing marble, pumping water, running

looms, and grinding several different types of grain. 300 Although there are accounts of

dressing flax and grinding wheat into flour for bread, more often than not, the grain was

corn. Inmates on the Walsingham House of Correction treadwheel ground corn; the

labour of those incarcerated in Ipswich Gaol pumped water in addition to grinding corn.

From 1825 to at least 1836, Bridewell Prison inmates ground flour for the bread made at

Bethlem Royal Hospital – a facility for the insane. This is perhaps the first instance

where subjects engaged in a form of government-sanctioned rational leisure helped to

insure the health of those in institutionalized care.

In addition to the multitude of uses found for the power generated by the

treadwheel, Cubitt’s machine was known by numerous signifiers. Treadwheel, tread

wheel, tread-wheel, treadmill, tread mill, tread-mill, the wheel, the mill, the everlasting

staircase, discipline mill, stepping mill, foot-mill, foot mill, and walking-wheel, are just some of the popular names for Cubitt’s wheel. No single inventor can take credit for inventing the treadwheel, either. Though Sir William Cubitt had been widely credited with its creation,301 it was no secret that Dr. Olinthus Gregory published

a description, accompanied with plates, of a treadwheel in every respect analogous to that introduced by Mr. Cubitt, for which Dr. Gregory states that Mr. David Hardie, of the East India Company’s Bengal Warehouse, obtained a patent. But Mr. Hardie himself, in point of fact, had no pretension to the discovery of the principle, it being no other than that of a wheel long used by the Chinese in the irrigation of their plantations. Mr. Hardie’s machinery was applied to a crane instead of a mill, and is described by Dr. Gregory as ‘a wheel, on the outside of which are placed twenty four steps for the men to tread upon . . . ‘Five cranes of this description have, according to Dr. Gregory, been at work at the East India Warehouse, and Mr. Hardie’s patent was obtained in1803.’302 Hardie boasted that his wheel “oblidge[d] each person ... to perform his due share of the labor . . . not affording an opportunity to the appearance of exertion without the reality.303

Japanese rice farmers have walked smaller, but similar, apparatuses to control water

flow to their rice fields since approximately 100 CE.304

While inmates at some institutions were grinding grain to be made into bread for

hospital residents, others were having difficulty getting enough bread to maintain their

own health after weeks and months of performing for ten hours a day on the treadmill.

305 While some prisons, like Brixton, increased their prisoners’ daily rations to one and a

half pounds per day of “good wheaten household bread,” others, like Ashborne, were

providing a mere three quarters of a pound of bread per day. When prisoners, like

those at Leicester, received two days’ worth of bread rations in a single day, many ate

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all of it in a single day. In the early 1820s, magistrate and prison reformer John Ivatt

Briscoe made an in-depth study of the pros and cons of the prison treadwheel. He interviewed a prison official at Guildford who readily admitted that all prisoners who worked the wheel for the recommended amount of time lost considerable amounts of weight, often as much as twenty or thirty pounds in a matter of weeks. At least one prison chaplain – a magistrate who volunteered his time - resigned from his position in protest upon the introduction of the treadwheel to the Cosford House of Industry.306

Briscoe interviewed prisoners also and, almost without exception, they complained of similar symptoms that included pains in their legs and groins so severe that they couldn’t sleep at night, swelling in their “private parts,” loss of strength, weight loss, and injuries directly caused by the wheel’s malfunctioning. Others entered prison with injuries which should have precluded participation in treadwheel duties but they, nevertheless, found themselves on the wheel in spite of their physical limitations. Many expressed concern that they would never again be fit for gainful employment.307 Once a prisoner fell ill enough to be taken to the infirmary, he was excused from treading the wheel and invariably gained weight. Although the myriad problems with treadwheel labour were already being discusses as early as 1822,308 some prisons still used their wheels as late as 1901, despite their abolition by the Prison Act of 1898.

The United States and Britain’s colonies, while seemingly immune to reports of ill health, poor morale, and the total lack of rehabilitative qualities concomitant with an over-reliance on the treadwheel as an instrument of punishment, were not immune to the growing fervor for Cubitt’s device. In the winter of 1821, Quaker minister Stephen

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Grellet and his father-in-law, Isaac Collins, returned from a pastoral tour of Continental and British prisons, where they had been impressed by the treadmill's sensational rise in popularity. They promptly visited the penitentiary and nearby almshouse at the foot of East 26th Street in Manhattan and presented the city with literature from Britain’s

Society for the Improvement of Prison Discipline extolling the virtues of Cubitt's machinery. At a cost of just over three thousand dollars, a treadmill was installed the following year to grind corn for the prison. 309 A second Cubitt treadmill was in

operation from 1824 to 1827 at Newgate, the Connecticut state penitentiary at

Simsbury. Reserved for "those prisoners with no particular skills," it occupied prisoners

serving short sentences or those with a "disinclination to labor."310 Operations ceased in 1827 when the prison was relocated to Wethersfield, Connecticut.311 In 1823, the city

of Charleston installed a Cubitt treadmill principally for the discipline of slaves. Local

jailers, magistrates or slave owners all had the authority to sentence unruly or runaway

slaves to the mill, which ground grain for the prisoners’ meals. By 1842, slave holders

even had the option of delivering their chattel to the front door of the jail for punishment,

provided they were willing to pay the fee of eighteen and three quarter cents per day.

There is no information to suggest the date of the mill’s retirement.312

Several factors prevented Cubitt’s “paramount penal machine” 313 from appearing

in what was to become Canada. Though the country was born at what was, arguably, the

height of treadwheel-mania, there were too few prisons housing too few people to make

the investment worthwhile. One report on prisons in British Columbia stated that Canadian

prisons did not have the means to enforce strictly penal labour; most of the inmates, at any

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rate, were natives who responded well to more gentle rehabilitation methods - evidence that anything requiring a greater outlay of time, effort and money would have been pointless.314 British House of Commons Parliamentary Papers illustrate that, by 1869, the treadmill appears to have fallen out of favour among those responsible for enforcing the laws in other colonies. The law authorizing treadwheel labour in Bermuda, for example, had been allowed to lapse; the everlasting staircase at Victoria [Hong Kong] was abandoned for more profitable labour; the wheel at the Nassau prison [Bahamas] was mothballed due to perception of increased risk of rupture;315 Antigua’s prison treadwheel, which had a regulator and revolution counter, was sold off for scrap iron.316 In Barbados, circa 1873, however, “the new system of disciplinary punishment by means of the treadwheel . . . work[ed] advantageously, although it had deprived the Molehead Board of a supply of convict labour for the Dredge and Harbour Works.” Warders in St. Vincent, furthermore, “had difficulty enforcing sentences of treadwheel labour due to the fact that there was seldom a sufficient supply of able bodied prisoners.”317 Trinidad’s wheel, which had been propelled by men of every colour between the years of 1847 and 1860,318 eventually became solely a method of punishment for the island’s female "apprentices”319 after authorities condemned “the unproductive labour of the treadwheel for men.”320 This stands in contrast to the prevailing sentiment among government officials in Britain that – for men - punishment was more important than productivity and that putting women on the wheel wrought havoc with their menses and caused embarrassment for all involved.

This does not mean, however, that women avoided the wheel altogether. Briscoe highlights one particularly egregious case involving two under-fed nursing mothers,

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referred to simply as “Hall” and “Loder,” at Guildford’s House of Correction in England.

Loder was put on the wheel in “a feeble and emaciated state” though “the preservation of the life of her child was considered very precarious.” While “the cries of their infants re- echoed through the prison almost unceasingly, and they then looked pale and sickly,” Hall begged to be allowed, in addition to feeding her own malnourished child, to “suckle Loder’s child, and did so to the end of her [month-long] confinement.” Loder was eventually given extra food, her child received bread and sugar and both ultimately survived – long enough to leave the prison, at least. 321

Rapid, severe weight loss among prisoners working the wheel led to a desire among prison officials to quantify the work performed in an effort to calculate the optimally efficient prison diet. The Victorian penchant for mechanization and regulation generated a need for accurate quantification. Among other firsts, Cubitt’s treadwheel spawned early work in ergonometry. John Mance, governor of Petworth House of

Correction, had many penal firsts to his credit. In addition to being the most ardent proponent of the separate system and the first to implement it at his prison, Mr. Mance invented and manufactured a device known as “Mance’s ergometer.” The new device recorded, “with precision,” revolutions of the wheel hourly, daily, and quarterly, allowing

British jailers to monitor, adjust and control the time each convict spent working the mill.

Mance personally suggested a daily ideal of over eleven thousand vertical feet per prisoner. This quota, he believed, could be achieved in seven hours during the winter months and ten hours in the summer. Throughout Britain, prisoners sentenced to hard labour performed anywhere from four thousand feet in winter, at Lancaster Gaol, to

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seventeen thousand feet in summer, at Warwick Gaol.322 Mance was not alone in his

desire to quantify, and ultimately standardize, treadwheel labour. Documents compiled

circa 1823 by Sir John Cox Hippisley, a fierce opponent of treadmill labour, also

mention 323 a “gyrometrical instrument by, Mr. Bate, an ingenious artist.” 324 Robert

Brettell Bate was a noted London optician and instrument maker between 1808 and

1847. He was involved in at least two other departments of Her Majesty’s government, most notably the Excise Department, supplying it with official hydrometers to measure alcohol content in spirits and the Department of Weights and Measures, where he was instrumental in introducing a new Imperial standard of weights and measures enacted in

1824.325 While Bate’s gyrometer provided a means with which to record and monitor

treadwheel labour, it apparently lacked the ability to regulate the speed of the wheel

itself.326

5.3 The End of Prison Treadwheel Labour

As time passed, an increasing number of Britons held the opinion that using

treadwheel labour as a means to rehabilitate prison inmates was pointless. Because

reformers were concerned that prison life corrupted rather than reformed prisoners, the

‘Separate System’ – where prisoners were forbidden from talking to each other and kept

apart as much as possible - was eventually introduced. The desired goal was to keep

inmates in solitary confinement for twenty-four hours a day, even while they went about their communal activities like working the wheel.

Due to a complex set of issues, treadwheel manpower was gradually redirected

from its economic purposes and became merely a way to fill the empty days of

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disaffected inmates. Mechanistically, this was accomplished by disconnecting the

wheel from the mill and affixing it to a flyball windsail regulator fan atop the millhouse –

a gizmo that did nothing more than regulate the wheel's speed. This mode of working

the wheel was known among the prisoners as “grinding the wind.”327 The futility of

treading a wheel that produced nothing useful amplified the inmates’ entrenched hatred

of performing on the wheel. Criminals of the era may have been forced to labour, but

even they wanted their efforts to have a productive purpose.

Britain’s entrenched system of prison treadwheel labour became increasingly

vulnerable to pressure from many groups with differing ideologies. Concurrent

contending schools of thought held varying opinions on the matter: that it should be

punitive and, therefore, hard;328 that sentencing and corresponding punishments

should be standardized nation-wide; that prison should teach useful trades; or that a

prisoner’s labour should help defray the costs of his keep. There often seemed to be

little agreement among stakeholders in the treadwheel debate. Briscoe himself admits

to changing his mind on the treadwheel as an effective instrument of rehabilitation.329

Many opponents repeatedly voiced vehement objection and cited the inhumane effects of long hours spent on the treadwheel as justification for its demise. Hippisley reported

that “the palms of [prisoners’] hands, in consequence of holding tight to the rail, were in every instance hardened, in many horny, in some blistered, and discharging water.” 330

More grievous injuries - everything from contusions to death - resulted when prisoners

slipped on the wheel or the device malfunctioned.331 The popular perception that

treadwheel labour increased the risk for herniation and varices appeared largely based

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on unscientific investigation methods and hearsay, however. Adding to the

conversation surrounding the pros and cons of the treadwheel was the fact that some

officials reported increasing enthusiasm for treadwheel exercise among the general

public. Brixton’s treadmill, for example, enjoyed immense popularity amongst those residing beyond the prison walls in the surrounding community. Hippisley noted that

“the Brixton Tread-Mill might be resorted to by those out of the prison, as well as by

those within it, and especially by the inhabitants of the neighbouring metropolis, as a

convenient substitute for mineral baths, and remote watering places.” Stories of its

effectiveness in curing rheumatism and preventing “weaknesses and varicose tumours

in the vessels of the legs” circulated widely, but Hippisley believed they were isolated

incidents and not characteristic side effects of prolonged exertion at the wheel.332

As early as 1824, after sixty-two British prisons had already installed treadwheels, it was apparent that the wheel was an unprofitable endeavor. According to Briscoe, of the sixty-two prisons employing treadwheel labour, forty made no profit

whatsoever. Of the remaining twenty-two, the average profit was about twenty or thirty

pounds annually. Prior to the introduction of the wheel, prisons like that at Knutsford

employed inmates at a variety of productive and instructive activities, including but not

necessarily limited to “weaving of woolen, silk, and cotton articles, blankets, and

druggets; tailoring, shoemaking, joinering, loom-making, coopering, white-washing,

painting, nail-making, bricklaying, masonry, blacksmith’s work, straw mattress, and chip

hat making.”333 From December 25, 1820 to March 25, 1821, Knutsford made a net profit – after expenses, including food – of more than twenty eight pounds from the

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above-mentioned occupations. At a time when some prisons had recidivism rates as high as fifty percent, Knutsford’s was two percent.334 Its successful rational rehabilitation strategy - teaching skills transferable to the ‘outside’ - was one more arrow in the quiver of treadwheel detractors. Some prisons ultimately became so focused on production and profit that they lost sight of rehabilitation. Wakefield Prison, for example, tripled its output when it installed steam power to drive looms formerly operated by prisoners. Prison officials became de facto commodity traders, buying and selling unfinished materials. The abundant use of prison labour led to complaints of unfair competition from manufacturers and trade unionists outside prison walls. Prison labour, furthermore, if not free,335 was at least much less expensive than what could be had on the outside, giving authorities the option of selling goods at below-market prices and jeopardizing the solvency of their free-world competitors.336

The treadwheel controversy played out in the popular media as well, with celebrities of the period offering unsolicited opinions. John Stuart Mill believed the treadwheel a pointless exercise in instilling work ethic.337 Charles Dickens was wholeheartedly for the wheel purely as a form of hard labour.338 Upon his release from

Pentonville Penitentiary in 1897, poet and playwright Oscar Wilde - whose two-year term initially called for "hard labor of the first class" - wrote about the experience in his

"Ballad of Reading Gaol":

We sewed the sacks, we broke the stones

We turned the dusty drill,

We banged the tins, and bawled the hymns

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And sweated on the mill,

But in the heart of every man

Terror was lying still.339

British prison historian Robin Evans notes that, ultimately, "the wheel became nothing more than a device for equalizing, measuring, regulating, and timing the performance of toil ... epitomizing the irreducible essence of labor as exertion dissociated from manufacture," an opinion seconded by Briscoe who believed treadwheel labour to be merely “an idle, and monotonous motion of the feet, [with] no tendency whatever to establish any useful habit.”340

5.4 Summary

Since at least 20 BCE, humans have trod in or on large wheels as a means to accomplish a variety of tasks essential to life. From early records, it appears that the

Romans first used such a device to draw water. Within the following half century,

Romans had modified treadwheel design and incorporated the device into construction cranes, where it played an important role in building the monumental architecture characteristic of ancient Rome. Between the thirteenth and fifteenth centuries, images of men inside treadwheels featured in biblical illuminations of construction scenes with many churches of the era actually employing treadwheels during their construction.

Treadwheels were a popular and versatile tool for medieval Europeans. Soon after their introduction to church construction sites, larger versions appeared at shipyards, where

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they powered dockside cranes. Evidence suggests that free men provided the

manpower necessary to operate these machines.

Sir William Cubitt has been credited with inventing the version of the treadwheel that gained a firm foothold in eighteenth-century British prisons. The design lent itself to keeping many prisoners occupied simultaneously because, with Cubitt’s iteration, men walked on paddles attached to a central axle instead of on the inside of a more drum- shaped apparatus. This appealed to prison officials and private citizens alike, who felt that prisoners had too much unprofitable free time. The design of the new wheel also lent itself to industry and the spinning axles of prison treadwheels were often attached to mills, facilitating production in numerous ways including sawing marble, pumping water, running looms, and milling grain. 341 Prison officials attempted to recoup the

costs of operating their prisons by selling treadwheel labour to various private

businessmen. Despite their connection to for-profit business ventures, there is no evidence to suggest that these prisons were anything other than state-run institutions trying to meet their fiduciary responsibilities to taxpayers.

The treadwheel came to prisons in the eastern United States very soon after its introduction in Britain. Although treadwheel use was concentrated mostly in New

England, there are records of treadwheels used in prisons as far south as Charleston,

South Carolina. Local authorities and slave owners there found a novel use for the prison treadmill: poorly-behaved slaves were sentenced to time on the mill. Farther north, prisons in Upper and Lower Canada were too small to warrant the added expense of installing treadwheels but other British colonies embraced the trend. With

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the exception of Hong Kong, most colonies using the machine were among the sugar- producing islands of the West Indies. A general shortage of productive labour, the unprofitability of treadwheel labour, and worries about injury resulting from it combined to ensure that the treadwheel was a short-lived phenomenon in Britain’s island colonies.

Britain had a surplus of prison labour but the treadwheel was, nevertheless, unprofitable there, too. The majority of prisons employing the wheel made no profit from it. Some did manage to turn a small profit - virtually the same as could be had at prisons, like that at Knutsford, which had already been profitable prior to introducing the wheel. Knutsford’s prisoners worked at a variety of productive and instructive activities and had an admirably low recidivism rate of two percent. Teaching skills transferable to the ‘outside,’ Knutsford and prisons like it successfully rehabilitated their inmates and demonstrated that treadwheel labour was regressively punitive in the process. The rationality of the treadwheel as a means of rehabilitation became more and more suspect as time went on; independent business owners and trade unionists resented competition in the market from a government that used free labour to lower its costs.

Influential scholars and media-savvy authors of the era were mostly, although not entirely, against using the wheel as a form of punishment.

Women were also subject to treadwheel labour, although there were reservations about the work interfering with female reproductive function and, when pregnant women were incarcerated or inmates became pregnant during their sentences, the nourishment of their children would eventually become worrisome for all stakeholders. This was because regular treadwheel labour in the amount prescribed by corrections experts

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usually resulted in excessive weight loss (for members of both sexes) and insufficient milk for suckling infants. Many inmates developed injuries due to the repetitive strain of treading the wheel for up to ten hours every day.

For thousands of years, the treadwheel has allowed mankind to solve some of its most pressing problems by simply putting one foot in front of the other. Walking in and on the wheel has enabled people to provide themselves with water; to trade their labour for money with which to obtain food, clothing and shelter; to facilitate commerce by loading goods into and removing them from cargo ships in harbours throughout Europe; and to fill the days of idle prisoners with rational activity in a socially-approved, typically

Victorian fashion. Symbolic pedestrianism, an organized, government-sanctioned volunteer movement designed to ensure national security, and humanity’s entrenched habit of solving problems with its feet appear to have commingled and evolved into the growing public phenomenon of fundraising distance runs with which we are all familiar today.

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Chapter 6: Conclusion

6.1 The Advent of Conspicuously Benevolent Rational Leisure

The evolution of the current distance-running fundraising phenomenon in Britain closely parallels events in the histories of Canada and the US. While there is no direct causal link between the Victorian Volunteer movement and today’s, the two movements evolved in similar ways. Before Confederation, Canada - like England - saw “the

dominance of social structures such as class and religion within the voluntary sector,

and a laissez-faire philosophy in government, which restricted its role to that of

preserving law and protecting the rights of property.”342 Voluntary associations and

church-affiliated charities provided the bulk of social assistance during this period,

establishing large institutions for the sick, mentally ill, developmentally disabled,

indigent, and those found guilty of crimes - including poverty. Affluent women who were

leaders in their churches often spearheaded these initiatives.343 The American

penchant for joining voluntary associations was already obvious to foreign observers

early in the nineteenth century. Alexis de Toqueville remarked on the phenomenon

when he visited the United States from his native France in 1830. Tocqueville saw

America’s network of voluntary organizations as “‘moral associations’ where such

values as charity and responsibility to others are taught and where the nations’

crusades take root.”344

In Canada, at the end of the 1800s, ideologies around how best to help the

disadvantaged began to change. Social problems like unemployment, poverty and

delinquency came to be seen as risks inherent in urban-industrial society, instead of

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deficits of personal character. As industrialization increased affluence, social mobility

and immigration, traditionally cohesive groups like families and church congregations

began to unravel and new collectives grew in their places. Even though religious organizations continued to develop volunteer initiatives, the number and type of voluntary lay associations increased.345 This shift, especially with respect to volunteer

hospitals, had begun much earlier in Britain.346

In the 1940s and ‘50s, mothers, first in the United States and then in Canada,

went door to door collecting spare change to help finance a cure for polio. This

fundraising campaign, which eventually became known as the March of Dimes, appears

to have been the first time in history that civilians ‘marched,’ albeit in a loosely

organized fashion, for a health-related cause. This form of fundraising resurfaced in

Britain twenty years later as Oxfam’s Indian Aid walk, which appears to have been

Britain’s first-ever fundraising walk. Organized by Oxfam, more than thirteen hundred

participants walked twenty-seven miles and raised almost eight thousand pounds for aid

to India. Oxfam walks increased in popularity over the years, eventually crossing the

Atlantic to Canada. By 1972, even Calgary, Alberta had its own walk. Oxfam continues

to raise charity dollars with its Trailwalker and Trailtrekker events, and has sixteen

events scheduled around the world for 2013. According to its own promotional literature,

Oxfam “set a trend and established a formula that has stood the test of time and shown

the way to many other charities and worthy causes.”347

Due to the political activism that characterized the 1960s and 1970s,

disenfranchised populations in Canada became increasingly less marginalized. By the

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end of the 1970s, Canada had a diverse array of voluntary associations at all

jurisdictional levels, in areas ranging from religion and culture to welfare, health, and

recreation.348 As the ‘70s faded, faith in the welfare state waned, with critics arguing

that excessive aid was the “primary drain on the forces of economic progress and

therefore the quality of society.”349

6.2 Neoliberalism and Volunteering

The answer, on a global scale, to the bloated welfare states of the 1970s was

neoliberalism. Like Victorian-era liberalism, “neoliberalism is a theory of political

economic practices that proposes that human well-being can best be advanced by liberating individual entrepreneurial freedoms and skills within an institutional framework characterized by strong private property rights, free markets, and free trade. The role of the state is to create and preserve an institutional framework appropriate to such practices…Almost all states… have embraced…some version of neoliberal theory and adjusted at least some policies and practices accordingly.”350 David Harvey, in A Brief

History of Neoliberalism, points out that the “dramatic consolidation of neoliberalism as

a new economic orthodoxy regulating public policy at the state level in the advanced

capitalist world occurred in the United States and Britain in 1979. In May of that year,

British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher famously declared there was ‘no such thing as

society, only individual men and women’ and their families. All forms of social solidarity

were to be dissolved in favour of individualism, private property, personal responsibility

and family values.” United States President Ronald Reagan, backed “deregulation, tax

cuts, budget cuts, and attacks on trade union and professional power.” In the neoliberal

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economy, “personal freedom in the marketplace is guaranteed; each individual is held

responsible and accountable for his or her own actions and well-being. This principle

extends into the realms of welfare, education, health care, and even pensions …

Individual success or failure are interpreted in terms of entrepreneurial virtues or

personal failings.”351 An increased emphasis on the use of technology and the sale of

financial products and services is another hallmark of liberalism, old or new.352

The politico-economic conditions that bolstered the Victorian-era Volunteer movement

reappeared in the late 1970s and early ‘80s, during which time both Prime Minister

Thatcher and President Reagan argued that private philanthropy should make up for

government cutbacks. Mayors around America urged foundations and corporations to

help maintain schools, libraries, parks and other public services. Canadian Prime

Minister Brian Mulroney had a close relationship with Reagan and together the two

leaders ratified the 1988 Free Trade Agreement, which was later expanded to include

Mexico (during Jean Chretien’s tenure as Prime Minister). What began in earnest

in1979 with Thatcher and Reagan continued with George W. Bush. His focus on

harvesting grassroots labour with his Armies of Compassion initiative allowed

government to continue to devolve responsibility for services previously provided by

state agencies to individuals and non- and for-profit organizations.353

The Susan G. Komen Foundation, a U.S.-based organization which fundraises for breast cancer research and programs is one example of how successful a volunteer fundraising organization can become. Founded in 1982, the organization raised

US$372,208,533.00 from public support and revenue in a single fiscal year, which

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ended March 31, 2012. 354 Like Oxfam and the Terry Fox Foundation, the Komen

Foundation has international reach, with nine international races scheduled for 2013.355

6.3 Individual, Social, and Political Bodies

People’s motivations for volunteering can be as complex and diverse as the

volunteers themselves. Recall that Scheper-Hughes and Lock’s analytical category, the

‘individual body,’ relates to the lived experience of the body or self. While there does not appear to have been any study done on the motivations of participants in England’s

Victorian-era Volunteer movement, Volunteers nevertheless had their reasons for joining. A desire to avoid conscription into the Militia is one well-documented reason for volunteering.356 Sebag-Montefiore offers a more timeless rationale for volunteering:

“broadly speaking, the spirit of patriotism forming the mainspring of the voluntary

movement belongs to no particular period, or epoch, of history; nor is it necessarily

connected with any historical event – except when, and is so far as, the occurrence or

threat of a serious national calamity has, by stimulating this feeling of responsibility to a

high degree, given special prominence to such a period.”357

Canada’s National Survey on Giving, Volunteering and Participating (NSGVP)

provides insight into people’s reasons for volunteering (for any cause) in the year 2000.

The top three reasons survey respondents gave for volunteering were: belief in the

organization’s cause (95%); putting their skills and experience to use (81%) and

because they had been personally affected by the cause the organization supports

(69%). The percentage of volunteers reporting these reasons for volunteering changed

only slightly from 1997 to 2000 (volunteering because one’s friends did showed the

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largest increase, from 25% to 30%, however). According to the 2007 Canada Survey of

Giving, Volunteering and Participating (CSGVP),358 11% of people who donated money

to charity did so by sponsoring someone in a distance-running fundraising event,

making it the fifth most popular way of making a donation. The total increases to 20%

when added to the percentage of those who paid to attend a charity event themselves,

making participation in these events the single most popular way of making a charitable

donation in Canada. When one considers that 46% of the population aged 15 and over

volunteered during the one-year period preceding the survey, this means that just over

9% of the entire population of Canada donated to and participated in a distance-running fundraising event in 2006-07. 359

This contemporary mode of volunteering is much more popular than the

Volunteer movement was. According to Grierson, roughly .8% of Britons were registered Volunteers in the period from 1863 to 1873.360 The exclusion of women from

paramilitary activities during that time explains some of the disparity. A low average

household income relative to that of today likely accounts for some of the difference, too.361 In the Victorian era, Volunteer officers were “gentlemen of position, influence

and fortune, highly esteemed in their own districts, and who had made considerable

sacrifices of time, effort and money, in the discharge of what they conceived to be a

patriotic movement.”362 Grierson confirms that “at first, the movement was confined to

such as could afford to do so but, as all classes desired to take part in the defence of

the country…measures were taken to raise the necessary funds by public subscription,

or by the contributions of honorary members.”363 And, while officers could afford the

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various expenses associated with membership in their local Volunteer Corps, they could

not assume the burden of paying for supplies for all of their men. The Volunteers raised

money for their accoutrements in a variety of ways, including selling subscriptions and

accepting donations. The financially well-endowed contributed as much as fifty British

pounds per year while others pitched in what they could spare.364

Nancy Scheper-Hughes and Margaret Lock’s ‘social body’ category works especially

well when used to analyze what uniforms mean to those who wear them and those who

see them. We don’t know what Volunteers’ uniforms symbolized to the rest of the

population. We do know, however, that uniforms were important to Volunteers, as they

went to a great deal of trouble and expense to make sure their uniforms were made to

exacting standards. Embellishments on Volunteer uniforms became so grandiose that

rules were drawn up as to who was allowed to wear which form of decoration. There

was also a variety of dress choices for members of the Force. Volunteers had the

option to purchase standard uniforms, summer-weight uniforms and even band uniforms.365

A preoccupation with clothing is also characteristic of today’s distance-running

fundraising events and race sponsors. It is just as important that contemporary

volunteers dress alike now as it was during Queen Victoria’s reign, the difference is that

race participants have no say in how their t-shirts look or where they’re made. The charities putting on the events choose the styles, markings, and the colours of the clothing participants pay for. Some colours have even become synonymous with a particular charity, like the pink shirts given out at events put on by breast cancer-related

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charities. Sponsors’ logos are plentiful on event participants’ t-shirts, and the more money a sponsor donates, the more of a volunteer’s body the logo will cover. These shirts serve as a sort of symbolic shorthand for a participant’s generosity and caring nature but would have little to no symbolic value without the public performances of physical effort and charity associated with them.

While Britain’s Volunteers symbolized safety and preparedness to some, others thought their efforts largely ridiculous. Members of the regular army were among the latter. Colonel Cooper-King, in 1859, held that the Volunteers “played at being soldiers in the most absolute way,” were “far from perfect,” and were ”for a time the laughing stock of Europe.”366 Others merely held the opinion that, although invasion would never happen, membership in the Volunteers “did no harm in a moral point of view” and “did

…a great deal of good” physically, making it beneficial enough to be worthwhile.367

Nowadays, most seem to be of the opinion that there is no downside to participating in charity distance-running fundraisers. Controversy, nevertheless, accompanies this genre of sporting performance, too. Like the army Regulars who complained about the

Volunteers in the nineteenth century, much of the disapproval seems to come from the people who consider themselves runners first and fundraisers second. According to

Kevin MacKinnon from Runner’s World magazine, critics say that the increased cost of taking care of charity runners – for example, having to keep race courses open longer for slower athletes – inevitably gets passed down to the rest of the competitors in the field. Since so many charity competitors tend to be beginners, more experienced runners complain that these rookies display a lack of runner’s etiquette. There’s also a

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feeling amongst more serious marathon competitors that the charity runners aren’t truly involved in the sport – once they achieve their goal, they move on to another challenge or simply stop running altogether. A 2009 article in the Chicago Tribune cautions runners new to charity programs: ‘But while marathons can be rewarding and life changing, they can also be grueling, unpleasant events, especially if you’re new to the sport. If you’re also fundraising – no easy feat – you might feel pressured to keep pushing with training when you shouldn’t. And running coaches worry that the charities are more interested in raising money than in health of the runners, a charge the charities deny.’” 368

Any social/political/economic movement’s progress is a direct result of the amount of encouragement it receives from the government of the day. Consider this quote from Sebag-Montefiore’s A History of the Volunteer Forces from the Earliest

Times to 1860: Being a Recital of the Citizen Duty, which was published in 1908: “the spirit of national defence has grown with the nation which fostered it, and the fluctuations in the tide of its progress are attributable to the degree of encouragement or repression accorded to it at various periods by those responsible for the country’s welfare and safety, quite as much as to the incidence of historical crises.”369 This passage applies as much to today’s healthcare charity fundraising distance as it did to

Britain’s Volunteers a hundred years ago. This is especially true for pro-status quo movements like the Victorian-era Volunteer movement and the contemporary volunteer fundraising movement and is also, according to Rachel Vorspan, the main premise behind rational recreation.370

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Scheper-Hughes and Lock’s ‘political body’ concept, in addition to addressing

instances where a ruling government might force people to run (in Victorian prisons on a

treadwheel, for example), applies also to instances where governments have less overt

means of encouraging citizens to perform activities that support the status quo. Both

movements were and are supportive of the roles of their respective governments in their

people’s lives. In one capacity or another, Volunteers in Britain protected the socio-

political status quo for hundreds of years. Distance-running fundraising volunteers

support the politico-economic status quo every time they assemble to run under the banner of a charity organization. It is not, after all, charity organizations which ultimately employ cancer researchers or healthcare delivery personnel but - in the majority of

cases in Britain, Canada, and even the U.S. - governments.

Scholars are aware of the pro-status quo nature of involvement in charity

fundraisers. In “Navigating Theories of Volunteering: A Hybrid Map for a Complex

Phenomenon,” Hustinx, Cnaan, and Handy point out that volunteering may allow

governments, as part of a neoliberal agenda, to decrease their responsibilities to the

welfare of citizens and to privatize public services as volunteers and voluntary

organizations are filling the gap. Musick and Wilson noted that government agencies

tend to define volunteering mainly in terms of service work that supports the status quo:

‘Western governments have, with varying degrees of emphasis, adopted the position

that volunteer work, properly defined and regulated, should be supported and

encouraged. The consequences of the new ‘partnership’ are not yet fully apparent, but

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it will likely encourage safe, non-controversial, and ‘non-political’ volunteering at the

expense of advocacy and social activism’ (second author’s emphasis).371

Nina Eliasoph, in her book Avoiding Politics: How Americans Produce Apathy in

Everyday Life, agrees: “in earlier eras, volunteers…responded to the feeling of being overwhelmed by looking beyond the immediate problems, to their political, structural origins. They let themselves become activists, advocates, even crusaders…Officials

…[now] encourage a task-focused, non-verbal approach to citizen participation.”372

Markham and Bonjean point out that the distinction between a volunteer and an activist

has already become entrenched in today’s society: “conventional wisdom holds that

social activists are oriented to social change while volunteers focus more on the

amelioration of individual problems.”373

6.4 Commodification

For thousands of years, people have treaded various forms of wheels in

exchange for pay, turning their ability to walk into a commodity.374 The use of the

treadwheel, also known as the treadmill or everlasting staircase, in Victorian-era British

prisons appears to have been the first time the act of running was treated as a

commodity by any government. Because it was a government-run program, forced labour on prison treadwheels was a pro-status quo phenomenon. In an attempt to get prisoners to pay for their own room and board, prison treadwheels powered mills which were situated immediately outside prison walls so as to take advantage of the abundance of captive manpower. Prisoners’ labour was sold to millers who used it to grind various types of grain or perform other tasks. In a transaction that presaged

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today’s distance-running fundraisers for healthcare, grain ground by prisoners running

on prison treadmills was sometimes used to feed hospital patients. Even today, people

fundraise for healthcare charities by climbing stairs or running on electric treadmills

instead of on roads.375 In her book Pink Ribbons, Inc., Samantha King points out that

fundraising distance runs are commodities, in and of themselves: “commodities such as

the Race for the Cure (you pay in exchange for the opportunity to participate, an official

T-shirt, and ‘freebies’ that vary with each race)…appear to illuminate or reveal the

virtuosity of those who buy them, to transform purchasers into certain kinds of people

living certain kinds of lives.”376

When neoliberalism is the over-arching economic ideology, the lack of regulation

for commerce means that almost everything has the potential to become a commodity.

When government abdicates its role as social arbiter, freedom of enterprise - wherein

everything becomes a commodity – can lead to an increase in anti-social behaviours.

The instinctive antidote to this is to “reconstruct social solidarities, albeit along different

lines – hence the revival of interest in…new forms of associationism.”377 Nina

Eliasoph, in her book Avoiding Politics: How Americans Produce Apathy in Everyday

Life asserts that volunteering offers those displaced by the government cutbacks and union-busting that accompany neoliberalism a “cloying, unconflictual simulacrum of community” which is a “culturally powerful symbol of togetherness,” and seduces them with “the one potent, officially approved way of linking face-to-face interaction with the wider world.”378 The current phenomenon that, perhaps, most strikingly embodies the

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trend toward constructing new and different, government- sanctioned associations is

that of volunteering for distance running fundraisers that support universal healthcare.

6.5 The Final Analysis

When the social structures and organizations people have come to rely on disintegrate because of the adoption of liberal policies at federal government and even global levels, they come together to support each other in ways that make sense to them at the time. This was true of Britain’s Volunteer movement in the liberalistic heyday of the Victorian era, and it is true today. In “Volunteering in the Canadian

Context: Identity, Civic Participation and the Politics of Participation in Serious Leisure,”

Susan M. Arai cites sociologist Robert Wuthnow who posits that voluntary associations…reinforce basic human values that cannot be encouraged directly by political or economic institutions. They may, in fact, preserve values that are in danger of being undermined by those other institutions even preserve values that in danger of being undermined by those other institutions. Wuthnow refers to this as the preservation of the moral dimensions, consisting of virtues such as cooperation, collective identity, altruism, social relationships as ends in themselves, intimacy for its own sake, moral absolutes such as integrity and honesty, or the love of beauty and truth. At the current time the dominant message is the proliferation of volunteering for its contribution to the market...There is also an emphasis on volunteering as an act of social control, which makes voluntary associations the ‘fingers of government’ whose primary function is the efficient delivery of direct services that the government no longer provides.379

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Nowadays, more and more people are moving to urban centres; more and more people are immigrating to developed countries from less-developed ones. Urban life is defined by change. Governments seem largely overwhelmed by these developments and have hit upon liberalism as the solution. Under neoliberalism (and Victorian-era liberalism before that), every individual is accountable for his or her own well-being; individual triumphs and failures are attributed to personal initiative or its lack. This principle applies to government jurisdictions that include “welfare, education, health care and even pensions.”380 Under these conditions, volunteer-style civic involvement has always been the easiest route back to social cohesion for both ordinary citizens and government ideologists. As a “hegemonic format for involvement; [volunteering] works by defining the floor for citizen participation in particular settings; by setting the boundaries for what citizens can say and how they can say it in the settings of the potential public sphere.”381

It should come as no surprise, then, that in the Victorian era people volunteered to provide protection for their fellow citizens in a way that combined their reaction to national fears of invasion from the continent with a socially-approved activity. The emergence of the middle class during that time ensured that the Volunteer movement would be a combination of conspicuous leisure382 and rational recreation – a hybrid best described as conspicuous rational leisure. Similar conditions more than a century later generated a similar phenomenon: fundraising distance runs for healthcare. There is little doubt as to what participants in these events are doing when one sees them on city streets on a Sunday morning; many of them wear matching t-shirts splashed with eye-

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catching sponsor logos and branded aid stations dot the course. The spectacle has

become urban shorthand for conspicuous benevolence383 but, as a pro-status quo

activity, it has engendered a new category: conspicuously benevolent rational leisure.

6.6 Future Research Directions

Globalism and urbanization were factors that contributed to laissez-faire

governance during the Victorian era as well as to the current iteration of liberalism.

From a historical perspective, it would be worthwhile to study these influences in more

detail. Just as these factors contributed to the evolution of liberal governance, they also

contributed to the rise of voluntarism, mutualism, and fraternalism. It would be

informative to take a more in-depth at distance-running fundraisers in the context of the

rise and fall of different forms of voluntarism in the twentieth century. Robert Putnam’s

Bowling Alone and David Rodgers’s Atlantic Crossings: Social Politics in a Progressive

Age provide an account of social engagement and its decline in the last hundred years

or so. Other authors of note include David Beito and Gérard Dumenil.

In conjunction with an inquiry into the amount of research funding overlap among

various healthcare-fundraising charities, an investigation into the hierarchy of charities

that solicit funding from the public through mass participation in running events could be

useful. This would give some insight into the effectiveness of the current mode of

loosely-organized consumer- and sponsor-driven fundraising.

A comparison of the levels of funding raised per number and gender of participants could reveal any extant gender bias in event participation where, for

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example, the funds raised support male or female reproductive cancers (like the

Father’s Day Run for Prostate Cancer or The Weekend to End Women’s Cancers).

Content analysis of advertising for events that raise money for healthcare could shed

some light on the language used to play on people’s emotions and influence their

decision to participate in healthcare charity fundraising. Preliminary analysis of the

terminology used in Alberta Cancer Foundation advertising, for example, reveals an excessive use of terms related to war and fighting. Some academic literature on this topic already exists.

It might be worth conducting a Vorspan-inspired study of how government jurisdictions have allowed distance-running fundraisers for healthcare to proliferate through a relaxation of the laws governing use of public thoroughfares. Every year during the racing season, letters in the Calgary Herald’s editorial pages complain of road closures and related traffic difficulties, indicating that not everyone is enamored with this particular method of fundraising and its immunity from bylaw enforcement.

Finally, more thorough research into the authors of the late- nineteenth and early-twentieth century primary sources that I used has the potential to yield a more complete picture of the Volunteer movement. John Fortescue who, for example, wrote

The County Lieutenancies and the Army, 1803-1814, wrote thirteen other books on the

history of the British Army. Those publications may shed additional light on the pro- status quo Victorian Volunteer movement.

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Notes

Chapter 1

1 Barry R Weingast and Donald Wittman, eds. The Oxford Handbook of Political Economy. Oxford University Press. 2008.

2 This project is concerned with both distance running and walking event s that raise money for research into disease. When I refer to these events generically, I will, for the sake of brevity, refer to them as running events.

3 “The Running Issue,” Impact Magazine. March/April, 2008. These locations were, roughly, the ten destinations furthest from Calgary in the race listings for this particular issue. Note that most of them were in North America.

4 The increase in the number of events listed in Impact Magazine may reflect nothing more than the publication’s desire to release a more extensive list with more exotic options. There was, nevertheless, an increase in the number of listings for events on North American soil during the four-year period – from six hundred and forty-five in 2008-2009 to nine hundred and forty in 2012-2103.

5 Greg Thomson and Karen Greve Young, “Cancer in Canada: Framing the Crisis and Previewing the Opportunity for Donors,” Charity Intelligence Canada, April 2011, 35. The bulk of Canadian charitable dollars cancer charities receive pays to educate and care for cancer patients (as opposed to providing treatment or medical attention).

6 http://www.teamintraining.org (accessed 18 January 2013).

7 http://www.terryfox.org/TerryFox/What_sets_us_apart.html (accessed 8 February 2013). This figure is based on the Foundation’s most recent 3-year average.

8 http://www.virginlondonmarathon.com/raising-money/raising-money/run-charity/ (accessed 8 February 2013).

9http://ww5.komen.org/AboutUs/OurWork.html

10 Maren Klawiter, “From Private Stigma to Global Assembly: Transforming the Terrain of Breast Cancer,” in Global Ethnography: Forces, Connections, and Imaginations in a Postmodern World, ed. N. Burawoy (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000) in Samantha King, “An All-Consuming Cause: Breast Cancer, Corporate Philanthropy, and the Market for Generosity,” Social Text 19 (2001): 115.

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11 http://www.runwalkride.com/ (accessed February 22, 2013). The Run Walk Ride Fundraising Council is an organization which began in 2007 to support the thousands of professionals who manage athletic event fundraising programs which, in turn, engage millions of people to raise billions of dollars for good causes. The Council sponsors conferences, workshops, webinars and online services which disseminate practical information on how to produce successful programs, recognize outstanding work, and network effectively.

12 Jason Stevenson, “Race Fees,” Runner’s World, August 2011: 80-82. Sponsorships supply these charities with the lion’s share of all the money raised at these events because, often, participant registration fees do not cover the costs associated with putting on these events. The president and CEO of the New York Road Runners, the organization that puts on the New York City Marathon estimates, for example, that race costs per participant are more than double the entry fee. Participants are, in effect, being paid to show up and perform as mascots for the events and their corporate sponsors.

13 Running USA, “2012 State of the Sport Part II: Running Industry Report,” July 15, 2012, www.runningusa.org/2012-state-of-sport-part-2?returnTo=annual-reports (accessed 22 February 2013).

14 Samantha King, “An All-Consuming Cause: Breast Cancer, Corporate Philanthropy, and the Market for Generosity,” Social Text 19 (2001): 115-143; Samantha King, Pink Ribbons Inc. (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2006).

15 Maren Klawiter, “Racing for the Cure, Walking Women, and Toxic Touring: Mapping Cultures of Action within the Bay Area Terrain of Breast Cancer,” Social Problems 46 (1999): 104-126.

16 Kevin R. Filo, Daniel C. Funk and Danny O’Brien, “It's Really Not About the Bike: Exploring Attraction and Attachment to the Events of the Lance Armstrong Foundation,” Journal of Sport Management 22 (2008): 501-525.

17 Colleen McGlone and Nathan Martin, “Nike’s Corporate Interest Lives Strong: A Case of Cause-Related Marketing and Leveraging,” Sport Marketing Quarterly 15 (2006): 185.

18 R.C. Mannell and S.E. Iso-Ahola, “Psychological Nature of Leisure and Tourism Experience,” Annals of Tourism Research 14 (1987): 314-331. In Filo, Funk, and O’Brien’s, “It’s Really Not about the Bike,” 505.

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19 Louis Liebenberg, “Persistence Hunting by Modern Hunter-Gatherers,” Current Anthropology 47 (2006): 1017-25.

20 Susan G. Ziegler, “Perceived Benefits of Marathon Running in Males and Females,” Sex Roles 25 (1991): 119-127.

21 Daniel E. Lieberman and Dennis M. Bramble, “The Evolution of Marathon Running: Capabilities in Humans,” Sports Medicine 37 (2007): 288-290. Daniel E. Lieberman, David A. Raichlen, Herman Pontzer, Dennis Bramble, and Elizabeth Cutright-Smith, “The Human Gluteus Maximus and its Role in Running,” Journal of Experimental Biology 209 (2006): 2143-2155.

22 William P. Morgan and Michael L. Pollock, “Psychologic Characterization of the Elite Distance Runner,” Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences 301 (1977): 382-403.

23 Andrew Suozzo, “The Mass Marathon: Sport and the Dynamics of Inclusion,” International Journal of Diversity 5 (2005/2006): 125-131.

24 Stuart L. Smith, “Athletes, Runners, and Joggers: Participant-Group Dynamics in a Sport of ‘Individuals,’” Sociology of Sport Journal 15 (1998): 174-192.

25 Michael Atkinson and Kevin Young, “Illness Narratives and Sport,” in Deviance and Social Control in Sport (Windsor, ONT: Human Kinetics, 2008): 141. Comeback narratives are especially common among cancer survivors who fundraise prior to participating in events, like Run for the Cure, that raise awareness for their own particular illnesses.

26 Andrew C. Sparkes, “Bodies, Narratives, Selves and Autobiography: The Example of Lance Armstrong,” Journal of Sport and Social Issues 28 (2004): 397-428; T. Butryn and M. Masucci, “It’s Not About the Bike: A Cyborg Counternarrative of Lance Armstrong,” Journal of Sport and Social Issues 27 (200): 124-144 in Michael Atkinson and Kevin Young, “Illness Narratives and Sport,” in Deviance and Social Control in Sport (Windsor, ONT: Human Kinetics, 2008), 140.

27 Robert D. Putnam, Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Community (New York: Touchstone, 2000).

28 David E. Martin, Herbert W. Benario & Roger W.H. Gynn. “Development of the Marathon from Past to Present, with Statistics of Significant Races,” The Marathon:

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Physiological, Medical, Epidemiological, and Psychological Studies, Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences 301 (1977): 821-2.

29 Earl R. Anderson, “Footnotes More Pedestrian then Sublime: A Historical Background for the Foot-Races in ‘Evelina’ and ‘Humphry-Clinker’,” Eighteenth-Century Studies 14 (1980): 56-68.

30 Peter F. Radford, “Women’s Foot Races in the 18th and 19th Centuries: A Popular and Widespread Practice,” Canadian Journal of History of Sport 25 (1994): 50-61.

31 Matthew P. Llewellyn, “‘Viva l’Italia! Viva l’Italia!’ Dorando Pietri and the North American Professional Marathon Craze, 1908-10,” The International Journal of the History of Sport, 25 (2008): 710-736.

32 Pamela Cooper, American Marathon (Syracuse, New York: Syracuse University Press, 1998), 24.

33 Thomas J. Osler and Edward L. Dodd. “Six-Day Pedestrian Races,” Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences, 301 (1977): 853-857. The world record for six days, set in 1888 by George Littlewood of England, is six hundred twenty-four and three quarter miles. Compare to this the performance of American John Geesler who won the 2008 Six Day with a distance of four hundred thirty-three miles. See http://us.srichinmoyraces.org/events/6-and-ten-day-race/2010/six-day-runners-bios (accessed 25 February 2013).

34 Nina Kuscsik, “The History of Women’s Participation in the Marathon,” Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences, 301 (1977): 862-876.

35 Pamela Cooper, “Community, Ethnicity, Status: The Origins of the Marathon in the United States,” The International Journal of the History of Sport 9 (1992): 50-62; Pamela Cooper, American Marathon (Syracuse, New York: Syracuse University Press, 1998).

36 Joseph A. Amato, On Foot: A History of Walking (New York: New York University Press, 2004).

37 Daniel T Rodgers, Atlantic Crossings: Social Politics in a Progressive Age (Harvard: Belknap, 1998).

38 Ryan Lamppa, “2010 Marathon, Half Marathon and State of the Sport Reports,“ Running USA, in Jonathan H. Kim, M.D., Rajeev Malhotra, M.D., George Chiampas, D.O., Pierre d'Hemecourt, M.D., Chris Troyanos, A.T.C., John Cianca, M.D., Rex N.

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Smith, M.D., Thomas J. Wang, M.D., William O. Roberts, M.D., Paul D. Thompson, M.D., and Aaron L. Baggish, M.D., “Cardiac Arrest during Long-Distance Running Races,” New England Journal of Medicine 366 (2012): 130-140.

39 Mark J. Eisenberg, Renee Atallah, Sonia M. Grandi, Sarah B. Windle, and Elliot M. Berry, “Legislative Approaches to Tackling the Obesity Epidemic,” Canadian Medical Association Journal 183 (2011): 1496-500.

40 Gerard W. Boychuk, “The Regulation of Private Health Funding and Insurance in Alberta Under the Canada Health Act: A Comparative Cross-Provincial Perspective,” The School of Policy Studies 1 (2008): 25-28.

41 As far as I know, this concept is my own. Corporeal surrogacy aIts nearest conceptual relative is reproductive surrogacy, a transaction between a couple who wants a baby but is physically incapable of creating one and a woman who provides gestational services.

42 Nancy Scheper-Hughes and Margaret Lock, “The Mindful Body: A Prolegomenon to Future Work in Medical Anthropology,” Medical Anthropology Quarterly, new ser., 1 (1987): 6-41.

43 Ibid, 7.

44 According to Merriam-Webster’s Collegiate Dictionary, 11th ed., social contract is “an actual or hypothetical agreement among the members of an organized society or between a community and its ruler that defines and limits the rights and duties of each.” The concept is most closely associated with the work of Thomas Hobbes, John Locke, and Jean-Jacques Rousseau in the nineteenth century.

45 Vicente Navarro (ed.), The Political Economy of Social Inequalities: Consequences for Health and the Quality of Life (Amityville, NY: Baywood, 2002) in David Harvey, A Brief History of Neoliberalism (New York: Oxford University Press, 2005), 76.

46 In Britain and most of the rest of the world, (although not in the USA or Canada), the term ‘liberal’ refers to a situation where the state, taking a laissez faire approach, allows the economy to rise and fall on its own merits. See David M. Kotz, “Neoliberalism and Financialization,” conference paper from the Political Economy Research Institute, University of Massachusetts Amherst, May 2-3, 2008, 2-10.

47 Hobsbawm, Industry and Empire, 204 – 17.

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48 Margaret Thatcher, "Aids, education and the year 2000!" interview by Douglas Keay, Woman's Own magazine, 31 October 1987: 8-10.

49 Ibid, 22-25.

50 A Brief History of Neoliberalism, 2-3.

51 Thorstein Veblen, Theory of the Leisure Class (New York: Oxford University Press, 2007), 166.

52 Ibid, 37 - 48.

53 Jonathan S. Feinstein, “The Relationship between Socioeconomic Status and Health: A Review of the Literature,” Milbank Quarterly 71 (1993): 314. (279-322).

54 Rachel Vorspan, “’Rational Recreation’ and the Law: The Transformation of Popular Urban Leisure in Victorian England,” McGill Law Journal 45 (2000): 891.

55 Peter Bailey, Leisure and Class in Victorian England: Rational Recreation and the Contest for Control, 1830-1885 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1978).

56 Vorspan, “Rational Recreation,” 900.

57 See Amato, On Foot; Vorspan, “Rational Recreation,” 909.

Chapter 2

58 Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison, trans. Alan Sheridan (New York: Random House, 1979) in Joseph Roach “Culture and Performance in the Circum-Atlantic World,” in Performativity and Performance, ed. Andrew Parker and Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick (Routledge: New York, 1995), 48.

59 One example of this is Andrea L. Matthies’s “Medieval Treadwheels: Artists’ Views of Building Construction” Technology and Culture 33 (1992): 510-547.

60 Gilbert J. Garraghan, A Guide to Historical Method (New York: Fordham University Press, 1946).

61 Cecil Sebag-Montefiore, A History of the Volunteer Forces From the Earliest Times to the Year 1860; Being a Recital of the Citizen Duty (London: Archibald Constable, 1908) reprinted by www.General-Books.net, 2009; Robert Potter Berry, A History of the

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Formation and Development of the Volunteer Infantry: From the Earliest Times (London: Simpkin, Marshall, Hamilton, Kent & Co., Limited, 1903), reprinted by Nabu Public Domain Reprints; John William Fortescue, (London: Macmillan and Company Ltd., 1909) reprinted by BiblioBazaar, LLC; Major-General J. M. Grierson, Records of the Scottish Volunteer Force, 1859-1908 (London: William Blackwood and Sons, 1909) reprinted by Nabu Public Domain Reprints.

62 http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/printable/33213 (accessed July 29, 2013).

63 Richard Mileham, The Yeomanry Regiments: 200 Years of Tradition (Edinburgh: Canongate Academic, 1994), 83.

64 http://archive.org/stream/ahistoryformati00berrgoog#page/n18/mode/2up/search/

65 Berry, 458-60 and title page.

66 Grierson, v, vii.

67 Government reports allowed for a realistic glimpse of life as it was for the lower classes in the Victorian era, although they were written from the perspectives of government employees – including magistrates – and likely reinforce the same bias(es) as the books I used. John Ivatt Briscoe, “A Letter on the Nature and Effects of the Tread-Wheel as an Instrument of Prison Labour and Punishment Addressed to The Right Hon. Robert Peel, M.P., His Majesty’s Principal Secretary of State for The Home Department, with an Appendix of Notes and Cases,” (London: John Hatchard and Son, 1824).

68 Berry, 181.

69 Carey, Carteret W. “The Present and Future Organization of the Volunteer Force,” in The Present Condition and Future Organization of the Volunteer Force by Captain Carteret W. Carey and Others, 1891. In Robert Potter Berry, A History of the Formation and Development of the Volunteer Infantry: From the Earliest Times (London: Simpkin, Marshall, Hamilton, Kent & Co., Limited, 1903), reprinted by Nabu Public Domain Reprints, 181.

Chapter 3

70 Healthcare provision in Canada is a provincial responsibility. To give the reader some idea of the healthcare spending trends in the province of Alberta within the last decade, the provincial Ministry of Health and Wellness spent a total of $6.3 billion in 2004-2005 and $10.5 billion in 2009-2010. Alberta Health Services’ budget for the

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current fiscal year is $17.1 billion, an increase of 3% from 2012–13. Total expenditures for the Ministry of Health and Wellness will account for 45% of Alberta government operational spending in 2013–14. www.health.alberta.ca/about/health-funding.html (accessed 28 May 2013).

71 Despite the commonly-held belief that money raised at healthcare fundraisers for goes towards research, the bulk of Canadian charitable dollars flowing towards cancer charities, for example, goes “to educate and care for cancer patients.” Canadians also appear unaware of the inequity that results from the public’s fixation with breast cancer, children’s cancers, leukemia, and prostate cancer. Of the 7% of cancer-specific charity funding, 94% is donated to these four areas, leaving only 6% of cancer-specific charity funding for all other cancer types. Canadians donate 151 times more to breast cancer- specific charities per potential year of life lost than to the four most lethal cancers combined. See Greg Thomson and Karen Greve Young. “Cancer in Canada: Framing the Crisis and Previewing the Opportunity for Donors,” Charity Intelligence Canada, April 2011.

72 Nancy Scheper-Hughes and Margaret Lock, “The Mindful Body: A Prolegomenon to Future Work in Medical Anthropology,” Medical Anthropology Quarterly, new ser., 1 (1987): 6-41.

73 Louis Liebenberg, “Persistence Hunting by Modern Hunter-Gatherers,” Current Anthropology 47 (2006): 1017-25.

74 The ten-year mean population of a !Kung San hunting camp is nineteen, meaning it is likely every group member will find out who is responsible for the latest kill. Their rule for allocating the ownership of meat from a kill is “’the owner of the arrow is the owner of the meat.’ This holds true even if the owner of the arrow is not the man who shot it.” The !Kung San trade arrows as a matter of course and even women, who do not partake in the hunt, may “own arrows, trade them with men, and become owners of meat…The reason for this high incidence of arrow sharing is not hard to find. A meat distribution brings prestige to the hunter, but it can also be an onerous task, bringing with it the risk of accusations of stinginess or improper behavior if the distribution is not to everybody’s liking.” See Richard Borshay Lee, The !Kung San: Men, Women, and Work in a Foraging Society, Cambridge University Press, 2009, 244, 247.

75See the website homepage for Alberta Cancer Foundation’s “Underwear Affair,” http://cl13.uncoverthecure.org/site/TR?pg=teamlist&fr_id=1240 (accessed 12 June 2013).

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76 David Sansone, “Greek Athletics and the Genesis of Sport,” in Synthia Sydnor, “Essence of Post-Olympism: A Prolegomena of Study” in Bale and Christensen, eds., Post-Olympism?, 169.

77 Synthia Sydnor, “Essence of Post-Olympism: A Prolegomena of Study” in Post- Olympism?, eds. Bale and Christensen, 169.

78 Henning Eichberg, “The Global, the Popular and the Inter-Popular: Olympic Sport between Market, State and Civil Society,” in John Bale and Mette Krogh Christensen, eds., Post-Olympism? Questioning Sport in the Twenty-first Century (Oxford: Berg, 2004), 66.

79 Pamela Cooper, “Community, Ethnicity, Status: The Origins of the Marathon in the United States,” The International Journal of the History of Sport 9 (1992): 58.

80 Joseph A. Amato, On Foot: A History of Walking (New York: New York University Press, 2004), 11. “Travail” and “travel” both derive from the Anglo-French word travailler, which means “to torment, labor, strive, journey.” See Merriam-Webster’s Collegiate Dictionary, 11th ed., pages 15a, 16a, and 1331.

81 Matthew P. Llewellyn, “ ‘Viva l’Italia! Viva l’Italia!’ Dorando Pietri and the North American Professional Marathon Craze, 1908-10,” The International Journal of the History of Sport, 25 (2008): 710-736. Thomas J. Osler and Edward L. Dodd. “Six-Day Pedestrian Races,” Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences, 301 (1977): 853- 857.

82 Nancy Scheper-Hughes and Margaret Lock. “The Mindful Body: A Prolegomenon to Future Work in Medical Anthropology,” Medical Anthropology Quarterly 1 (1987): 6-41.

83 Marilyn Wellmeyer, “Addicted to Perpetual Motion.” Fortune, June 1977: 58, in Pamela Cooper, The American Marathon (Syracuse University Press, 1998), 142.

84 Amato, On Foot, 14.

85 Scheper-Hughes and Lock, “The Mindful Body,” 7-8.

86 Marcel Mauss, Sociology and Psychology: Essays (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1979[1950]), in Scheper-Hughes and Lock, “The Mindful Body”, 11.

87 Milan Kundera, Slowness (London: Faber, 1996) in John Bale, Running Cultures: Racing in Time and Space (London: Routledge, 2004), 17.

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88 Robert Zeller, “Running Addiction and Masculinity in David Foster’s ‘Eye of the Bull,’” unpublished paper in Bale, Running Cultures, 97.

89 Roger Bannister, First Four Minutes (London: Putnam, 1955) in Bale, Running Cultures, 11.

90 Mike Spino and Jeffrey Warren, Mike Spino’s Mind/Body Running Program (New York: Bantam, 1979) in Bale, Running Cultures, 105.

91 Victor Turner, The Ritual Process. (Chicago: Aldine, 1997), 97.

92 Kevin R. Filo, Daniel C. Funk and Danny O’Brien. “It's Really Not About the Bike: Exploring Attraction and Attachment to the Events of the Lance Armstrong Foundation,” Journal of Sport Management; 22 (2008): 516.

93 Elaine Scarry, The Body in Pain: The Making and Un-making of the World (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1985), in Nancy Scheper-Hughes and Margaret Lock, “The Mindful Body: A Prolegomenon to Future Work in Medical Anthropology,” Medical Anthropology Quarterly 1 (1987): 29.

94 Usher Fleising, “The Ethology of Mythical Images in Healthcare Biotechnology: A Methodological Approach to Uncovering Ritualized Behaviour in the Evolution of Sickness and Healing.” Anthropology & Medicine 7 (2000): 245.

95 John Blacking, “Towards an Anthropology of the Body,” in The Anthropology of the Body, ed. John Blacking (New York: Academic Press, 1977), in Scheper-Hughes and Lock. “The Mindful Body,” 29.

96 For an illustration of these two points, see Michael Atkinson and Kevin Young, Deviance and Social Control in Sport (Windsor, ON: Human Kinetics, 2008), photograph, page 131. Note the sign on the female race participant’s back in the photograph. She was supposed to honour a friend or family member by wearing his/her name on her back during the event. Instead, she wore a list of the various procedures she endured during treatment for cancer as a way of signifying that she was running for self affirmation.

97 Homer, The Iliad, transl. Robert Fagles. (London: Penguin, 1998), 582-583.

98 Filo, Funk and O’Brien. “It's Really Not About the Bike, 514.

146

99 Adam Phillips, Houdini’s Box: On the Arts of Escape (London: Faber, 2001), in John Bale, Running Cultures: Racing in Time and Space (London: Routledge, 2004), 55.

100 Earl R. Anderson, “Footnotes More Pedestrian then Sublime: A Historical Background for the Foot-Races in ‘Evelina’ and ‘Humphry-Clinker’,” Eighteenth-Century Studies 14 (1980).

101 Lord William Lennox, “The Prince of Wales as Sportsman: (Ch xxvii of his “Here’s Sports Indeed), The Sporting Magazine, ser 3, 42 (July-Dec, 1862), 127, in Anderson, “Footnotes,” 62.

102 Anderson, “Footnotes,” 64.

103 Ibid.

104 Peter F. Radford, “Women’s Foot Races in the 18th and 19th Centuries: A Popular and Widespread Practice,” Canadian Journal of History of Sport 25 (1994): 50-61.

105 Anderson, “Footnotes,” 66.

106 Radford, “Women’s Foot Races,” 51, 56.

107 Ibid, 55.

108 Ibid, 55.

109 Ibid, 53. It appears that the ranks of unrespectable female pedestrians may have been filled with visible minorities. Radford recounts one story of a race in Sussex in 1825 where gypsy women were brought in to be the entertainment at a local wedding.

110 Ibid, 57.

111 Montague Shearman, “Athletics and Football,” in The Badminton Library (London: Longmans, Green and Co., 1887), 39.

112 Ibid, 40.

113 Thomas J. Osler and Edward L. Dodd. “Six-Day Pedestrian Races,” The Marathon: Physiological Medical, Epidemiological and Psychological Studies,” Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences 301 (1977): 853-57.

147

114 Ibid, 853. In 1871, Phineas T. Barnum leased a New York City property at East 26th St. and Madison/4th Ave. - formerly occupied by a railway terminal - from Cornelius Vanderbilt and converted it into “Barnum’s Roman Hippodrome.” April 27, 1874 appears to be the first time the site was used for a Barnum’s Circus performance. The lease changed hands and, for a year at least (1877), the property was known as “Gilmore’s Garden” before Vanderbilt took it over and turned it into Madison Square Garden I. The current Madison Square Garden is the fourth iteration and has moved to 2 Pennsylvania Plaza. See http://www.circushistory.org/Routes/PTB1871.htm#1873; http://www.macaulay.cuny.edu/eportfolios/brooks12/2012/03/31/then-and-now-madison- square-garden (accessed 3 June 2013).

115 Ibid, 856.

116 Cooper, American Marathon, 44.

117 Ibid, 8.

118 Paul Cartledge, “The Greeks and Anthropology,” Journal of the Classical Association of Ireland 2, (1995): 17-28. Gilles Pécoult points out that the term ‘philhellenism’ resonated throughout the eighteenth century as an expression of “political friendship…in an age before nationalism became the principal instrument of political mobilization.” See Gilles Pécoult, “Philhellenism in Italy: Political Friendship and the Italian Volunteers in the Mediterranean in the Nineteenth Century,” Journal of Modern Italian Studies 9 (2004): 406.

119 Allen Guttmann, The Olympics (Champaign, Illinois: University of Illinois Press, 2002): 1-20. For a short description of the events leading up to the inclusion of the marathon in the 1896 Olympic Games, see Charles Lovett, Olympic Marathon: A Centennial History of the Games’ Most Storied Race (Westport, CT: Praeger, 1997), xii. See also R.L. Quercetani, A World History of Track and Field Athletics, 1864-1964 (London: Oxford University Press, 1964), 162.

120 Llewellyn, “North American Professional Marathon Craze,” 718.

121 Ibid, 717-20.

122 Ibid, 722-24.

123 Ibid, 726-8.

148

124 Pamela Cooper, Community, Ethnicity, Status: The Origins of the Marathon in the United States,” International Journal of the History of Sport 9 (1992): 57-8.

125 Llewellyn, “North American Professional Marathon Craze,” 729.

126 Cooper, “Community, Ethnicity, Status,” 50.

127 Ibid, 58. Samuel Levy was a successful New York businessman who served as Manhattan Borough President from 1931 to 1937. See New York Times, 17 January, 1931, 3.

128 Douglas Brown, “Post-Olympism: Olympic Legacies, Sport Spaces and the Practices of Everyday Life,” in Bale and Christensen, eds., Post-Olympism?, 105.

129 Pierre Laguillaumie, “Pour une Critique fondamentale du Sport,” Sport, culture et repression, ed. Ginette Berthaud et al. (Paris: Francois Maspero, 1972), 41, in Allen Guttmann, From Ritual to Record: The Nature of Modern Sports. (Columbia University Press, 1978), 66.

130 Scheper-Hughes and Lock. “The Mindful Body,” 25.

131 Stuart L. Smith, “Athletes, Runners and Joggers: Participant-Group Dynamics in a Sport of ‘Individuals’,” Sociology of Sport Journal 15 (1998): 176.

132 Ibid, 187.

133 John Bale, Running Cultures: Racing in Time and Space (London: Routledge, 2004), 143.

134 Allen Guttmann, From Ritual to Record (New York: Columbia University Press, 2004), 26. See pages 9-10 for an example of this.

135 David Smith, Moral Geographies: Ethics in a World of Difference (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2000), 46-47, in Bale, Running Cultures, 29.

136 Terrence Turner, “The Social Skin,” in J. Cherfas and R. Lewin, eds., Not Work Alone (London: Temple Smith, 1980), in Scheper-Hughes and Lock, “The Mindful Body,” 25.

149

137 The 2011 entry fee for the ING New York City Marathon, for example, was US$207 but the expenses per entrant were approximately US$475. Sponsorship dollars were used to make up the shortfall. Runner’s World, “Big Apple, Big Bucks,” August 2011, 82.

138 Warren Smith and Matthew Higgins, “Cause-Related Marketing: Ethics and the Ecstatic,” Business and Society 39 (2000), 307.

139 Nancy Mairs, Ordinary Time: Cycles in Marriage, Faith and Renewal (Boston: Beacon Press, 1993), 163, in Arthur W. Frank, The Wounded Storyteller (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1997), 148-9.

140 Thomson and Greve Young, “Cancer in Canada,” 35. In 2011, CBC's Marketplace analyzed the Canadian Cancer Society’s (CCS) financial reports dating back twelve years and discovered that, on an annual basis, the proportion of money it spent on research dropped (from 40.3 per cent in 2000 to under 22 per cent in 2011). Fundraising costs, on the other hand, have increased steadily - from 26 per cent of the funds raised in 2000, to 42.7 per cent in 2011. Greg Thomson of Charity Intelligence Canada said the Canadian Cancer Society appears to spend more on fundraising than a number of other charities. See http://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/story/2011/07/04/cancer-society-funding.html (accessed 10 July 2013).

141 Michael J. Polonsky and Richard Speed. “Linking Sponsorship and Cause Related Marketing: Complementarities and Conflicts,” European Journal of Marketing 35 (2001), 1364.

142 R. Madrigal, “A Review of Team Identification and its Influences on Consumers’ Responses toward Corporate Sponsors,” in McGlone, Colleen and Nathan Martin, “Nike’s Corporate Interest Lives Strong: A Case of Cause-Related Marketing and Leveraging,” Sport Marketing Quarterly 15 (2006): 185.

143 E. Banks, “The Social Capital of Self-Help Mutual Aid Groups,” Social Policy 28 (1997): 30-39; A. Broadbridge and S. Horne, “Volunteers in Charity Retailing: Recruitment and Training,” Nonprofit Management and Leadership 6(1996): 255-70; R. Freeman, “Working for nothing: The supply of volunteer labor,” Journal of Labor Economics 15 (1997): 140-67; J. Kincade, D. Rabiner, B. Shulamit, and A. Woomert, “Older Adults as a Community Resource: Results from the National Survey of Self-Care and Aging,” Gerontologist 36(1996): 474-82. In John Wilson, “Volunteering,” Annual Review of Sociology 26 (2000): 215-40.

150

144 Richard D. Alexander, The Biology of Moral Systems (New York: Aldine de Guyter, 1987), 85, in Jan Tullberg, “On Indirect Reciprocity: The Distinction between Reciprocity and Altruism and a Comment on Suicide Terrorism,” American Journal of Economics and Sociology 63 (2004): 1194.

145 Tullberg, “On Indirect Reciprocity,” 1195.

146 Thorstein Veblen, Theory of the Leisure Class (New York, Oxford University Press, 2007, originally published 1899), 161. See page 90, Chapter 2 for more on conspicuous consumption.

147 Martha Banta, editorial notes, in Veblen, Theory of the Leisure Class, vii-viii.

148 Veblen, Theory of the Leisure Class, 33-38.

149 The 2011 case of Lorna Robinson and her involvement with the Alberta Cancer Foundation’s Weekend to End Women’s Cancers illustrates both the monetary and social capital required to participate in some of these events. On June 27, 2011, CBC Radio’s Calgary Eye-Opener program highlighted the Foundation’s strong-arm tactics. Prior to the 2011 entry deadline, Lorna Robinson - a single mother from Airdrie who had volunteered three times previously for the Weekend to End Women’s Cancers (formerly the Weekend to End Breast Cancer) - had raised only $500 of the $2000 minimum required for participation in the two-day walk. Her daughter, a cancer survivor, had managed to raise the full amount but, as you can imagine, Lorna was reluctant to call on all of the same friends and family members who had been so generous to her daughter. Lorna asked for an exception in light of her previous involvement. Her request was denied, as was her request that the Foundation refund all of her donors’ money. She was given the option of self-pledging, meaning that the balance would be charged to her credit card and, if she was unable to raise the balance within the extension period, was told she would be responsible for the balance herself. The Foundation was also unwilling to refund Lorna’s registration fee of $50 – in spite of the fact that she no longer planned to participate – and suggested instead that she could volunteer if she wished to be involved. When Ms. Robinson asked just what exactly the money does go towards, she was not given a clear answer. Leigh Elliot, the communications officer interviewed on the radio program gave, as a reason for denying Lorna her request, the many other options for participation in the cause which require smaller donations. Lorna could not, however, access the funds she had already raised in order to redirect the money to other events. After the interview aired, Ms. Robinson managed to raise $4635, with her credit card company donating $2000.

151

A shortened version of the story is available at http://www.cbc.ca/news/health/story/2011/06/27/calgary-.html (accessed 6 June 2013); and http://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/calgary/story/2011/07/18/calgary-cancer-weekend- walk html (accessed 6 June 2013).

The Weekend to End Women’s Cancers was also in the news in 2011 for cancelling Edmonton’s event and forcing all Albertans to travel to Calgary to participate. Michelle Rouble, an Edmontonian who raised $26,000 in 2011 alone, said that she would not participate again due to the expense that her friends and family would incur by traveling to Calgary to cheer her on. See http://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/calgary/story/2011/07/18/calgary-cancer-weekend-walk html (accessed 6 June 2013).

Speaking to the financially unnecessary nature of distance-running fundraisers, Thomson and Greve Young conclude in their 2011 report for Charity Intelligence Canada that donors can increase the impact of their research contributions by 47% by donating directly to research institutions instead of to cancer charities, which spend 32% of their budgets on fundraising and administrative costs.

150 James S. Coleman, “On the Self –Suppression of Academic Freedom.” Academic Questions 4 (1991), 21.

151 Ahmed Touny, “History of Sports in Ancient Egypt” (paper presented at the Twenty- fourth Session of the International Olympic Academy, Ancient Olympia, Greece, July 4- 19, 1982), 86.

152 J. P. Toner, Leisure and Ancient Rome (Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1995), 125.

153 Arnd Kruger, “The Nazi Olympics of 1936,” in Kevin Young and Kevin B. Walmsley, eds., Global Olympics: Historical and Sociological Studies of the Modern Games (Bingley: UK, 2007), 43-58.

154 Scheper-Hughes and Lock, “The Mindful Body,” 7-8.

155 David E. Martin, Herbert W. Benario & Roger W.H. Gynn, “Development of the Marathon from Past to Present, with Statistics of Significant Races,” The Marathon: Physiological, Medical, Epidemiological, and Psychological Studies, Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences 301 (1977), 821-2. An alternative account says that Herodotus made no mention of Pheidippides, possibly due to the fact that the messenger may have been a deserter. See Quercetani, A World History of Track and Field Athletics, 162.

152

156 Amato, On Foot, 34-5.

157 “Franklin D. Roosevelt Remembered for Role in Polio Eradication,” www.medicalnewstoday.com (accessed 13 April 2009); March of Dimes, “History of Success,” www.marchofdimes.com (accessed 13 April 2009).

158 March of Dimes Canada, “Marching Mothers,” www.marchofdimes.ca (accessed 11 February 2009).

159 Northwestern Industrial Army marches to join Coxey’s Army on April 25, 1894. www.historylink.org (accessed 6 April 2009).

160 A History of the American Suffragist Movement, www.suffragist.com/timeline (accessed 6 April 2009).

161 Geoff Nunberg, Going Nucular: Language, Politics, and Culture in Confrontational Times (New York: Public Affairs, 2004), 75.

162 Ibid.

163 Pamela Cooper, “Community, Ethnicity, Status: The Origins of the Marathon in the United States,” International Journal of the History of Sport 9 (1992): 57-8.

164 Llewellyn, “North American Professional Marathon Craze,” 729.

165 Polonsky and Speed. “Linking Sponsorship and Cause Related Marketing,” 1364.

Chapter 4

166 Thomas Hobbes, Leviathan or The Matter, Forme and Power of a Common Wealth Ecclesiasticall and Civil, London, printed for Andrew Crooke, 1651.

167 Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Du Contrat Sociale ou Principes du Droit Politique, Amsterdam, chez Marc Michel Rey, 1762.

168 Sir J. W. Fortescue, A History of the British Army (Macmillan: London, 1899), 12 in Cecil Sebag-Montefiore, A History of the Volunteer Forces From the Earliest Times to the Year 1860; Being a Recital of the Citizen Duty (London: Archibald Constable, 1908). Reprinted by www.General-Books.net (2009): 13.

169 Sebag-Montefiore, A History of the Volunteer Forces, 25.

153

170 Robert Potter Berry, A History of the Formation and Development of the Volunteer Infantry: From the Earliest Times (London: Simpkin, Marshall, Hamilton, Kent & Co., Limited, 1903), reprinted by Nabu Public Domain Reprints, 26-28.

171 See the Honourable Artillery Company’s website at www.hac.org.uk (accessed 1 June 2012).

172 Allan Mallinson, The Making of the British Army (Bantam Press, 2009), 8.

173 In August of 1651, the forces of Charles II had invaded England and were rapidly nearing Bristol. The Council of State authorised local authorities to include any Volunteers and to either add them to existing companies or form them into separate companies of Militia. Since voluntary troops raised about the same time in the various districts of London were officially regarded as appendages to the Militia, the term ‘Volunteer’ denoted the method of their introduction to service more than it indicated the spontaneity of their origin. See Sebag-Montefiore, A History of the Volunteer Forces, 31.

174 King Charles I, a Roman Catholic, was beheaded on January 30, 1649, at the climax of the English Civil War. British Parliament subsequently made it illegal to proclaim his son as king. During the period from 1653 to 1660, known as the Cromwellian Interregnum, the country became a de facto republic. 175 Mallinson, 28.

176 In the twenty years between the beginning of the French Revolutionary Wars and the end of the Napoleonic Wars (1793 to 1814, roughly), Britain’s regular army grew from a relatively small, poorly administered force of 40,000 to over 250,000 men. See Mike Chappell, Wellington's Peninsula Regiments (2): The Light Infantry (Oxford: Osprey Publishing, 2004), 8; David Chandler and Ian Beckett, The Oxford History of the British Army (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), 132.

177 Philip J. Haythornthwaite, British Infantry of the Napoleonic Wars (London: Arms and Armour Press, 1987), 7.

178 Berry, A History of the Formation and Development of the Volunteer Infantry, 53, 183. On March 16, 1867, the Volunteer Committee on capitation grant issued the following memorandum to the War Office: “The experience of eight years has conclusively shown the heavy personal expenditure entailed on the Volunteers. One captain, in a private letter to the chairman, states that his company has cost him £500, and it is confidently believed that there are very many instances of similar and indeed much larger sums being expended by officers in support of their corps.”

154

179 Rt. Hon Earl Brownlow, "The British Volunteer System,” North American Review (May 1900): 745-52.

180 Major-General J. M. Grierson, Records of the Scottish Volunteer Force, 1859-1908 (London: William Blackwood and Sons, 1909), 3–11.

181 Ibid.

182 A game played with a crooked stick and a predecessor of cricket.

183 Hunter’s History of London, i. 237. In Cecil Sebag-Montefiore A History of the Volunteer Forces From the Earliest Times to the Year 1860; Being a Recital of the Citizen Duty, 24-25.

184 Act 6 Henry the Eight, c. 2(1514-15) in Sebag-Montefiore A History of the Volunteer Forces, 16.

185 Ibid, 25.

186 Act 8 Elizabeth, c. 10(1566) in Sebag-Montefiore A History of the Volunteer Forces, 26.

187 See Peter Bailey, Leisure and Class in Victorian England (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1978) and Rachel Vorspan, “’Rational Recreation’ and the Law: The Transformation of Popular Urban Leisure in Victorian England,” McGill Law Journal 45 (2000): 891-973.

188 Robert Malcolmson, Popular Recreations in English Society, 1700-1850 (Cambridge, 1973). In Peter Bailey, Leisure and Class in Victorian England: Rational Recreation and the Contest for Control, 1830-1885.

189 Eric Hobsbawm, Industry and Empire (London: Penguin Group, 1999), 61.

190 Bailey, Leisure and Class in Victorian England, 4-5.

191 Vorspan, “’Rational Recreation’ and the Law,” 900.

192 Richard Holt, Sport and the British: A Modern History (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992), 137.

193 (U.K.), 5&6 Will. IV, c. 50.

155

194 Vorspan, “’Rational Recreation’ and the Law,” 904-8.

195 Bailey, Leisure and Class in Victorian England, 132.

196 Vorspan, “’Rational Recreation’ and the Law,” 909.

197 R.J. Morris, “Voluntary Societies and British Urban Elites, 1780-1850: An Analysis,” Historical Journal 26 (1983): 110.

198 Ibid, 96. I would argue that the exception to this rule is that of the paramilitary corps of the Volunteer Movement – most, if not all, were started by the gentry/aristocracy.

199 T. Bottomore, “Social stratification in voluntary organizations,’ in Social Mobility in Britain, ed. D.V. Glass (London: Routledge Kegan Paul, 1954), 349-82; N. Babchuck and Alan Booth, ‘Voluntary association membership: a longitudinal analysis,’ American Sociological Review, 34 (1969), 31-45.; James Curtis, “Voluntary Association Joining: A Cross-national Comparative Note,” American Sociological Review, 36 (1971), 872-9; Erich Goode, “Class styles of Religious Association,” British Journal of Sociology, XIX (1968), 1-16, in R.J. Morris “Voluntary Societies and British Urban Elites,” 96.

200 R.J. Morris “Voluntary Societies and British Urban Elites,” 96. Antonio Gramsci (1891–1937) would later become famous for calling this practice cultural hegemony, a process whereby one social class manipulates the system of values and mores of a society in order to establish a worldview that justifies its continued domination of the other social classes within the society.

201 Ibid, 95-118.

202 Ibid, 96-7.

203 Ibid, 112.

204 Bethlem, Bridewell, and St Thomas’s round out the list. Barts is the oldest hospital in the United Kingdom that still occupies its original site. http://www.bartshealth.nhs.uk/our-hospitals/st-bartholomew%e2%80%99s-hospital/our- history/(accessed 13 May, 2013).

205 F.K. Prochaska and HRH the Prince of Wales, “Philanthropy and the Hospitals of London: The King’s Fund, 1897-1990,” Oxford Scholarship Online, October 2011. http://www.oxfordscholarship.com.ezproxy.lib.ucalgary.ca/view/10.1093/acprof:oso/978 0 (accessed 5 May 2013). Note that Canada has its own tradition of voluntary hospitals.

156

See David Gagan and Rosemary Gagan, For Patients of Moderate Means, (Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2002).

206 This quote is attributed to George Malcolm Young from his Portrait of an Age (Oxford University Press, H. Milford, 1936) in Prochaska and HRH the Prince of Wales, “Philanthropy and the Hospitals of London,” 2.

207 http://www.royalfree.org.uk/default.aspx?top_nav_id=3&tab_id=3 (accessed 13 May, 2013). In 1877, the Royal Free Hospital had the distinction of becoming the first hospital in Britain to accept female medical students. 208 http://www.family-action.org.uk/section.aspx?id=1155 (accessed 13 May 2013).

209 Sebag-Montefiore, A History of the Volunteer Forces, 13. Three units still maintain their militia designation in the British Army. Britain and Canada also have a longstanding tradition of institutional paramilitary training with the Royal Canadian Army, Air and Sea Cadets. 210 Ibid, 4.

211 Ibid, 30.

212 Ibid, 35. A man able to raise two companies would receive the rank of major; if he had the wherewithal to form three companies, he would become a lieutenant-colonel. Each company numbered between eighty and one hundred men.

213 The Militia ballot was the equivalent of what we would call ‘conscription’ or ‘the draft’ today. Cecil Sebag-Montefiore notes that (under the provisions of Charles II’s Militia Act of 1757), “the liability formerly imposed on property-owners to supply men, horses and arms was transferred to the counties and parishes, for each of which a definite quota was fixed…Lists were drawn up by the chief constables of all male inhabitants in each parish between the ages of eighteen and fifty years. Exemptions from these lists were in favour of peers of the realm, members of parliament, members of universities, clergymen, constables, apprentices and seamen. On the Sunday morning preceding the date fixed for the returns, the lists were attached to the doors of the churches and chapels in order that they might be scanned by the public…The quota for each parish was forthwith selected by ballot – the process being known from this time forth as the Militia Ballot. The men thus chosen by lot were enrolled to serve for three years, or otherwise were compelled to provide fit and approved substitutes. At the close of his three years’ service a man was exempt from the ballot until his turn came to serve again; but a person who refused to serve after being drawn was fined ten pounds, in addition to being liable to serve at the end of three years. By this means it was sought

157

to secure that every able-bodies man in turn should pass through the ranks and serve for a time.” See Sebag-Montefiore, A History of the Volunteer Forces, 32.

About the popularity of the first Volunteer Act in 1778, Sebag-Montefiore goes on to say that “the imposition of the ballot was productive of widespread discontent” and that “the whole process presented itself to the average bucolic mind as a matter of compulsion…the practice of finding substitutes for nearly every parochial office had become so universal in country districts that it was the most natural course to adopt in regard to the ballot…When the Act of 1778 gave permission for the acceptance of approved Volunteers in lieu of an equivalent number of the parish quota, it may be supposed that the patriotic spirit was aroused in the rural districts to a degree to which the Government as well as the country itself were strangers.” See Sebag-Montefiore, A History of the Volunteer Forces, 40-1. Fortescue notes that the cost of hiring someone as a substitute for the Militia ballot had risen as high as eighty pounds by 1798. Unfortunately, a physical handicap did not automatically secure exemption from the ballot. The blind, deaf, dumb, handless and legless were nonetheless liable to serve by substitute or pay the fine, so long as they were the right age and worth at least £100. See John William Fortescue, The County Lieutenancies and the Army, 1803-1814 (London: Macmillan and Co., 1909), 5, 18.

214 Ibid, 39.

215 An alternative account of the demographics describing the Volunteers of 1859 is provided in Robert Potter Berry’s A History of the Formation and Development of the Volunteer Infantry: “All sorts of conditions of men, from peer to peasant, men of all professions, trades and callings, combined to enroll themselves, gave freely of their time to this self-imposed duty…”, 136.

216 Sebag-Montefiore, A History of the Volunteer Forces, 224.

217 A very small percentage of Volunteers eventually did participate in the Boer Wars.

218 Toni Pfanner, “Military Uniforms and the Law of War,” International Review of the Red Cross 86 (2004): 93.

219 Record of the Light Horse Volunteers, Appendix XIV in Sebag-Montefiore, A History of the Volunteer Forces, 132. Though this particular corps disbanded in 1829, it seems likely that other groups which continued to be active from 1859 onward would have retained this practice in keeping with tradition.

158

220 Berry, A History of the Formation and Development of the Volunteer Infantry, 134, 393.

221 Ibid, 462.

222 Ibid, 445.

223 Hardwicke Papers, Add. MSS. 35667, fo. 52 in J.R. Western, “The Volunteer Movement as an Anti-Revolutionary Force, 1793-1801,” English Historical Review 71 (1956): 606.

224 Ibid.

225 Berry, A History, 411.

226 Grierson, Records of the Scottish Volunteer Force, 12-13, 23. 227 Berry, A History, 53, 89.

228 Grierson, Records, 1859-1908, 145 and 225.

229 Ibid, 165.

230 Berry, A History, 469.

231 Grierson, Records, 133, 151.

232 Berry, A History, 407.

233 Grierson, Records, 87.

234 Berry, A History, 246-7, 262.

235 Ibid, 470-1.

236 Ibid, 431, 449.

237 Grierson, Records, 1859-1908, 37-38.

238 Ibid, 44.

159

239 Berry, A History, 182-3. In De la Grande Guerre au Totalitarisme. La Brutalisation des Sociétés Européennes (Paris: Hackette, 1999), George Mosse states that “there has been an uninterrupted history of volunteering since the French revolution.” Greece hosted international military Volunteers repeatedly during the nineteenth century, although for less pleasant reasons. These Volunteers were mainly from Italy but included men from France, Britain, Denmark and America as well. As early as 1821, during Greece’s fight for independence and as late as 1897, during the Greco-Turkish War, foreign Volunteers assisted the Greeks. Unlike the British Volunteers, who mostly stayed close to home and wanted merely to defend what they already had, these wandering freedom fighters were more concerned with “political protest and action;” volunteering to fight in Greece was “taken to be an act…against the established order.” See Gilles Pécoult, “Philhellenism in Italy: Political Friendship and the Italian Volunteers in the Mediterranean in the Nineteenth Century,” Journal of Modern Italian Studies 9 (2004).

240 Ibid, 199.

241 Berry, A History of the Formation and Development of the Volunteer Infantry, 297-9.

242 Bailey, Leisure and Class in Victorian England, 126.

243 Ibid, 124-131.

244 Berry, A History, 172.

245 Ibid, 178. See also Grierson, Records of the Scottish Volunteer Force, 56.

246 http://www.janus.lib.cam.ac.uk (accessed 9 April 2013). The CURV continued to expand until 1907 when it was officially incorporated as a Rifle Club and affiliated to the National Rifle Association.

247 http://www.oua.ox.ac.uk (accessed 9 April, 2013).

248 http://www.etoncollege.com/ccf.aspx (accessed 9 April 2013). Now known as the Eton College Combined Cadet Force, the Corps aims to provide boys with “a wide range of military skills, adventurous pursuits, leadership experience and the opportunity to complete the Duke of Edinburgh Award at silver level.”

249 Grierson, Records,, 289.

250 Berry, A History, 19.

160

251 Christopher Tyerman, A History of Harrow School, 1324- 1991 (Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2000), 401.

252 The roughly translation for “laissez-faire” is “live and let live.”

253 Ibid, 212. The British government even succeeded in avoiding responsibility for education until 1870.

254 Hobsbawm, Industry and Empire, 204 – 17.

255 Asa Briggs, Victorian People (London: C. Nicholls and Company, 1965), 11-27. It may also have been the case that government economic policy left British citizens no choice but to cultivate this attitude.

256 T.H.S. Escott, England in Hobsbawm, Industry and Empire, 111.

257 The Corn Laws were protectionist trade laws designed to protect cereal grain producers in the United Kingdom from competition from cheaper foreign imports.

258 Eric Hobsbawm, Industry and Empire, 99, 210-211.

259 Berry, A History of the Formation and Development of the Volunteer Infantry, 410.

260 Ibid, 124.

261 A third option may be that satirical publications like Punch finally managed to undermine the credibility of the Volunteer Force. See “Mr. Punch’s Own Rifle Corps,” Punch, or The London Charivari, June 11, 1859: 237 for an example.

262 Captain Carteret W. Carey and Others, The Present Condition and Future Organization of the Volunteer Force, published 1891, publisher unknown, in Berry, A History of the Formation and Development of the Volunteer Infantry, 181. Captain Carey was a member of the Highland Light Infantry and Adjutant Lanarkshire Rifle Volunteers. A return is a detailed report (filed with the government) that documents certain characteristics of an active Volunteer Corps.

263 Richard Holt, Sport and the British: A Modern History (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992), 138.

161

264 Berry, A History of the Formation and Development of the Volunteer Infantry, 300. Pro focis et pro aris translates to: “For Country and for God.” The more familiar form of the phrase is “For God and for Country.”

265 Ibid, 464.

266 Shearman, “Athletics and Football,” 40.

267 Thorstein Veblen, Theory of the Leisure Class (New York, Oxford University Press, 2007), originally published 1899, 161.

268 Michel Foucault, The Care of the Self (Harmondsworth, Penguin, 1984), 85. In Dennis Smith, “The Civilizing Process and The History of Sexuality: Comparing Norbert Elias and Michel Foucault,” Theory and Society 28 (1999): 79-100.

269 Veblen, Theory of the Leisure Class.

270 Ibid, 33-38.

271 Ibid, 166, 168.

272 Ibid, 175.

273 Ibid, 168-9.

274 Ibid, 168-177.

Chapter 5

275 For an in-depth analysis of this progression see Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison, (New York: Penguin, 1978).

276 G. Le Trosne, Mémoires sur les Vagabonds (A Soissons, et se trouve a Paris, chez P. G. Simon, imprimeur du Parlement rue de la Harpe, à l'Hercule, 1764), 4, in Foucault, Discipline and Punish, 76-77.

277 John W. Humphrey, John P. Oleson, and Andrew N. Sherwood, Greek and Roman Technology: A Sourcebook (London: Routledge, 1998), 310-11; Vitruvius, de Architectura, ca. 50-26 BCE.

162

278 Colin O'Connor, Roman Bridges (Cambridge University Press, 1994), 49-50, in Lynne Lancaster, “Building Trajan's Column,” American Journal of Archaeology 103 (1999): 419-439.

279 L.F. Salzman, Building in England Down to 1540. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1952), 325, in Andrea L. Matthies, “Medieval Treadwheels: Artists' Views of Building Construction,” Technology and Culture 33 (1992): 515.

280 Maître de l'Échevinage, “Reconstruction of the Temple of Jerusalem,” in William of Tyre, Histoire d'Outremer, c. 1170 to 1184.

281 Andrea Matthies, “Medieval Treadwheels: Artists' Views of Building Construction,” Technology and Culture 33(1992): 510-547.

282 F.R. Forbes Taylor, “The Winch from Well-head to Goliath Crane,” Chartered Mechanical Engineer 9 (1962): 203.

283 Charles Czarnowsky, “Engins de levage dans les combles d'eglises en Alsace,” Les Cahiers techniques de l'art, Strasbourg 2 (1949): 14-15. Antwerp’s crane was dated from an engraving of the port dated 1515; Trier’s dates from 1413 and still stands; the Lineberg crane dates from 1330.

284 Henry Mayhew, London Labour and the London Poor (London, 1861), 304.

285 Salzman, Building in England, 325.

286 Ladislao Reti, “Leonardo and Ramelli,” Technology and Culture 13 (1972): 577-605.

287 F. Ferguson, “Leupold’s Theatrum Machinarum: A need and an opportunity,” Technology and Culture 12(1): 1971, 64-68.

288 British Patent Roll, 15 Elizabeth, part 9, M. 33, "Certayne Mylnes for Grindynge of Come;" Rhys Jenkins, “Links in the History of Engineering,” The Engineer 126, 1918, 534-36.

289 Alex Keller, “Renaissance theatres of machines,“ review of The Various and Ingenious Machines of Agostino Ramelli, ed. E. S. Ferguson, trans. M. T. Gnudi and of Le Machine (1629) by Giovanni Branca, Technology and Culture 19 (1978): 495.

290 Joseph Needham, Science and Civilisation in China, 6 vols. (Cambridge, 1965), 4: 339-50; Thomas Ewbank, Hydraulic and Other Machines for Raising Water (London,

163

1842), chap. 17; Ladislao Reti, “Leonardo da Vinci the Technologist: The Problem of Prime Movers," in Leonardo's Legacy, ed. C. D. O'Malley (Berkeley, 1969): 79-83; E. J. Dijksterhuis, ed., The Principal Works of Simon Stevin (Amsterdam, 1955), 1:343- 45; Faustus Verantius, Machinae Novae (Venice, ca. 1615).

291 Sir William Cubitt (1785–1861) was an eminent English civil engineer and millwright. He may have been best known for his work on the Crystal Palace, built for London’s Great Exhibition of 1851.

292 Bentham’s Panopticon (originally published in 1791) was to have a strong influence on British prison architecture. See Jeremy Bentham, The Panopticon Writings, ed. Miran Bozovic (London: Verso, 1995). p. 29-95. http://cartome.org/panopticon2.htm (accessed 14 May 2103).

293 Samuel Bentham, "Machinery for Cutting and Planing Wood," British Patent No. 1838, year 1701. 294 GeorgeI II, ch. 74, art. 32 (1779), in David Shayt, “Stairway to Redemption: America's Encounter with the British Prison Treadmill,” Technology and Culture 30 (1989), 908-938.

295 Henry Mayhew and John Binny, The Criminal Prisons of London and Scenes of Prison Life (London, 1862), 288; James Nield, State of the Prisons in England, Scotland, and Wales (London, 1812), 88.

296 Henry and Binny, The Criminal Prisons, 288. See also Shayt, “Stairway to Redemption,” 915-916. One characteristic of incarceration in any era is an excess of leisure time.

297 Parliamentary Papers, Report of Committees (1819; repr. Shannon, 1968), 7: 326; Parliamentary Papers, A Detailed Statement Respecting the Tread Mills in the Several Gaols of England and Wales (1824; repr. Shannon, 1970), 19: 248.

298 John Cox Hippisley, Correspondence and communications addressed to his majesty’s principal secretary of state for the home department concerning the introduction of tread-mills into prisons with other matters connected with the subject of prison discipline (William Nicol: London, 1823), 9, 4, 92 (footnote).

299 Digest of Gaol Returns, (London, 1842).

300 Prisons of Ireland. Fourteenth report of the inspectors general on the general state of the prisons of Ireland, (1836), 35. County of Galway Gaol had a good treadwheel with

164

an attached apparatus for a marble yard; Gaols. Copies of all reports, and of the schedules (B.) transmitted to the Secretary of State, pursuant to the 24th section of the 4th Geo. IV. c. 64. for consolidating and amending the laws relating to the building, repairing and regulating of certain gaols and houses of correction, in England and Wales. Presented to the Honourable the House of Commons, in conformity to the further provisions of the same section. (1825): 186, 246. Charles Shaw-Lefevre, Second report from the Select Committee appointed to inquire into the state of agriculture; with the minutes of evidence, and appendix, VIII (1836): 289; Sean McConville, English Local Prisons 1860-1900: Next Only to Death, (London: Routledge, 1995), 257.

301 Public readiness to credit Cubitt with inventing the prison treadwheel probably stemmed from the fact that he had been the engineer for the Crystal Palace which was built to house The Great Exhibition of 1851.

302 Hippisley, Correspondence and communications, 7-8.

303 Olinthus Gregory, A Treatise of Mechanics (London: G. Kearsley, 1806), 169-73; David Hardie, Specification – Cranes, British Patent 2300 of 1799.

304 See photograph from the Smithsonian Institute.

305John Ivatt Briscoe, “A Letter on the Nature and Effects of the Tread-Wheel, as an Instrument of Prison Labour and Punishment” (John Hatchard and Son: London, 1824), 21. Ten hours a day corresponded roughly to 11,880 vertical feet of climbing.

306 Ibid., 122-23.

307 Ibid., 60-100.

308 A letter between a certain Dr. Good and J.C.Hippisley mentions the use of an “improved form” of treadwheel rumoured to be in use in a “Northern County.” This supposedly refined design was merely that of the drum-shaped ‘internal’ precursor to Cubitt’s design. See Hippisley, “Correspondence and Communications,” 106.

309 Stephen Allen, Reports on the Stepping or Discipline Mill, at the New York Penitentiary: Together with Several Letters on the Subject (New York, 1823); 15, 18; James Hardie, The History of the Tread-Mill (New York, 1824); Prison Discipline Society of Boston, First Report (1826), 35; Second Report (1827), 111-12, in Shayt, “Stairway to Redemption, 927.

165

310 N. H. Egleston, "The Newgate of Connecticut," Magazine of American History 15 (1886): 321-34; John W. Shannahan, "Old New-Gate Prison and Copper Mine," Connecticut Antiquarian 25 (1973): 19; Overseers of New Gate Prison, Report (1824), 2, in Shayt, “Stairway to Redemption,” 928.

311 New-Gate Prison Committee, Report (1826), 23, in Shayt, “Stairway to Redemption,” 929.

312 "Presentments of the Grand Jury for the Charleston District," City Gazette, 3 February 1823; Ordinances of the City Council of Charleston (1838), 32-33; Prison Discipline Society of Boston, Sixteenth Report (1841), 66.

313 McConville, English Local Prisons, 114.

314 Prison discipline in the colonies. Digest and summary of information respecting prisons in the colonies, supplied by the governors of Her Majesty's colonial possessions, in answer to Mr. Secretary Cardwell's circular despatches of the 16th and 17th January 1865, 30.

315 The common sentiment was that treadwheel labour greatly increased the odds of contracting an inguinal hernia. Extensive comparisons were made with workers in similar occupations, namely seamen, roofers, and any other job requiring repeatedly scaling ladders, etc. See Hippisley, Correspondence and communications.

316 Colonial reports.-- Annual No. 51. Leeward Islands. Annual report for 1891, 33.

317 Papers relating to Her Majesty's colonial possessions. Part I, (1873), 117,133.

318 Prison discipline in the colonies (see n. 39 above), 70. Other sources say Trinidad’s wheel was installed as early as 1824. See Mary Turner, “The 11 o’clock Flog: Women, Work and Labour Law in the British Caribbean,” Slavery & Abolition 20 (1999): 38-58.

319 Prison discipline in the colonies, 70.

320 Ibid.

321 Briscoe, “A Letter on the Nature and Effects of the Tread-Wheel,” 109-11.

322 First report from the Select Committee of the House of Lord appointed to inquire into the present state of the several gaols and houses of correction in England and Wales; with the minutes of evidence and an appendix (1835), 194.

166

323 London’s Science Museum houses a treadwheel labour calculator made by R. B. Bate of London, ostensibly used from 1822-1851. This appears to be one and the same as Hippisley’s “gyrometrical instrument.”

49 Hippisley, Correspondence and communications, 77.

325 Anita McConnell, ‘Bate, Robert Brettell (1782–1847)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004; online edn, Jan 2008. http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/37162 (accessed 9 May 2013).

326 W.M. Hase, Description of the Patent Improved Treadmill, for the Employment of Prisoners. Also of the Patent Portable Crank Machine, for Producing Labour of any Degree of Severity, In Solitary Confinement, for One, Two or any Number of Prisoners; To Which is added, The Description of the Gyrometer or Calculator, by R.B. Bate, (Norwich, 1824), in Iwan Rhys Morus, Bodies/Machines, (Berg: Oxford, 2002), 52-53.

327 Society for the Improvement of Prison Discipline, Description of the Tread Mill, for the Employment of Prisoners, with Observations on Its Management, (London, 1823), frontispiece. Cold Bath Fields Prison also had a regulating fly attached to its treadwheel machinery, by which the power derived from the action of about 240 Prisoners is expended on the air.”

328 Northern prisons tended to the opinion that the treadwheel was too easy to be considered ‘hard’ labour; southern prisons leaned the other way.

329 Initially he was for the idea, but later became a fervent proponent of treadwheel labour. Briscoe, “A Letter on the Nature and Effects of the Tread-Wheel,” 7- 8.

53 Hippisley, Correspondence and communications, 32.

331 Ibid, 67, 41.

332 Ibid, 36-37.

333 Briscoe, “A Letter on the Nature and Effects of the Tread-Wheel,” 131.

334 Ibid, 131-32.

335 Gaols. Copies of all reports, and schedules (B.) transmitted to the secretary of state, pursuant to the 24th section of the 4th Geo. IV. c. 64. for consolidating and amending

167

the laws relating to the building, repairing and regulating of certain gaols and houses of correction, in England and Wales. Presented to the Honourable House of Commons, in conformity to the further provisions of the same section. Reports and Schedules pursuant to Gaol Acts, 1825, PP, 1826, X, 147. The county of Leicestershire reported a yearly wage for treadwheel labour at more than £133 (neither the prisoners nor Governor had any share).

336 Association of Weavers, Are the Prisons to be Turned into Steam Mills?, (London: Cassell, Petter & Gilpin, 1870), 4-5, in McConville, English Local Prisons, 257.

337 John Stuart Mill, “Atrocities of the Tread Wheel,” Globe and Traveller, 3 October 1823, in Collected Works of John Stuart Mill XXII: Newspaper Writings, ed. Ann P. Robson and John M. Robson, (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1986), 69.

338 Charles Dickens, “In and out of jail,” Household Words, a Weekly Journal, 14 May 1853, 241-245, in Chapman, “Edward Smith,” 9.

339 Richard Ellman, Oscar Wilde (New York: Vintage Books, 1988), 480; Martin Fido, Oscar Wilde (New York: Viking, 1973), 121-5, in Shayt, “Stairway to Redemption,” 925.

340 Robin Evans, The Fabrication of Virtue: English Prison Architecture 1750-1840 (Cambridge University Press, 1982), 297, 299; Briscoe, “A Letter on the Nature and Effects of the Tread-Wheel,” 16.

341 The term ‘treadmill’ originated to describe just such a contraption.

342 D. Guest, The Emergence of Social Security in Canada, rev. ed. (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1985). In Susan M. Arai, “Volunteering in the Canadian Context: Identity, Civic Participation and the Politics of Participation in Serious Leisure” in Volunteering as Leisure/ Leisure as Volunteering, eds. Robert A. Stebbins, Margaret Graham, and R.A. Stebbins151-176 (Cambridge, MA: CABI, 2004), 153.

343 R. Splane, Social Welfare in Ontario 1791-1893: A Study of Public Welfare Administration (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1965); M.K. Strong, Public Welfare Administration in Canada (Montclair, New Jersey: Patterson Smith, 1969); N. Carter, Volunteers: The Untapped Potential (Ottawa: Canadian Council on Social Development, 1975). Guest, The Emergence of Social Security; J.E.F. Hastings and W. Mosley Organized Community Health Services (Ottawa: Royal Commission on Health Services, 1966) in Arai, “Volunteering in the Canadian Context,” 153.

168

344 Alexis de Tocqueville, “Of the Use Which Americans Make of Public Associations in Civil Life,” in Democracy in America (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1976), p. 110.

345 H. C. Triandis, Individualism and Collectivism (Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 1995). In Arai, 154.

346 See Ch. 2, p. 71 for a discussion of England’s charitable hospitals.

347 http://www.oxfam.org/en/trailwalker (accessed 8 February 2013).

348 Arai, “Volunteering in the Canadian Context,” 155.

349 H. Heclo, “Toward a new welfare state?” In Flora P. and A.J. Heidenheimer, (eds.), The Development of Welfare States in Europe and America (New Brunswick, New Jersey: Transaction Books, 1981), 383-406. In Susan M. Arai, “Volunteering in the Canadian Context: Identity, Civic Participation and the Politics of Participation in Serious Leisure” in Volunteering as Leisure/ Leisure as Volunteering, ed. Robert A. Stebbins, Margaret Graham, and R.A. Stebbins, (Cambridge, MA: CABI Publishing, 2004), 151-176.

350 David Harvey, A Brief History of Neoliberalism (New York, Oxford University Press, 2005), 2-3.

351 Ibid, 22-25, 65.

352 Ibid, 22-25.

353 Pink Ribbons, Inc., xxvii.

354 Of that total, 18.6% went to research, 20% went to fundraising expenses, and 47% was spent on public health education. http://ww5.komen.org/uploadedFiles/Content/AboutUs/Financial/1207- 1375237%20Financial%20Statements%20as%20of%2010.31.12_eissue.pdf (accessed 10 July 2013).

355 http://ww5.komen.org/AboutUs/GlobalInitiatives.html

356 See Chapter 2, page 75.

357 Sebag-Montefiore, A History of the Volunteer Forces, 8.

169

358 Published approximately every three years, the first two versions of this report - published in 1997 and 2000 - were known as the NSGVP. Subsequent versions used a different format and were known as the CSGVP.

359 Michael Hall, David Lasby, Steven Ayer, and William David Gibbons, Caring Canadians, Involved Canadians: Highlights from the 2007 Canada Survey of Giving, Volunteering and Participating, Statistics Canada.

360 Grierson, “Records of the Scottish Volunteer Force,” 57.

361 I have no statistics from the Victorian era to back this up. With the nature of poverty being what it is, however, it seems reasonable to assume that wealthy Victorians had more time to volunteer than the poor. Current volunteer participation rates “increase as the level of income increases. In 2000, 17% of individuals earning less than $20,000 volunteered, compared to 39% of individuals earning $100,000 or more.” See Arai, “Volunteering in the Canadian Context,” 170.

362 Berry, A History of the Formation and Development of the Volunteer Infantry, 53.

363 Grierson, Records of the Scottish Volunteer Force, 10.

364 On the low end of the scale, an anonymous “friend from the West” contributed five shillings. See Berry, 401.

365 Berry, A History of the Formation and Development of the Volunteer Infantry, 400-07.

366 Ibid, 133.

367 Ibid, 385.

368 Kevin MacKinnon, “A Cause for Celebration,” Canadian Running, March & April 2010:57. (pg 57) (55-61)

369 Sebag-Montefiore, A History of the Volunteer Forces, 8.

370See Vorspan, “‘Rational Recreation and the Law.’”

371 Lesley Hustinx, Ram A. Cnaan, and Femida Handy “Navigating Theories of Volunteering: A Hybrid Map for a Complex Phenomenon,” Journal for the Theory of Social Behavior 40 (2010): 428; M.A. Musick and J. Wilson, Volunteers: A Social Profile (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 2008), 521.

170

372 Eliasoph, Avoiding Politics: How Americans Produce Apathy in Everyday Life, 49- 50.

373 W. Markham and C. Bonjean, “Community Orientations of Higher-Status Women Volunteers,” Social Forces 73 (1995): 1556. (1553-72), in John Wilson, “Volunteering,” Annual Review of Sociology, 26 (2000): 216.

374 Merriam Webster’s Collegiate Dictionary, 11th ed., states that a commodity is something that is “subject to ready exchange or exploitation within a market.”

375 The Cystic Fibrosis Foundation has a 51-story stair-climbing fundraiser called Climb for Life; the American Lung Association’s Tackle the Tower race is 34 stories. See Bill Donahue, “Stairway to Hell,” New York Times Magazine, January 27, 2013. https://www.facebook.com/events/187073804703272/; http://www.prweb.com/releases/2013/4/prweb10586444.htm (accessed 17 July 2013).

376 Samantha King, Pink Ribbons, Inc. (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2006), 39.

377 Harvey, A Brief History of Neoliberalism, 80-81.

378 Eliasoph, Avoiding Politics, 244.

379 R. Wuthnow, “Between the State and Market: Voluntarism and The Difference it Makes in A. Etzioni (ed.), Rights and the Common Good: The Communitarian Perspective (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1995), 210; G. Nowland-Foreman, “Purchase-of-Service Contracting, Voluntary Organizations, and Civil Society, American Behavioural Scientist 42 (1998): 108-12. In Susan M. Arai, “Volunteering in the Canadian Context, “ 174.

380 Harvey, A Brief History of Neoliberalism, 65.

381 Eliasoph, Avoiding Politics, 256.

382 Veblen, Theory of the Leisure Class, 33-38.

383 Coleman, “On the Self –Suppression of Academic Freedom,” 21.

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