political reviews • polynesia 193 elections suggests a potential for ended in the late 1990s. France con- dramatic changes to the judicial tinues to transfer massive aid for system and land laws. Unless such development, as much as us$1 billion issues are addressed, the future for a year (PIR, 26 Aug 2002). Flosse the ethnic Mäori of the Cook Islands built himself a monumental presiden- looks uncertain. tial palace that houses “623 employ- jon tikivanotau m jonassen ees and courtiers” and invested public money in many grandiose projects in Tahiti and overseas, but Temaru’s Reference demand for a referendum on inde- pendence is necessarily tempered by CIN, Cook Islands News. Rarotonga. Daily. a vision of ongoing French subsidies and compensation for the impact of nuclear testing. Editor Alex W du Prel of Tahiti-Pacifique Magazine called the situation a “social and economic French Polynesia fiasco” due to “cut and paste pro- Two overriding issues stand out in the grams prepared in Paris for a great past year or so in French Polynesia: industrial country, which French another change of statute, this time Polynesia is certainly not.” The Flosse to a supposedly more autonomous administration, which du Prel said “overseas country” of France rather encouraged only a “consumer society than an “overseas territory,” and a of privileges, of ecological looting surprising assembly election in May and corporatist castes [and] above 2004, which ended the twenty-year all made the rich more rich and reign of Gaston Flosse as president marginalized the part of the popula- and brought into office his longtime tion that remained authentic,” at one pro-independence rival, Oscar point even asked the local people for Temaru. No local leader, however, “fresh ideas” (TPM, July 2004). can easily escape the harsh reality of The number one local industry severe economic dependency caused remained tourism. In 2003, the by the introduction of nuclear testing number of visitors was over 200,000 in the 1960s. French military spending (nearly equaling the local population), distorted the communal Polynesian which represented a recovery from the society and created a middle class that negative impact of the events of 11 fed on French-subsidized government September 2001 on air travel. North jobs and patronage and enriched itself America, and mainly the United through corrupt business monopolies States, provided the largest number of and real estate investments at the visitors, with 77,000 or 40 percent of expense of the laboring majority. the market (and also the largest single French Polynesia, whose capital increase over 2002, about 25 percent); Papeete is on the populous main it was followed closely by Europe, island of Tahiti, is still in quest of a with 74,000 or 38 percent of the post-nuclear economy, since French market; then Japan with 20,000 funding for the former Centre d’Ex- (10 percent); Australia, New Zealand, perimentation du Pacifique (cep) and New Caledonia with 16,000 (8 194 the contemporary pacific • 17:1 (2005) percent); and South America (mainly through the lens of a political system Chile) with 3,800 (2 percent). Despite that is more highly centralized than special efforts to cater to the Japanese many others in the western world. market, such as increasing Tahiti Nui Although the relationship between service to three flights a week to French Polynesia and Paris has been Osaka and Tokyo and holding a described as “similar to that of the scuba-diving exhibition, the number Cook Islands and New Zealand” of Japanese visitors—mainly wedding (De Deckker 1994, 272), many would couples (who spend on average twice dispute just how “self-governing” as much as other tourists and espe- Papeete really is. Temaru complained cially enjoy the over-the-water bunga- that France still controlled foreign lows for honeymoons)—did not quite relations, immigration, external match the previous year (PIR, 4 April communications, currency, finance, 2003; 5 Jan 2004). defense, courts and police, and higher The number two industry, cultured education, among other things (1988, black pearls from the Tuamotu atolls, 279–282). Flosse managed to get the declined drastically in 2003, as prices statute changed twice, first in 1984 dropped by 80 percent. Despite gov- when he became president of the ernment regulatory reforms aimed at new government (and New Caledonia controlling quality, informal trading was in rebellion), and in 1996 after to foreign buyers evaded taxes and the last round of nuclear tests and undercut sellers. The local govern- anticolonial protests, when more ment continued to promote tuna fish- nationalist symbolism was added ing, by increasing the country’s fleet (Von Strokirch 2001). In 1998, when size, as well as vanilla production, New Caledonia’s Noumea Accord a once-profitable export for which promised gradually expanding auton- world prices were increasing (PIR, omy with a prospect of voting on 24 June 2002; 18 Feb, 13 May, 10 independence, Flosse proposed fur- June 2003). State-funded infrastruc- ther expansion of French Polynesia’s ture construction continued to grow, autonomy, to include the favoring of and scholarships for overseas training local citizens in hiring and establish- increased, but government efforts to ing businesses, as well as increasing curb rising deficits in public health the authority of the president and insurance and civil service pension Territorial Assembly (ta). French funds pushed doctors to strike for President Jacques Chirac agreed in a month in 2003 over reduced pay- May 1999, and negotiations began ments, while public workers demon- over a new statute that would confer strated against extending the required the high-sounding but ambiguous number of years for pension contri- label of “overseas country” within butions (PIR, 1 May, 29 May, 9 June, the French republic (PIR, 1 June 12 Aug 2003). 1999; Von Strokirch 2000). French Polynesia has received During a visit to Papeete in August several statutes of autonomy, notably 2002, French Overseas Territories in 1977 and 1984, but French notions Minister Brigitte Girardin said, “With- of “autonomy” are usually defined out French Polynesia, France would political reviews • polynesia 195 not be a great power, and France statute but Flosse wanted to limit the never failed to help Tahiti when discussion of its 194 articles to only needed.” She promised more financial four days. The opposition threatened support from the post-nuclear Eco- to boycott the proceedings if all the nomic Restructuring Fund created in articles were not debated, since the 1996, tax exemptions to encourage new laws would affect the territory for outside investment, and “new politi- decades, but Flosse’s absolute major- cal evolution” that would upgrade ity of 28 of 49 ta seats passed the local administrative power so that statute as he wished, while the oppo- new French laws would not infringe sition sang a nationalist song in the on bills passed by the local assembly public gallery in protest (PIR, 2 July, as long as the latter conformed to the 7 July 2003). Flosse also wanted Paris French constitution and the European to grant French Polynesia a second Union courts. Flosse, a career Gaullist senatorial seat in the French Parlia- closely allied with Chirac (who had ment by 2004, in order to mimic been newly reelected in 2002), com- New Caledonia, but the additional plained about the meddling in French seat will not take effect until 2007 Polynesian lawmaking by the previous (PIR, 14 July 2003). Also in July, Socialist government in Paris, but he Chirac came to the South Pacific, got along well with Gaullist Premier visiting not only the French territories Jean-Pierre Raffarin, who supported but also anglophone ex-colonies and his desire to expand self-government. powers. He said that he wanted “Independence would lead to dicta- France to be a “player” in the region’s torship and misery,” Flosse said, security and development, one that “[but] our autonomy statute was could provide additional assistance meant to evolve” (PIR, 24 June, directly or through the European 24 Aug 2002). By March 2003, Union. Old superpower rivalries were the French Parliament passed some a thing of the past, he said, and now “decentralization” amendments to the a spirit of cooperation should guide constitution, which called overseas the Pacific countries. He supported territories “overseas collectivities.” Australia’s intervention in Solomon Flosse said he would request a further Islands, but Prime Minister John name change to “overseas country” Howard was reluctant to allow and sponsor an organic law that France to take part in that peace- would allow the French Polynesian keeping operation in order to avoid Territorial Assembly to pass its own making the exercise appear “neo- “laws of the country,” protect local colonial” (PIR, 3 July, 29 July 2003). job hiring, enable French Polynesia Chirac suggested that French Poly- to share more governing powers with nesia be given observer status at the Paris, and contest any new French Pacific Islands Forum, as New Caledo- laws that interfered with its own nia had, but at their Auckland meet- authority (PIR, 20 March, 27 May, ing the Forum countries expressed 7 July 2003). mixed feelings. Temaru and Rock In July 2003, the Territorial Assem- Wamytan of New Caledonia had bly began to debate the proposed new criticized France’s “checkbook diplo- 196 the contemporary pacific • 17:1 (2005) macy” and warned that the Flosse of French Polynesia’s “own” money regime was a “Trojan horse” for to the fund, though he was already French interests. Unlike New Caledo- under investigation for trying to nia, whose Noumea Accord specifi- spread influence by “humanitarian” cally mentioned the prospect of inde- aid giving in the region (PIR, 30 July, pendence, French Polynesia’s new 4 Aug, 8 Aug, 12 Nov 2003; NC, statute contained no such option, 30 July 2003). and Temaru countered Flosse’s anti- In late November 2003, the oppo- independence ploy by continuing to sition in the Territorial Assembly call for his country to be inscribed on criticized Flosse’s deficit spending, in the United Nations decolonization list particular an additional us$1 million (PIR, 25 July, 4 Aug, 22 Aug 2003; requested by the president and his abc, 15 Aug 2003; IB, May 2004). cabinet to cover “outside works and In Papeete, Chirac said that services” and “subsidies to diverse because Polynesia had hosted nuclear associations.” Nicole Bouteau called tests for thirty years, France was for- that waste “scandalous,” and Tamara ever in its debt and would provide the Bopp-Duppont of Tavini said it was territory with about us$150 million “shameful,” adding, “You throw a year in compensation for “lost rev- public money out the windows. When enues.” In response to protests during will you think of the little people?” his visit by people from the contami- Meanwhile, French military veterans nated atolls of Moruroa and Fanga- were joined by a Polynesian associa- taufa, he also said that France would tion, Moruroa e Tatou, in filing a for- take responsibility for any test-related mal lawsuit, backed by the French health problems if proof could be Green and Communist parties, against provided that such a link existed (PIR, the French state for “involuntary 28 July, 29 July 2003). In fact, the homicide” by exposing nuclear test director of France’s Atomic Energy site workers to harmful radiation Commission, René Pellat, had already (NT, 29 Nov 2003). Despite his admitted in May 1999 that the nuclear history of corruption convictions, tests had caused cracks in the coral revenge against media criticism, and atolls, and since August 2002 former well-known clientelism (Von Strokirch French Pacific test site workers had 2002; Le Monde, 22 May 2004), been demanding a complete medical Flosse continued to push the new investigation into their abnormally statute through French legislative high rates of cancer (PIR, 5 May and legal channels until the Senate 1999; 21 Aug 2002). Instead, Chirac approved it just before Christmas. presided at a France-Oceania Summit He also called for public bids to con- in Papeete that was attended by the struct, at government expense (“out- leaders of twenty Pacific Island coun- side works”?), a statue of Charles de tries, where he promised to double Gaulle in the garden outside his presi- France’s Pacific Fund for financial aid: dential palace (PIR, 31 Oct, 11 Dec, “Oceania is today at the heart of a 19 Dec 2003). new basin of world development.” In January 2004, the French Flosse donated another us$1 million National Assembly approved the
political reviews • polynesia 197 new autonomy statute, which Flosse for the métropole [mother country]” vowed would allow French Polynesia (TPM, March 2004). to establish its own diplomatic and Flosse assured his metropolitan trade missions abroad to promote backers and local loyalists that economic growth. His opponents expanded autonomy was definitely countered that it would also concen- “not a first step towards indepen- trate more power in his own office, to dence. French Polynesia wants to the point of allowing the head of the remain French. It is French, it is even government to propose laws without more French than Polynesian.” In ta initiative and making it theoreti- early March, the Constitutional cally possible for the president to be Council formally approved the revised chosen without consulting the assem- autonomy statute, but it also deleted bly, thus creating a quasi-monarchy key provisions, such as restricting without a popular referendum (PIR, land tenure in French Polynesia to 31 Oct 2003; 16 Jan, 30 Jan 2004). local-born inhabitants or their descen- While awaiting the final verdict of the dants, putting police under local gov- Constitutional Council in Paris, some ernment control, and granting the French legislators lodged an appeal local government the right to hold against the new statute, arguing that a referendum without French permis- it vested too much power in the terri- sion. Most importantly, it deleted a torial president (PIR, 4 Feb 2004). provision allowing the Territorial Flosse had argued for a strong, stable Assembly to pass “laws of the coun- executive that could run the country try” without prior approval from the effectively and represent it abroad, French Parliament—New Caledonia much as in France; in 1958, de Gaulle received that last power in 1999, but had created a strong presidency with the now-country of French Polynesia emergency powers when the Fifth would not (PIR, 5 March 2004). In French Republic replaced the weak, the March 2004 issue of Tahiti- coalition-bound Fourth Republic. But Pacifique Magazine, du Prel published socialists and even some Gaullists saw a detailed analysis that revealed sev- danger in creating a potential banana eral points about which Flosse seemed republic in Papeete. The president of less than candid. First, the term “over- French Polynesia, they warned, as seas country” meant nothing in opposed to the ta-elected president French constitutional law, so it was of the government of French Polyne- only a cosmetic name change, as was sia, might someday be chosen directly the change in title of ta members by the people and thus bypass the from “territorial counselors” to established democratic process, as in “representatives” (Flosse had wanted some African ex-colonies. Defenders “deputies”). The provisions for recog- of Flosse in the French Parliament nizing and preserving Tahitian iden- said it would be “neo-colonial” to tity were essentially already part of do otherwise, but Socialist Deputy the previous statute, and the Tahitian René Dosière said, “This ‘presiden- language had become co-equal to tialization’ is not a good thing for French in court proceedings the previ- Overseas, any more than it is good ous year. The “country” government 198 the contemporary pacific • 17:1 (2005) could “participate” with the French already had 32 (three-quarters of State in a list of powers over the terri- the total population lived in Tahiti- tory but not control them unilaterally; Moorea), actually favored Temaru’s foreign relations conducted by French Tavini Huiraatira, by 37–20 or a net Polynesia still had to have the gain of 2 seats. The new rules also approval of Paris; and, as Girardin gave a one-third “bonus” of seats to had made a point of emphasizing to whichever list won the majority in a the Senate, “laws of the country” district and set a minimum of 3 per- were simply “administrative acts,” cent of votes cast to win a seat in the which did not carry the same author- assembly, theoretically eliminating the ity as those in New Caledonia. The need for a second round runoff vote local government could, however, and enabling larger, stable majorities practice affirmative action in favoring to rule the country (TPM, March local residents in hiring, and the presi- 2004). dent of the country could name his Also in March 2004, only two own cabinet of ministers, with the years after he had crushed the left approval of only the French High in his reelection to the French presi- Commissioner (not of the elected dency, Chirac’s party experienced a assembly, as in New Caledonia) (TPM, disaster in the metropolitan regional March 2004). In a sense, Flosse was elections, losing twelve out of four- really seeking more autonomy for teen regions that it had previously himself, not necessarily for French controlled. This amounted to a very Polynesia, except in some nationalis- negative referendum on Premier Raf- tic-sounding terminology. farin’s administration, in part because What was perhaps more significant of a sagging economy (L’Express, 29 was the modification of the electoral March 2004). In spite of this setback laws, by means of amendments to his patron in Paris (or perhaps slipped into the statute by Flosse because of it), Flosse urged Chirac’s without any discussion in the French cabinet to dissolve the French Polyne- Parliament. The number of ta seats sian Territorial Assembly and call for expanded from 49 to 57, giving 5 new elections two years early, arguing more to the populous Windward that the change of statute made new Islands (Tahiti and Moorea), 1 more elections appropriate, as in 1985 to the Leeward Islands (Huahine, (PIR, 7 April 2004). Temaru’s Tavini Raiatea, Bora Bora), 2 more to the Huiraatira party, which in 2001 had Tuamotus-Gambiers (which were won only ten out of forty-nine ta divided into two districts with 3 seats seats, joined with three other opposi- each), but the Australs or Marquesas tion parties in requesting that the would retain 3 seats each. Although French Council of State delay the new the Tuamotus received 2 more seats election, but to no avail. Tavini then and the Leeward Islands 1, and Flosse formed coalition lists of candidates was most popular in the rural outer with the pro-independence parties islands where he was born (the Ai‘a Api, Here Ai‘a, and Ia Mana Gambiers), the increase of 5 seats in Te Nunaa. In May, this Union for the urban Windward Islands, which Democracy (upd) organized marches political reviews • polynesia 199 into Papeete of about 6,000 people, fifteen years (a formula similar to who rallied around the statue of that proposed in New Caledonia’s Tahitian nationalist Pouvanaa a Oopa Noumea Accord). There appeared to outside the ta hall. “Our objective,” be a stalemate, since neither Tahoeraa Temaru said, “is to do like the French nor Tavini-upd had a clear majority, in France during the recent regional but the two small autonomist parties, elections–to overturn the government Philip Schyle’s Fetia Api and Nicole in place and install a political Bouteau’s No Oe E Te Nunaa, did change.” The French Socialists, who not want to ally with Flosse (PIR, had just made a comeback in the 26 May 2004). regional elections, signed a partner- Chirac’s cabinet in Paris was not ship agreement with Tavini (PIR, 21 amused by the prospect of another April, 3 May, 17 May 2004; TPM, defeat overseas, after the surprising June 2004). Temaru said that the defeat earlier that month of pro- upd had only one opponent in the Chirac lists in both Guadeloupe and election, Flosse’s Tahoeraa Huiraatira New Caledonia, as well as a setback party, and he denounced the “abuses in the French Antilles in December and waste of a single man” (Le 2003 (where voters in Martinique and Monde, 21 May 2004). Guadeloupe had been asked to choose On 23 May, 78 percent of regis- between their present “department” tered voters went to the polls, an status and a vaguely defined unifica- increase of 10 percent over the 2001 tion of the two entities with more election. Flosse’s gathering of one autonomy; they had rejected the thousand supporters in his palace “unknown” details). Chirac’s political took heart when Tahoeraa Huiraatira empire overseas, like his party struc- won most of the outer islands (whose ture in France, depended on very per- polls closed earlier), and it wound up sonal ties to loyal clients—despite the with twenty-eight seats, more than problems that arose from subsidizing any other party. But the upd won a class of overpaid civil servants and twenty-seven, due mainly to votes in politicians with “free money” from the Windward Islands, which left two the “big mother hen,” as journalist autonomists holding the balance. Eric Conan put it, and thus promot- Flosse had been president for twenty ing economic dependency instead of years, but this outcome threatened his production (L’Express, 27 Nov 2003; status as a pillar for Chirac overseas; 28 June 2004). Girardin warned the in fact, Jacques Lafleur of New Cale- Socialists not to celebrate prematurely donia had already met defeat earlier over the upd success in the election in the month. Flosse had scoffed at and, according to the newspaper La the upd marches but now called for Dépêche de Tahiti, she told Flosse a referendum on independence to that France would “turn off the taps” remind voters of what Temaru really if Temaru took power (Girardin later stood for. Equally ironic, Temaru denied that quote and said she was said on television that independence only concerned about the negative needed to be prepared for, especially effect on outside investment if the economically, for another ten or pro-independence leader won). When 200 the contemporary pacific • 17:1 (2005)
Flosse claimed that the upd success another maneuver: he did not apply had “opened a crisis,” Girardin sent to run for the presidency by the 300 extra police to Papeete—in order, required deadline and instead said he she told Dosière in the National would appeal to the French Council Assembly, to ensure a “serene” cli- of State to nullify the 3 June election mate for the electoral process (PIR, of ta officers, which he said violated 28 May, 3 June, 4 June, 9 June 2004). “public rights and liberties” by not Flosse said on television that the giving Tahoeraa five of the ten posi- election results had only expressed a tions. He would also try to have an warning from the people, not a real administrative tribunal postpone the desire to get rid of him (abc, 1 June presidential election, which was 2004). Wallis and Futuna’s senator in scheduled for 10 June. The Council Paris, Robert Laufoaulu (who repre- of State quickly rejected the first sented the pro-Chirac government of petition, and Temaru won election that very dependent overseas terri- to the new presidency on 14 June— tory), wrote a letter of support to unopposed, with thirty votes, and Flosse, calling the election result against a Tahoeraa boycott. He said “unfair” but urging him to learn he still wanted independence but from it and “rectify your policies” would wait ten to twenty years until (PIR, 4 June 2004). the “political, economic and social The first test of which party would conditions are ripe” to seek it (PIR, find enough allies to muster a major- 4 June, 8 June, 9 June, 15 June 2004; ity in the assembly was the election RFO, 7 June 2004). of the ta president on 3 June. Both Because Temaru had to depend on sides courted partners, but Schyle and the support of autonomist or indepen- Bouteau decided to support the upd dent parties to keep his ta majority, against Flosse. Those two autonomist and opinion polls showed that the votes should have given the upd the majority of the population of French twenty-nine-seat majority it needed to Polynesia did not support complete elect Antony Géros as ta president. independence, he said he would ask But Emile Vernaudon, who had been France to negotiate an agreement on the upd list in the May elections similar to New Caledonia’s Noumea but was also a former Flosse ally, Accord of 1998, which gave that oddly ran as the Tahoeraa candidate autonomous territory the right to in the ta ballot, a move that even the organize a self-determination referen- official French media called a “desta- dum after fifteen to twenty years. He bilization” maneuver. With Vernau- also supported Flosse’s efforts to don’s crossover, the upd needed an adopt the Euro as the local currency additional vote from Chantal Flores instead of French Pacific francs, and of the Austral Islands to elect Géros, vowed to promote tourism and cul- 29–28, to cries of joy in the public tured pearl sales to boost the local gallery. Schyle and Bouteau said they economy (abc, 16 June 2004). By would also support Temaru’s candi- mid-June, he announced his presiden- dacy for president of French Polynesia tial cabinet, which he reduced almost but did not immediately agree to be in half, from sixteen to nine min- part of the upd. Flosse then tried istries, in order to cut administrative political reviews • polynesia 201 costs. Temaru himself took charge of a financial inventory it found that foreign relations and municipal devel- France had not yet paid the us$250 opment, with Jacqui Drollet of the million promised as compensation pro-independence Ia Mana Te Nunaa for nuclear testing, as well as other as vice president and minister of tour- amounts pledged for infrastructure ism, the environment, air transport, improvement. Drollet expected France and handicrafts. Other cabinet mem- to live up to commitments it had bers included Emile Vanfasse, a retired made to the previous regime: “We’re official of the French revenue depart- obliged to be partners as we have ment in Paris, who became minister of years of shared history and things finance and commerce; Jean-Marius don’t change that much from one Raapoto, a Tahitian language profes- day to the next” (abc, 30 June 2004). sor, who became minister of educa- Temaru also met with Moruroa e tion, culture, youth, and language Tatou (French Nuclear Weapons Test policy; Keitapu Maamaatuaiahutapu, Veterans) and agreed to create a sub- a marine biology professor, who committee to look into the impact of became minister of natural resources, nuclear testing (PIR, 6 July 2004). As the pearl industry, fishing, and farm- the annual Heiva i Tahiti festival was ing; and the lone woman on the team, about to begin, he met with French Marie-Laure Vanizette, who became High Commissioner Michel Mathieu minister of health, human services, and said he was “glad we’re on the and women’s affairs. The resilient same wave length” (TP, 11 July 2004). Vernaudon became minister of com- The June issue of the independent munications, decentralization, outer monthly magazine Tahiti-Pacifique islands, and sports (PIR, 17 June carried several analyses of the Temaru 2004; TP, 6 July 2004). “revolution,” calling it a vote not for Temaru hoped to gain observer independence but against the “Flosse status at the Pacific Islands Forum system.” Temaru’s slim ta majority meeting in Apia in August 2004, depended on cooperation with auton- because he wanted the Forum’s help omists, though he did inherit Flosse’s in gaining independence for his coun- reinvented presidency. Editor Du Prel try, including support for getting highlighted several factors that helped French Polynesia onto the United to explain Flosse’s setback. For exam- Nations decolonization list the way ple, his own electoral reform back- New Caledonia had been added after fired (by giving the bonus of seats to the Kanak uprising in the 1980s (PIR, the upd rather than to Tahoeraa in 21 June 2004). He also planned to the populous Windward Islands), as travel to Europe in July, to meet with did his decision to call an early elec- Chirac and Girardin to discuss devel- tion instead of waiting until 2006. In opment aid, nuclear compensation, addition, the nuclear-testing era had and decentralization, and to discuss disrupted French Polynesia, which the Euro issue with European Union had languished under benign neglect officials in Brussels (PIR, 22 June before 1965 and thus maintained its 2004). Drollet told Nic Maclellan on communal, rural traditions until the abc’s Go Asia Pacific program that influx of cep money and metropolitan when the new government conducted personnel with high salaries changed 202 the contemporary pacific • 17:1 (2005) everything. The autonomy statute that References Flosse himself achieved in 1984 kept abc News, Australian Broadcasting the outside money flowing in and Corporation.
political reviews • polynesia 203
———. 2002. Political Review of French the Hawaiian-preference admissions Polynesia. The Contemporary Pacific policy of the Kamehameha Schools— 14:213–219. in particular, the Arakaki v Lingle, Mohica-Cummings v Kamehameha Schools, Doe v Kamehameha Hawaiian Issues and cases. Since the march, the Mohica- On 7 September 2003, Native Hawai- Cummings case has been settled out ians and supporters from all walks of of court, allowing the student in ques- life flooded Waikïkï, Hawai‘i’s tour- tion to stay at the school provided he ism Mecca, with a sea of red shirts remain in good standing. The Kame- symbolizing the red ‘äweoweo (a hameha Schools prevailed in the Doe school of small red fish seen as pre- case. In Arakaki v Lingle, the courts dicting a big change). Clad in t-shirts ruled that the Department of Hawai- that read “Kü i ka Pono!” (Stand for ian Home Lands, a US federal agency, Justice), an estimated 8,000 people could not be included in the litigation; marched in support of native rights the case is still pending. and institutions and in protest against ‘Ïlio‘ulaokalani was planning efforts to dismantle them (Bernardo another Kü i Ka Pono march for 2003). The primary sponsors, ‘Ïlio‘u- 6 September 2004, the one-year laokalani (a coalition of kumu hula anniversary of the original march. [hula masters]) and the Kamehameha But this time, one man would be Schools, were able to rally often-dis- noticeably absent from the ranks of parate voices within the Hawaiian marchers. As a result of a controver- community. Students, teachers, com- sial decision by the University of munity leaders, representatives from Hawai‘i Board of Regents, Evan several ali‘i (chiefly, royal) trusts, state Dobelle was unceremoniously fired offices, and civic clubs stood together from his position as the university’s as one to face a common threat. president. Other notables participating in the Evan Dobelle came to Hawai‘i march were Governor Linda Lingle with a substantial reputation for and Lieutenant Governor Duke Aiona, enacting change and reinvigorating who delivered a speech from atop a stagnating institutions. Born in Wash- makeshift podium. Even University ington, Dobelle earned his bachelor’s, of Hawai‘i President Evan Dobelle, master’s, and PhD degrees from the uh Mänoa Chancellor Peter Englert, University of Massachusetts and an and other supportive university additional master’s in public adminis- administrators made the trek down tration from Harvard. He went on the tourist-lined streets. to occupy such positions as mayor of The 2003 Kü i Ka Pono march Pittsfield, Massachusetts; chief of pro- was organized in response to the tocol for the White House; assistant numerous lawsuits challenging the secretary of state during the Carter existence of the Office of Hawaiian administration; chief financial officer Affairs and the Department of of the Democratic National Commit- Hawaiian Home Lands, as well as tee; president of Middlesex Commu-