Breton Revolutionary Army

The Breton Revolutionary Army (French: Armée Ré- approximately 200 terrorist acts on foreign soil, both in- volutionnaire Bretonne, ARB), is an illegal armed orga- side and outside .[2] nization that is part of the movement The ARB, unlike its Corsican (FLNC) and Basque (ETA) in the Brittany region of France. counterparts, does not seek to achieve human casualties. This is a view shared across the entire Breton and especially by the Breton people who, until 1 Origins of the conflict the attack on a McDonald’s in 2000, during which an em- ployee was killed, have tolerated the actions of the sep- aratist movement. Until the 2000 attack, only two ca- Until the end of the 15th century, Brittany had managed sualties (two ARB members were killed when trying to to remain independent vis-à-vis its French and English defuse their own bombs that they thought would injure neighbours.[1] In December 1491, however, after two someone) had resulted from their attacks. Nevertheless, consecutive civil wars opposing the French Crown to an considerable property damage has been inflicted as a re- alliance of French Princes (among them Brittany) and sult of these attacks.[2] foreign powers, the latter were defeated and the young Breton duchess, Anne, was married to the young King The frequency of attacks increased between 1993 and Charles VIII, thereby tying Brittany to France.[1] 1996. A two-year truce followed. Attacks resumed on October 30, 1998 with the partial destruction of the In 1532, the then French monarch, Francis I of France, Belfort city hall, home town of the then Interior Minister officially tied Brittany to France despite originally allow- Jean-Pierre Chevènement. Other subsequent targets in- ing it to preserve its fiscal and legal privileges. This partial cluded symbols of the French government such as admin- autonomy, in turn, allowed Brittany to remain unaffected istrative offices, police precincts and utility installations, by most of the foreign and domestic conflicts that afflicted as well as the home towns of then-Prime Minister Lionel the French Kingdom throughout the sixteenth and seven- Jospin.[2][3] The latter attack, which occurred on June 18, teenth centuries.[1] 1999, was a result of the refusal, two days before, by the During the French Revolution, however, Brittany’s rel- then French President Jacques Chirac to ratify the Euro- ative autonomy was revoked. Its parliament abolished, pean Charter on Regional and Minority Languages.[3] its banned, and its territory divided into five departments. This new transformed Brittany pro- voked bipolar reactions throughout the five new depart- 3 Emgann (“Fight”) ments, as some overwhelmingly endorsed such fusion while others systematically rebelled against the fragile new Republic.[1] Emgann is believed to provide political support to the ARB. Its affiliation with the latter has been repeatedly denied over the years by Emgrann, which considers it- self a pacifist group, although it openly support the ARB’s 2 L’ Armée Revolutionnaire Bre- violent methods and goals. It nonetheless publishes the tonne (ARB) ARB’s messages and articles and substantial evidence has been produced by French authorities that confirms the suspected intimate and complicit relationship between The Breton Revolutionary Army was created in 1971 as the two groups. Hence, several Emgann members were the armed wing of the Front de Liberation Breton (FLB), apprehended in connection with several attacks attributed in English known as the Breton Liberation Front. The to the ARB.[3] Created in 1982, Emgann defines itself FLB had been established in 1963 with the intention to as part of the independent Breton leftist wing. Pro- secure the liberation of Brittany from France. The ARB independence and anti-capitalist, Emgann advocates for seeks recognition by the French government of the ex- no compromise or contact with the French government istence of the Breton people, the integrity of its terri- and political parties. Its activism came in the wake of tory, and the Breton language. Christian Georgeault is the election of François Mitterrand to the French Presi- the group’s current leader and a former Emgann general [2] dency. In 1981, the newly elected state leader had par- Secretary. doned members of the FLB who had just been convicted The 1974 bombing in Roc Tredudon marks the first of and imprisoned by the State Security Court, in France.

1 2 6 RECRUITMENT

Their release provoked the dismantlement of the FLB as mite stolen in 1999 from Plévin, suggesting that the ARB many of its newly released members gave up their for- may have been responsible for this bombing. Further evi- mer violent activism and instead chose to retire or join dence confirmed this relationship, as at the same moment the (UDB), an autonomist Bre- the Quévert bombing was taking place, another bomb ton political movement opposed to violence. Emgrann, near a post office in was defused by police.[4][6] therefore, picked up the FLB’s mantle and sought to pur- [3] Forensic analysis determined that Titane 30 had been sue the fight. used during both attacks. A piece of spring found in the remains found at the Quévert site was found to originate from the same type of kitchen timer used to offset the de- 4 The 1999 Plévin heist and the fused explosive in Rennes. The use of kitchen timers also ETA-ARB connection confirmed the ARB’s involvement given their systematic use in previous bombings.[4][6]

The theft of eight and a half tons of Titane 30, from While the perpetrators of the bombing were never found, one of the warehouses of the company Titanite SA, in four individuals were subsequently arrested as a result Plévin on September 28, 1999 by an ETA and ARB com- of the investigation. Stéphane Phillipe, Pascal Laizé, mando is one of the most spectacular achievements of the and Christian Gorgeault (the presumed ARB ringleader) [8] ARB to date (the security alarm system had been care- were arrested for suspected complicity; Gael Roblin, fully dismantled).[3][4] This incident served to confirm the main spokesman of Emgann, was also arrested for [2] suspicions about the nature of the relationship between his theoretical justification of previous ARB bombings. the ETA and the Breton separatists. As the subsequent The four men were ultimately acquitted of charges in the investigation revealed, ARB members had been hosting Quévert bombing, but they were sentenced the same day Basque separatists in Brittany prior to the heist. Spanish to serve prison terms (six, eight, eleven, and three years [8] authorities even suspect that some ETA members may at respectively) for their involvement in prior attacks. times come to Brittany temporarily in search of a safe While the ARB claimed to be unrelated to the Quévert haven.[3] The investigation also confirmed the close rela- bombing, in November 2000 police confirmed that the tionship between Emgann and the ARB as one of the for- group had returned a hundred kilograms of the explosives mer’s members, Arnaud Vannier was arrested in connec- stolen in the Plévin heist in 1999 to police authorities. tion with the Plévin heist when twenty-five sticks of dyna- This action came following a statement by the ARB that it mite and two detonators and two timers were found in the sought to appease the current political climate in Brittany trunk of his car, all originating from the Plévin heist.[3] as well as an end to the repression of the ARB.[9][10] Emgrann replied to the accusations saying that it was not responsible for the activities of individual members.[3] Half a dozen individuals were subsequently arrested in connection with the heist.[3] Three days after the heist, three ETA members were arrested near Pau, France, with 6 Recruitment a van containing two and a half tons of explosives, all orig- inating from Plévin. Two other individuals, Denis Riou The characteristics of Emgrann and the ARB’s recruit- and Richard Lefaucheux, were arrested for their complic- ment pool serve to explain the rather lack of prepared- ity in the heist (renting cars to pick up the Basque sepa- ness of its attacks over the years. While in the 70s many ratists and providing them with shelter in ).[3] recruits came from universities and parts of the Breton elite, today most if not all are mainly drawn from ei- ther urban and unemployed youth, those living on wel- 5 McDonald’s bombing fare and those on limited and short term employment.[3] This non-specialized recruitment illustrates, according On Wednesday April 19, 2000, around 10 a.m., a one and to French authorities, the amateur nature of the often a half kilogram bomb placed near the drive-through of botched bombings of the ARB. On November 25, 1999, a McDonald’s restaurant in Quévert, Brittany, exploded. police managed to retrieve two and a half kilograms of At the time of the explosion, the building was relatively dynamite in Saint-Herblain because the timer had mal- empty with the exception of three teenagers and two other functioned and was out of order. On November 29, customers. While none of them sustained any injuries as a the same year, in Rennes, police defused a bomb with result of the explosion, a 27-year-old employee, Laurence a nearby sign indicating the presence of an ARB explo- Turbec, was killed on impact as she made her way through sive device.[3] However, the more successful attacks of a service entrance.[5][6][7] the ARB, such as the 1998 bombing of Belfort City Hall and the Plévin attack seem to counter that claim. Police The explosion did not ignite a fire but the building itself [5] theorize that this divergence in preparedness and special- sustained severe damage and its roof was blown off. ization may be explained by the association, at times, of The explosive used was Titane 30, the same type of dyna- the ARB and their Basque counterparts, the ETA.[3] 3

7 Financial support worried this might signal an ideological drift from the ARB toward a more violent type of radicalism, such as Local financial support for the ARB is geared toward that of their ETA counterparts. Emgann’s spokesman, the families of its incarcerated members.[3] This finan- Gael Roblin, as well, called the act itself unacceptable cial support is provided by Skoazell Vreizh (“Breton as- and unjustifiable. Former ARB members similarly de- nounced the attack and said the ARB should justify itself sistance”), an original group headed by Pierre Locquet, [6] who has been its president for over 20 years. A former publicly. FLB member, Locquet was convicted for an attack in the Pierre Locquet was also said to be sickened by the attack, 1970s.[3] Locquet considers his organisation essential in criticized the amateur nature of ARB members, pointing helping anyone who commits an act that defies French out that in the 1970s, ARB members would always stay authority. Upon capture, the perpetrator’s family is con- nearby so as to ensure that the explosive would work as tacted by Skoazell Vreizh to make arrangements in order intended and that no casualties would be sustained.[6] to pay their legal fees. In case of incarceration, the organ- isation takes it upon itself to support the prisoner’s family financially until his release.[3] Until the 1990s, Skoazell 9 References Vreizh had mainly used its financial support to assist mi- nor delinquents « with a good cause » who engaged in [1] Histoire de la Bretagne - Région Bretagne such activities as repainting street signs in Breton, re- fusing to pay the national television tax to protest the [2] Terrorist Organization Profile - START - National Con- lack of a Breton channel, or paying their taxes by writ- sortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Ter- ing checks in Breton.[3] The 1990s, however proved to be rorism more costly for Skoazell Vreizh as the seriousness of the [3] Les autonomistes soufflent sur la Breizh - L'EXPRESS ARB’s attacks increased, part of which can be blamed on the group’s increased association with better trained and [4] Attentat de Quévert : la piste de l'ARB - Le Nouvel Ob- more radical groups such as the ETA, as is evidenced by servateur the Plévin theft.[3] Nonetheless, Skoazell Vreizh remains [5] Archives - lesoir.be a crucial asset and is well organized. Part of its funds emanate from minor donations collected at concerts and [6] La consternation des militants bretons. L'ARB, suspect other public festivities or personal donations withdrawn no1 dans l'attentat meurtrier de Quévert. - Libération from a donor’s bank account. The largest contributions, [7] Lalibre.be - Procès d'indépendantistes bretons however, come directly from its political support, namely from the UDB itself and the Breton Cultural Institute [8] L'attentat de Quévert reste impuni - Le Nouvel Observa- which is a branch of the Breton Regional Counsel.[3] teur

[9] Le terrorisme breton en procès à Paris | La-Croix.com

[10] L'ARB restitue les explosifs de Plévin - Le Nouvel Obser- 8 Popular support vateur

Until the McDonald’s attack in 2000, the ARB and Em- gann had enjoyed widespread support throughout Brit- tany. While this support has largely dwindled over the years, as evidenced by the various nationalist protests or- ganized over the years by Emgrann and which have man- aged to regroup less than two hundred people, a num- ber in sharp contrast with the thousands of supporters the FLB used to attract in the 1970s.[3] Nonetheless, the ARB managed to maintain, at the very least, a form of tolera- tion from the wider population who recognize the merit in their fight. Most of all the nonviolent nature of the group (refusing to spill blood to achieve their goals), until 2000, served to maintain that support as the Breton people, in- cluding the group’s most ardent supporters, consider non- lethal violence a more respectable form of protest than the opposite.[3] The death of Laurence Turbec had a tremen- dously negative impact on the group’s popularity. Both Breton leftist and right wing groups condemned the at- tack. The UDB clamored for the perpetrators to turn themselves in. Similarly, the POBL (center-right party) 4 10 TEXT AND IMAGE SOURCES, CONTRIBUTORS, AND LICENSES

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10.1 Text

• Breton Revolutionary Army Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Breton_Revolutionary_Army?oldid=685532851 Contributors: Paul Barlow, Error, GCarty, Xinoph, Soman, Neutrality, CanisRufus, QuartierLatin1968, ZayZayEM, Man vyi, Thewayforward, AzaToth, Alai, FrancisTyers, Woohookitty, ^demon, Bluemoose, Stefanomione, BD2412, Kbdank71, Rjwilmsi, Dunro, Wavelength, RussBot, Theelf29, Caerwine, Curpsbot-unicodify, SmackBot, Chris the speller, Timbouctou, Paulfp, Tazmaniacs, Neddyseagoon, Cydebot, Petrovic-Njegos, Missvain, Nick Number, Leonin~enwiki, Storkk, VoABot II, EstherRice, Melamed katz, M-le-mot-dit, TXiKiBoT, SteveStrummer, Niceguyedc, Solar-Wind, Arjayay, Tdslk, Iñaki LL, Mifter, Addbot, Boomur, LaaknorBot, Lihaas, Lightbot, EL-259, Anti Cristo, AnomieBOT, Jo Ta Akatu, Eumolpo, Nopub, Erik9bot, HCPUNXKID, Trec'hlid mitonet, Reconsider the static, EmausBot, John of Reading, WikitanvirBot, Dewritech, Werieth, Δ, Monpionpion, RudolfRed, CommieMark, Hmainsbot1, Brough87 and Anonymous: 16

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• File:Armée_Révolutionnaire_Bretonne_(logo).jpg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/en/3/3c/Arm%C3%A9e_R% C3%A9volutionnaire_Bretonne_%28logo%29.jpg License: Fair use Contributors: http://www.ovguide.com/breton-revolutionary-army-9202a8c04000641f80000000004c7ab8 Original artist: ?

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