journal of language contact 9 (2016) 436-476
brill.com/jlc
On Sino-Turkic, a First Glance 北俗初探
An-King Lim 林安慶 Independent researcher [email protected]
Abstract
When Turkic-speaking Tabghatch conquered China in 386 ce and ruled her for nearly 200 years, they, being minority rulers, elected to take up Chinese writing system and language as the official means of communication with its subject population. They also ended up adopting the writing system to script the Turkic language for their Turkic population resulting into a Xianbei National Language (xnl). This work describes 7 cases of Turkic- rooted Sinitic functional expressions, all featuring the word 的 [d-], supported with his- torical citations in Chinese documents, believed to be cultural continua of the xnl:
1) The constative preterite -dI, -dXŋ → the constative 的 [də], 底 [di], 端 [duan] 2) The nominalizer -dOk+ in free relative clause → Sinitc 的 [də], 底 [di], 得 [də] in free relative clause 3) The nominalizer -dOk+ in bound relative clause → Sinitic 底 [di], 的 [də] in bound relative clause 4) The adverb of manner suffix +tI/+dI → the adverb of manner suffixes 地 [di], 底 [di], 的 [də] 5) The locative-ablative case suffixes +dA/+tA → the locative suffixes 底 [di], 頭 [tou], 的 [də] 6) The perfect participle -dOk → the perfect participles 得 [də], 的 [di] 7) The completive perfect formative ïd- → the completive perfect formatives 得 [də], 的 [di]
Keywords
Sino-Turkic – 5th century sinification – constative – ablative-locative – nominalizer – perfect participle – completive – adverb of manner
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1 Introduction
When Tabghatch ruled China beginning the year 386 ce (Holmgren 1989), they, being minority rulers, had to accept the Chinese writing system in order to effectively communicate the goals of their enterprise (Sun 1962). Officially, they accepted the writing system as a whole in the daily routines of governing. In fact, in 495 ce, the Tabghatch royal court issued an edict for a sweeping sini- fication program in which adoption of the Chinese writing system was made mandatory in the official business. Such whole-sale adoption of language was expected to have its linguistic consequences. At the very least, the Turkic bilin- guals imparted Turkic accent to the Chinese writing system. This aspect of phonological restructuring in favor of Turkic accent due to Turkic bilinguals has been recently documented in Lim (2010). The Turkic-induced paradigm shifts in Sinitic historical phonology has been profound and far-reaching in affecting the official use of the writing system which in turn altered the natural course of development for the Chinese language. Against the official sinification language policy, however, there was an undercurrent of resistance from Turkic-speaking Tabghatch population on the vernacular level. The desire or the need of Tabghatch people to speak and write Turkic language was made clear in the Turkic military tutorial materials cate- gorized as Xianbei Guoyu 鮮卑國語, or the Xianbei National Language (xnl) as documented in official history books (Shiratori 1923). Since there were no known Turkic scripts in the 5th century and Tabghatch were rulers of China of foreign origin, xnl was destined to be scripted in Chinese characters just like the Mongols had done in the Secret History of the Mongols. We shall refer to the Turkic expressions phonetically spelled in Chinese characters of the 5th century as xnl. As early as 425 ce, the Tabgahtch court had made official a set of one thou- sand or so newly emerged Chinese characters which had been in circulation among the population (Lim 2010: 15). These new characters, though govern- ment sanctioned, obviously were motivated from grass-root movement, and could only be produced as the need arose due to contact. Whether the scripting system of xnl for the military manuals was part of the 425-edict is not known. However, since both xnl and 425-edict were issued by the same government, there is no reason to believe that they were not associated. Unfortunately, none of the mentioned textual materials survived the history today. This paper is part of an attempt, a first glance, to uncover this hidden history of Chinese language development through a Turkic-Sinitic comparative study using empirical data. We focus on some functional expressions in Mandarin which we believe, among other linguistic items, are organically based on Turkic prototypes, very likely the cultural continua of the 425-edict or the scripts in xnl.
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This study will present seven Mandarin/Sinitic expressions which we con- sider to be derivates from Old Turkic etymons, they are represented by 的 [d-], 底 [di], 地 [di] and 得 [də]. They all share the same onset /t-/ in ipa which is scripted as [d-] in pinyin notation. The word 的 [d-] in particular is involved in all the seven cases. In the following list, the seven cases of Turkic etymons with their Sinitic derivates are shown in event-flow sequences. The root Turkic expressions are situated to the left of the event-flow arrow “→” and the Mandarin/Sinitic derivates to the right:
1) The constative preterite -dI, -dXŋ → the constative 的 [di], 底 [di], 端 [duan] 2) The nominalizer -dOk+ in free relative clause → Sinitc 的 [də], 底 [di], 得 [də] in free relative clause 3) The nominalizer -dOk+ in bound relative clause → Sinitic 底 [di], 的 [də] in bound relative clause 4) The perfect participle -dOk → the perfect participle 得 [tə], 的 [də] 5) The adverb of manner suffix +tI/+dI → the adverb of manner suffixes 地 [di], 底 [di], 的 [di] 6) The locative-ablative case suffixes +dA/+tA → the locative suffixes 底 [di], 頭 [tou], 的 [də] 7) The completive perfect formative ïd- → the completive perfect formatives 得 [te], 的 [də]
Chinese language is analytical, not synthetical. Once a Chinese character is selected to represent a particular Turkic lexeme or grammatical item as likely done in xnl, it retains the semantic content but loses its synthetical attri- butes. That is, the string of a meaningful Chinese characters of Turkic origin would be de-synthesized and ceased to be agglutinating or archphonemic. In the original Turkic form, the alternations in archphonemes are represented by the symbols A = /a~ä/, U = /u~ü/, I = /ı~i/ and X = /ı~i~u~ü/; /U/ is realized as /O/ = /o~ö/ before /k/ (Erdal 2004:46). Such alternations would exist ini- tially, but would not be recognizable as part of Turkic soon after. Each Chinese character adopted for Turkic script became a free morpheme, obliv- ious to any bondage in syntagmatic harmony, archphonemic alternations, personal associations, and sometimes even the word orders; it became a pet- rified free morpheme. Note that in the event-flow charts of the seven cases listed, each Sinitic derivate is represented with multiple alternate looking and sounding Chinese characters. This is simply an indication of the Turkic archphonemic alterna- tions in action.
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In adopting the Chinese writing system, the 5th century Turkic bilinguals executed a Turkic accented version of Chinese language in order to com- municate with the general population. It forever altered the phonological landscape of the Chinese writing system. Turkic bilinguals, under the oblig- atory sinification program, were given the 18-phoneme onset system of the indigenous Chinese and managed to turn it into one of 47 onsets (Lim 2010: 130–140). This onset sound change is mostly motivated by the Turkic require- ment for tense/lax opposition and the anterior/posterior opposition. This proliferation of onsets and rhymes is largely responsible for the dialectal variations of modern Chinese dialects. On the other hand, the Turkic speak- ing community in China at that time also managed to record and retain their mother tongue by borrowing selected Chinese characters as phonetic symbols. The seven items listed above presumably make use of such pho- netic symbols. Because of Tabghatch’s prolonged politico-economical presence in China, phonetics of the Turkic-accented written Chinese, being the voices from gov- ernment authorities, become the official authentic Chinese sounds. On the other hand, the xnl featuring the use of the borrowed Chinese character for Turkic expressions of the Turkic-speaking communities was a form of pidgin, with lower social status. Therefore, it never did surface in the writings of any kind until the 7th century in the Tang Dynasty when it began to appear in the poems of some writers and in the documented vernacular Buddhist sermons and preachings, as in Bianwen 變文 and records of Zen Buddhists’ dialogues such as Zu Tang Ji 祖堂集. Apparently, after 581 ce when the Tabghatch regimes ceased to exist, the Turkic-speaking people continue to mingle with the greater Chinese community and influence the Chinese language develop- ment both on the official level as well as on the colloquial level. Later on xnl, the Turkic expressions manifested as borrowed Chinese scripts, were popular- ized in novels and dramas, and ultimately got entrenched in Mandarin as we know it today. The subject seven items are mostly integral parts of Mandarin grammar now, and mostly still productive. xnl was never part of the official language and has never been admitted to the official circle since. It mainly serves the living popular culture and has been part of the living Chinese language known as Mandarin today. On the other hand, the official written Chinese, known as literary language or wenyan 文言, was Turkic-accented Chinese of the written tradition, since the 5th century. The latter has never been a natural Chinese language nor a natural Turkic and essentially a slow-dying language at its inception, kept alive by generations of government sanctions. It was eventually pronounced dead in 1919 (Lim 2010: 193). In the meantime, the living language such as Mandarin, the altered ego of xnl,
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We argue that the historical choice of a word is via a principled pidginization, or intercultural transformation, being in the interest of both the Turkic speakers and the Sinitic hearers. That is, the Chinese characters were chosen to represent Turkic morphemes on the consideration of semantic affinity and/or at least with least un-intended semantic distraction at the hands of some astute bilinguals. The choice of word would go for characters with similar or acceptable phonologi- cal profile, in the following order: first with similar onsets, second similar codas and lastly acceptable vowels; at the same time the process of word choice must also be sensitive to the cultural norms indigenous to both Chinese and Turkic.
2 Scope and Information Sources
Once a Chinese character was slated for Turkic transcription, it would auto- matically acquire the semantic frame of the Turkic item in the mental space of a Turkic bilingual. This new acquisition would have emerged as a new gloss entry in a dictionary under the designated character if such a dictionary were to exist then. Such dictionaries actually exist today. In fact, most of the mod- ern dictionaries would mix the Turkic frame together with the classical Han- Chinese frame of a character, but they are indifferent to the Turkic origin of the newly-emerged glosses. There is one exception: Wang Li’s dictionary of Old Han (Chinese) Language, to be cited as Wang 2000, (王力古漢語字典) or abbreviated as wgz. The latter made a conscious effort in sorting out the newly-emerged glosses (後起義、晚起義) from the classical glosses. wgz recognizes the distinctive semantic contents of the newly- or later-emerged glosses (leg) around the 6th and 7th centuries, but does not identify their etymological sources. Moreover, it is confined to literary usage of Chinese characters only and missed out most of the essential colloquial expressions. The Grand Dictionary of the Han Language 漢語大詞典 (to be called the Grand Lexicon or abbreviated as hydcd, all of its thirteen volumes, is by far the most comprehensive lexicographic work on the Chinese writing system. hydcd is to be cited as Luo (1986). It covers both literary and colloquial usage with historic citations and manages to list, presumably, the earliest docu- mented examples of a particular entry tracing as far back in time as practically possible. Unlike wgz, it does not pay special attention to the notion of leg, but it does list citations in chronological order. Therefore the leading item in the list of citations under a particular gloss turns out to be very informative in assessing the inception date of the particular gloss. In this study, we manage to update hydcd’s inception date whenever possible. The use of Chinese character to script Turkic linguistic items tends to mask the foreign origin because of the unique cultural symbolic power of the writing
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# Title of Reference Eras Acronym Authorship
1 Dunhuang 敦煌變文校注 Sermons by 7th bw Huang & Bianwen Buddhist to Huang Monks 10th 1997 2 Quan Tang Shi 全唐詩 An Anthology 7th qts Peng 1986 of poems of to the Tang 9th Dynasty 3 Zu Tang Ji 祖堂集 Collections of Pre- ztj Shi & Shi Ancestral Halls 10th 952 4 Quan Song Ci 全宋詞 An anthology 10th qsc Tang 1965 of poems of to the Song 13th Dynaties 5 Qingpingshantang 清平山堂話本 An anthology 7th qhb Hong 1545 Huaben of Short to Stories by 11th 60 authors
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# Title of Reference Eras Acronym Authorship
6 Dong Xi Xiang 董西廂 Story of the 12th dxx Dong 1150* West Wing 7 Zhu Zi Yu Lei 朱子語類 Lecture Notes 13th zyl Li 1270 of Zhu Zi 8 Quan Yuan Qu 全元曲 An anthology 13th qyq Xu 1998 of dramas of to the Yuan 17th Dynasty 9 Shui Hu Zhuan 水滸傳 Tale of the 14th shz Shi 1350* Marshes 10 Jin Ping Mei 金瓶梅 A plum in the 16th jpm Lan 1617 Golden Vase 11 Xi You Ji 西遊記 Journey to the 16th xyj Wu 1501 West 12 Hong Lou Meng 紅樓夢 Dream of Red 18th hlm Cao 1791 Chamber 13 Ru Lin Wai Shi 儒林外史 An Unofficial 18th rlws Wu 1749 History of the Scholars 14 Er Nü Ying Xiong 兒女英雄傳 The Gallant 19th enyxz Wen 1878 Zhuan Maid 15 Shi ci qu yuci 詩詞曲語辭 Glossing 7th zx Zhang 1953 huishi 匯釋 Linguistic to Items in 14th historical poems 16 Hanyu da cidian 漢語大詞典 The Drand all hydcd Luo 1986 Lexicon eras 17 Wang Li gu hanyu 王力古漢語 Wang Li’s Pre- wgz Wang 2000 zidian 字典 dictionary of 8th ancient Chinese
Given that there were sound changes expected over the course of Chinese history, we must emphasize that the most dramatic paradigm shifts of Sinitic phonology occurred in the 5th century induced by Turkic bilinguals with contributions by Chinese bilinguals. A Chinese character is typically spelled with onset and rhyme. The Turkic-induced change of the Chinese onset
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system can be clearly traced, based on Chinese historical documents, before and after the Turkic participation (Lim 2010: 94–140). The coda system of written Chinese was also affected but not very much. Nasal codas remain nasal and open syllables remain open. Most of stopped codas such as -ʔ, -k, -t, -p were reduced to open syllables. The Turkic induced change in the nucleus vowel system was attested in the 43-chart rhyme table Yunjing 韻鏡 (Lim 2010: 148–186). A clear definition of Turkic-induce vowel shifts still awaits further investigation. Meanwhile, reconstructions of the Chinese phonological system abound, but they are all limited to the linear theory, oblivious of the Turkic interference. In this study, we take the position that as long as the onset and the coda are consistent, we skirt the issue of vowels for four reasons. Firstly, Turkic vowels had followed the principle of sound har- mony and had archphonemic alternations. It is not certain how Turkic bilin- guals would treat the vowels of Chinese characters particularly if the latter had diphthongs. Secondly, it has been 1500 hundred years since the Turkic sinification, the details of vowel change has yet to be worked out. Thirdly, the introduction of xnl into a Chinese-speech community is basically a form of pidgin or intercultural transformation, sensitive to both Turkic and Sinitic and it can not be treated as if it were a natural language. Fourthly, the choice of xnl word is subject to principled pidginization at the hands of Chinese bilinguals who may have taken liberty to go outside the box in order to con- form to intercultural acceptability. When evaluating an xnl word, we there- fore insists on diachronic cogency of semantics, together with onset and coda, leaving the vowels open as an allowance for pidgin modulation. Turkic-induced paradigm shifts in sinitic historical phonology has its imprints in all the modern Chinese dialects, some has more than others. A syn- chronic study of Chinese dialectal variations, or linguistic geography, would then be another avenue of exploring Turkic-induced diachrony. An electronic public database, maintained by Academia Sinica (http: //xiaoxue.iis.sinica .edu.tw/ccr/) can be consulted for such dialectal variations and for the various linear reconstructions of historical sound values of Chinese characters. For navigating through the historical examples cited in the following sec- tions, a list of abbreviations is provided below following Leipzig’s convention to the extent possible. For acronyms of referenced documents, please refer to the preceding table.
1sg 1st person singular neg negative 2pl 2nd person plural nmlz nominalizer 2sg 2nd person singular np noun phrase 3sg 3rd person singular pcp participle
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3 The Constative Preterite -dI, -dXŋ → the Constative 的 [də], 底 [di], 端 [duan]
The Turkic constative -dI/-dXŋ denote a speech act or a sentence relating to or being an utterance that declares something that can be judged as true or false. It functions as a finite verb preterite (Erdal 2004:233, 265). Its essential features include:
1) making an ontological assessment on the statement that it governs, 2) serving as a predicate marker, and 3) referring to some event in the past, in fact, it is also referred to as a simple past.
The Mandarin derivates 底 [di], 的 [də], continuing the Turkic archphonemic alternation, are derived from the Turkic constative in the 3rd person singular (§3.1, 3.2). It has all the essential features of the Turkic etymon. It is historically used as sentence initial as well as sentence final as if prefixing or suffixing the the statement it governs. For its constative role, it may be paraphrased as ‘truthfully’, ‘it is certain’, ‘indeed’ etc. The Sinitic 端 [duan] is derived from Turkic constative in the 2nd person singular (§3.1, §3.3). It was productive in medieval Chinese but not so much in modern Mandarin. However, the binom 端的 [duan di] is still productive.
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The Sinitic binom 端的 [duan di] is an eclectic use of the Turkic constative for the 3rd and the 2nd person singular combined indicating a liberation from the morphological bondage of the Turkic root. The Grand Lexicon rec- ognizes the constative in three entries: 的 [di] (Luo (1986(8):250:的3–12), 底 [di] (Luo (1986(3)1217:底1–14), and 端 [duan] (Luo (1986(8)394,端28).
3.1 The prototype: Old Turkic constative postterminal -dI-, -dXŋ The simple past -dI is constative (Erdal 2004:237) involving narrated event that asserts or states something that can be judged as true or false. The constative is a proadverb paraphrasing ‘truthfully’, ‘it is certain’ or ‘indeed’. Personal suffixes are added to the constative preterite (or in past tense), the paradigm in per- sonal singular is as follows (Erdal 2004:237):
1st person singular -dXm 2nd person singular -dXŋ 3rd person singular -dI
The following examples are associated with the 3rd person singular taken from Tekin:
(1) Tekin 1967:189 bokuzlan- dï slaughtered con.pret.3sg ‘he was slaughtered (indeed).’
(2) Tekin 1967:189 täz- ip bar- dï flee ger go con.pret.3sg ‘he fled (indeed).
(3) Tekin 1967:189 orduɣ bir- ma- di camp give neg con.pret.3sg ‘he did not surrender the camp (it is certain).’
3.2 The Derivate I: Mandarin Sentence Final Constative 底 [di], 的 [də] The sentence final 的 [də] is still very productive, but not so much for 底 [di]. Note that the constative 底 [di] or 的 [də] is a predicate and a sim- ple past marker, placed at the end of a sentence consistent with Turkic canonical sov word order. Examples (4, 5, 6) are of modern usage quoted from Lü (2000:164).
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(4) 21st: Lü (2000:164) {他 要 走} 的 ta yao zou də 3sg will go con.pret.3sg ‘he was to go (indeed).’
(5) 21st: Lü (2000:164) {我 騎 車 去} 的 wo qi che qu də 1sg ride bike go con.pret.3sg ‘I rode the bike over there (indeed).’
(6) 21st: Lü (2000:164) {大白天} 的, da bai tian də, broad day con.pret.3sg light ‘broad day light indeed,
還 怕 找 不 到 路? hai pa zhao bu dao lu still afraid find neg post road still afraid not to find the road?’
In (4) and (5), Lü contrasts the difference between the given statements with their counter examples without the use of 的 [də] and he then brings forth the significance of the presence of the latter as a marker for affirming the truthfulness of the statements. Immediately following the latter statements, he further illustrates with similar contrasting counter examples highlighting the constative 的 [də] as a preterite or in the past tense. Lü’s insightful obser- vations actually embody the essence of constative nature of the Turkic con- stative and its derivate 底 [di] or 的 [də]. That is, without any knowledge in Old Turkic, Lü was able to discern the key features of the constative: ontologi- cal assessment (true or false) and past tense. Linguists may have written off the existence of tenses in Chinese. Well, this constative is not an example of tense marker per se but a linguistic unit with unmistakable past tense content. Utterance or statement governed by 底 [di] or 的 [də] usually comes with a subject plus its predicate. In Chinese, the use of 是 for linking the subject and predication, however, is optional. It is conceivable that the constative 的 [də]
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(7) {subject + 是 [shi] + predicate} + 的 [də], while that of the nominalization 的 [də] without head noun is:
(8) {subject} + 是 [shi] + {predicate: nominalization with 的 [də]}
The semantic essence of the constative 的 [də] is paraphrased as ‘indeed’ in English. It is an affirmation (or denial) of the statement that it governs. Observe the difference between the meanings of the utterances with and without the use of 底 [di] or 的 [də] as demonstrated in Lü (2000:164) in the following:
(9) 10th: Shi & Shi (952(18)) {這 個 是 為 大家} 底。 zhe ge shi wei da jia di this one cop for everyone con.pret.3sg ‘this was for everyone, (indeed).’
(10) 13th: Li (1994(68): ZYL(1270)) {神 是 變 而 不 可 知} 底。 shen shi bian er bu ke zhi di God cop variable and neg able know con.pret ‘God was variable and unknowable, (indeed).’
(11) 13th: Tang (1965:Liu Chenweng 劉辰翁 (1233–1297)) {銀河 本 是 冰冰} 底。 yinhe ben shi bingbing di Milky Way originally cop icy-cold con.pret.3sg ‘the Milky Way originally was icy-cold, (indeed).’
(12) 16th: Wu (1550*(32):364/386:XYJ) {這 和尚 是 半路出家} 的。 zhe he shang shi ban lu chu jia də this monk cop become a monk late in life con.pret.3sg ‘this monk became a monk pretty late in life (indeed).’
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3.3 The Derivate I: Mandarin Sentence Initial Constative 的 [di] The Mandarin sentence initial constative 的 [dí] is derived from the Old Turkic -dI in the 3rd person singular. Historical data indicate that 的 [dí] appears both at the beginning and at the end of a sentence as discussed in §3.2. They both carry the same meaning as a constative marker either pre- fixing or suffixing the statement it governs. The prefixing is likely for high- lighting the ontological significance of 的 [dí]. As a verb, 的 [də] could not be placed at the beginning of a sentence. Normally, Turkic constative car- ries the semantic contents: a verb in past tense indicating truthfulness of an utterance. Over time, it gets re-analyzed to foreground part of the semantic content: the “TRUTHFULLY” or “TRUTH BEING TOLD”, forsaking its verbal past and becoming a proadverb. The practice of placing it at the beginning of a sentence is consistent with Turkic word order preference, that is, plac- ing the topic at the beginning of a sentence. Notice phonetically it is stressed as [dí].
(13) 9th: Luo (1986(8):251:Bai Juyi 白居易 (772–846)) 的 {無 官職 趁 人 來} di wu guanzhi cheng ren lai con.pret.3sg neg official duty amenable guest come ‘truthfully, (I was,) without official duties, amenable to the idea of guests coming (to visit)’
(14) pre-10th: Huang & Zhang (1997:509:BW) 的 {定 妖邪 化為 塵} di ding yaoxie huawei chen con.pret.3sg certainly demon/devil reduced to dust ‘certainly the demon/devil was reduced to dust’.
(15) 11th: Tang (1965:Qin Guan 秦觀 (1049–1100)) 的 {是 淒涼 地} di shi qiliang di con.pret.3sg cop bleak ground ‘truth being told, it was a bleak territory’
(16) 17th: Lan (1617(25):230/291:JPM) 的 {有 此 事}? di you ci shi con.pret.3sg exist such thing ‘truthfully, was there such a thing?
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(17) 18th: Luo (1986(8):251:RLWS(1749)) 的 {于 出月 初三} di yu chuyue chusan con.pret.3sg loc.temp next month 3rd day ‘exactly, it was on the 3rd of next month.’
3.4 The Derivate III: Sinitic Constative 端 [duan] The Sinitic constative preterite 端 [duan] is derived from Old Turkic constative -dXŋ of the 2nd person singular. Note that three of the four cited examples below (18, 19 and 20) are of the 2nd personal singular consistent with the func- tion of its Turkic etymon. Example (21) of the 17th century is of 1st person singu- lar. Obviously the latter has forsaken the personal association as a free morpheme. It also appears that the usage of 端 [duan] is oblivious of the tense association, and only the core semantic value ‘constative’ remains intact. The use of constative 端 [duan] by itself is no longer productive in modern Chinese dialects. Historical usage of 端 [duan] alone is shown with the following exam- ples. In (20) the word 實 [shi] ‘truthfully’ in round brackets () is of classical Chinese used here as binom with 端 [duan] to reinforce the constative meaning:
(18) 5th: Luo (1986(8):394:Bao Zhao 鮑照 (414–466)) 端 {爲 誰 苦辛} ? duan wei shui kuxin con.pret.2sg for whom toil ‘truthfully, for whom did you toil?’
(19) 12th: Luo (1986(8):394:Lu You 陸游 (1125–1210)) 餘 年 端 {有 幾}? yu nian duan you ji remaining year con.2sg have how many ‘how many remaining years do you have indeed?’
(20) 13th: Xu (1998:Guan Hanqing 關漢卿 (1219–1301)) 先生 端 (實) {古 君子 之 風 也} xiansheng duan shi gu junzi zhi feng ye sir con.2sg indeed classical gentlemen poss style cop sir, you indeed are of the style of a classical gentleman.’
(21) 17th: Luo (1986(8):394:Zhou Lujing 周履靖 (1549-1640)) 下官 端 {爲 淑娘 姻事… } xiaguan duan wei Shuniang yinshi …
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humble servant con.1sg for Shuniang marriage ‘I, the humble servant, indeed, for (preparing) the marriage of Shuniang …’
3.5 The Derivate IV: Mandarin Binoms Motivated by the Turkic Constative -dI Three binoms, all related to the Turkic constative -dI, are discussed here: 端的 [duan di], 的實 [di shi], and 的確 [di que] all carrying the stressed sound [di]. The bondage-free aspect of 端 [duan] is most clearly demonstrated by the usage of the binom 端的 [duan di] which is an eclectic use composed of the 2nd and the 3rd person singular for of the Old Turkic constative. The binom is used in the 3rd person singular assessing the truthfulness of the utterance or statement it governs. It is also re-analyzed as a proadverb ‘truthfully’ as in §3.3 shown in (23 through 27) and acquired additional sense as a pronoun ‘ins and outs’ or ‘truthfulness, basis, foundation’ as shown in (28, 29). When the constative 的 [də] is placed at the end of a sentence, it sometimes comes with a qualifier and appears as a binom such as 的實 [di shi] in (22). Historically, 的 [dí] is also paired with 確 [qùe] as a binom 的確 to reinforce the constative root of 的 [dí], glossed ‘truthfully’, ‘for sure’, ‘indeed’ or ‘exactly’ or nominally as ‘ins and outs’ just like the nominal 端的 [duan di] of §3.4. The Old Turkic enclitic Ok is an emphatic particle. It has the meaning ‘and no other; exactly (then) and not earlier or later’ (Clauson 1972:76). The clitic Ok was repeated to form the emphatic particle of definiteness kOk as attested in Orkhon Turkic (Tekin 1968:352; Erdal 2004:125, 342). In Sino-Turkic, this emphatic par- ticle kOk when applied to sentences predicated with the constative “dI” of the 3rd person forms a binom 的確 [di que] with proadverbial ‘truthfully’, ‘it is cer- tain’, ‘indeed’ or as a noun meaning ‘ins and outs’. The word 確 [que] is implicitly recognized as a later-emerged-gloss as the lack of pre-5th century historical examples in the Grand Lexicon (Luo (1986(7):1093:確3) would suggest. 端的 [duan di] and 的確 [di que] are still productive.
(22) 7th: Peng (1705(806_1):642/677:Han Shan 寒山 (691~793)) 自 憐 心 的 實 zi lian xin di shi self pity heart con.pret.3sg certain ‘(I had) a self-pity heart, indeed’
(23) 9th: Peng (1705(900_7):6/6:Lü Yan 呂岩 (825)) 端的 少 知音 duan di shao zhiyin con.pret.3sg few appreciator ‘truthfully, there were few appreciators’
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(24) 11th: Luo (1986(8):398:Yan Shu 晏殊 (991–1055)) 端的 自家 心 下… duan di zijia xin xia con.3sg my heart post ‘truth being told, in my heart …’
(25) 14th: Luo (1986(8):398:SHZ 水滸傳 (1296–1372)) 端的 有 虎 duan di you hu con.3sg exist tiger ‘indeed, there is a tiger’
(26) 16th:Luo (1986(8):398:XYJ 西游記 (1550*)) 端的 是 什麼 妖精 duan di shi sheme yaojing con.pret.3sg cop what evil spirit ‘exactly, what sort of evil spirit was it?’
(27) 18th:Luo (1986(8):398:HLM (1791)) 端的 与 人 不同 duan di yu ren bu tong con.pret.3sg prep people different ‘indeed, (she) was different from (other) people’
(28) 11th: Luo (1986(8):398:Liu Yong 柳永 (984–1053)) 細說 此 中 端的 xi shuo ci zhong duan di elaborate this post ins and outs ‘to elaborate the ins and outs in this (story)’
(29) 11th: Luo (1986(8):398:An Jidao 晏幾道 (1038–1110)) 錦 字 無 端的 jin zi wu duan di brocade word neg truthfulness ‘there is no truthfulness in flowery words.’
(30) 11th:Luo (1986(8):254:Sima Guang 司馬光 (1019–1086)) 惟 本 州縣 知 得 的確 wei ben zhou xian zhi de di que only root state/county know pf ins and outs ‘only the root state/county would have known the ins and outs’.
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(31) 13th:Luo (1986(8):254:Liu Xun 劉塤 (1240–1319)) 今 觀 其 評, 的確 峻峭 jin guan qi ping, di que jun qiao now watch 3SG critique, indeed rigorous ‘now watch (and read) the critique (on the inscription), it was indeed rigorous’
(32) 18th:Wu (1749(30):61/262:RLWS) 虧 他 訪 得 的確 kui ta fang de di que owe 3sg investigate pf ins and outs ‘(we) owe it to him for having investigated the ins and outs’
4 The Nominalizer -dOk+ in Free Relative Clause → The Sinitic 的 [də], 底 [di], 得 [də] in Free Relative Clause
The Turkic nominalizer is used as a device by which one sentence may be included within another to fill the grammatical role of noun phrase within the main sentence (Underhill 1976: 321). The nominalization can be used with a head noun or without a head noun. When used with a head noun, the nominalization becomes a bound relative clause tied specifically to the head noun. Used without a head noun, it makes a free relative clause. This section will concentrate on the free relative clause and the next section, §5, will dis- cuss the bound relative clause under the Sino-Turkic contact condition. The Old Turkic nominalization -dOk+ was called a verbal noun serving the action noun function by Tekin (1997: 5–12). As a noun phrase, the nominalization then may serve the function of a subject, or object describing some facts. The nominalizer in free relative clause is equivalent to English relativizer ’WHAT’ or ‘THAT WHICH’ as shown in (4-1) taken from Underhill:
(33) Underhill (1976: 326) Ahmed in yap tıǧ ını beǧen mi yor um Ahmed gen do nmlz acc like neg prog 1sg.poss ‘I do not like what Ahmed is doing.’
The derivates come in alternate forms 底 [di], 的 [də]/得 [də] as continua- tion of the Turkic archphonemic alternation for -dOk+. It is of interest to note that in the pre-5th century era, 的[də] actually spelled /t*k/ in the alliterator-rhymer spelling 都(t-)歷(-k). Cf. http: //xiaoxue.iis.sinica.edu. tw/ccr/# for entry #24032. In the website noted, none of the experts agreed
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4.1 The Prototype: Old Turkic Nominalizer -dOk+ in Free Relative Clause The nominalization with -dOk+ can function as a noun phrase used in a predi- cate position describing past actions (Tekin 1981:5) as in the following example:
(34) Tekin (1981:5) äb kä täg -dök +üm camp dat arrive nmlz 1sg.poss ‘my having arrived in the camp’ ‘I arrived in the camp’
The headless nominalization also assumes other syntactic positions as subject or object. The following six examples are taken from Tekin (1968: 178, 179), and (Eradal 2004: 485). Note that subject reference can be taken care of through possessive suffixes appended to -dOk+. The discussion on Mandarin nominalization by Li and Thompson (1981: 575–593) is relevant to Old Turkic nominalization. In the nominalization, the unspecified participant in the situation described may include: the subject, the object, the place or time of action, instrument, reason, method, etc., liter- ally any nominals (Li and Thompson (1981: 583–584). There are four general rules regarding the use of relative clause described in Li and Thompson (1981: 576–579), quoting:
1) To be used alone as a noun phrase, a nominalization must contain a verb with at least one of its participants unspecified. So it must be a verbal phrase nominalized by the nominalizer. 2) If there is only one participant unspecified, then the referent of the nominalization is the same as the missing participant.
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3) If both the subject and the object is participants are unspecified in a nominalization, then that nominalization will generally be understood to have the same referent as the unspecified direct object. 4) A nominalization used alone as a noun phrase never refers to the indirect object.
In the following examples, the unspecified participants in the situation described in the nominalization are indicated in the square quotes [].
(35) Tekin (1968:179) köz- ün kör mä- dök eye ins see neg nmlz ‘the fact that have not been seen by eye’ [subject]
(36) Tekin (1968:178) qaɣan uç duq da Kagan pass away nmlz.moment loc ‘at the time when Kagan passed away’ [time]
(37) Tekin (1968:178) qazɣan tuq ın üçün conquer nmlz ins because ‘because of the fact that he conquered’ [reason]
(38) Erdal (2004:485) azgur dok in lead astray pf ins ‘because (or with the fact that) he has led (our senses) astray.’ [reason]
(39) Tekin (1968:178) bil- tökü- m ün ö- dök know nmlz 1sg.poss ins remember nmlz ‘with the fact that I have known and remembered’ [reason]
(40) Erdal (2004:485) üzüti ozakï öz kä ämgän tök- in human soul previous flesh and spirit dat suffer pain nmlz ins ‘because (or with the fact that) their soul has suffered in their pr evious life’
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4.2 The Derivate: Mandarin Nominalizer 底 [di], 的 [di], 得 [də] in a Headless Noun Phrase The Mandarin headless nominalizer 的 [də] is typically put in predicative use, it adheres to the form 是 [shi] … 的 [də] which must be interpreted with cau- tion and not to be confused with the same form of §3.2. It is still very produc- tive in Mandarin (Li and Thompson 1981: 579–593). Notice that there are two additional historical alternations 得 [də] and 底 [di], Cf. Luo (1986(3): 1217, 底 2-1) and Luo (1986(3): 988, 得3–5). In the examples cited below, the nominal- ization is quoted in wire quotes {} and the unspecified participant in the nomi- nalization is noted in the square quotes[].
(41) 10th: Shi & Shi (952(8): 63/174:ZTJ) …獵狗, 只 解 尋 得 {有 蹤 跡 底}。 lie gou, zhi jie xun de you zong ji de hunting dog, only know track PF have foot step mark nmlz ‘(of an expensive) hunting dog, only having understood to track those that left their foot steps (instead of tracking the scent of animals as well).’ [subject]
(42) 11th–15th: Hong (1545*(20):118/295: Jie zhi er ji 戒指兒記) 你 手 中 戒指， 是 {婦女 戴 的}。 ni shou zhong jie zhi, shi fu nü dai de 2sg hand post ring cop lady wear nmlz ‘the ring on your hand is what ladies wear.’ [object]
(43) 12th: Li (1270(114):133/133:ZYL) 聖人 之 言， 便 是 一 箇 {引 路 底}。 shen ren zhi yan, bian shi yi ge yin lu di sage gen word then cop one clf lead way nmlz ‘the words of sages, then, is one of those that lead the way.’ [subject]
(44) 13th: Xu (1998:Guan Hanqing 關漢卿 (1219–1301)) 這人， 就 是 {救 那 婆子 的} Zhe ren jiu shi jiu na pozi de this person exactly cop rescue DEM.that lady nmlz ‘this person is exactly the one who has rescued that lady.’ [subject]
(45) 14th: Xu (1998:Wang Shifu 王實甫 (1260–1336)) 此 寺 是 {則天皇后 蓋造 的} ci si shi Zetian huanghou gaozao də this temple cop Zetian Empress construct nmlz ‘This temple is what Empress Zetian have constructed’ [object]
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(46) 18th: Cao (1791(63):11/451:HLM) {你 說 的} 是 ni shuo də shi 2sg say nmlz affirmative ‘what you have said is true.’ [object]
(47) 19th: Wen (1850*(15):23/341:ENYXZ) {受 得} 是 父 母 的 骨 血， shou de shi fu mu de gu xue receive nmlz cop father mother gen bone blood ‘what have received (inherited) is parent’s bone and blood.’ [object]
5 The Nominalizer -dOk+ in Bound Relative Clause → The Sinitic 底 [di], 的 [də] in Bound Relative Clause
Nominalization, when followed by a head noun, is a relative clause modifying the head noun. It is used as a bound relative clause tied to a specific head noun. The head noun, in turn, refers to some unspecified participant in the situation named by the nominalization (§4.1):
(48) {vp + 的 [də] } {np} relative clause head noun
The word 的 [də] in the relative clause serves as the linking word between the modifying phrase with the head noun. Turkic prototype, the modifying phrase is a verbal phrase made nominal by the nominalizer -dOk, has the exact syn- tactic structure as:
(49) {vp + -dOk } {head noun} relative clause np
Note that the sequence of a relative clause followed by its head noun is a sov word order feature. Cf. Table 2.1 in Li and Thompson (1981:18). The derivates in alternate forms 底 [di], 的 [də] continues the Turkic archphonemic alternation. This section will show that the Mandarin derivates 底 [di], 的 [də] faithfully functions as its Turkic etymon (§5.2) and that 的 [də] is further re-analyzed as a newly emerged Mandarin genitive case suffix for its role as the linking word between two NP (§5.3, §5.4).
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5.1 The Prototype: Old Turkic Nominalizer -dOk+ in a Bound Relative Clause The following examples are taken from Tekin (1968: 178–179). The syntagmatic tandem of the modifying noun and the head noun, an sov feature, in the asso- ciative noun construction are enclosed in wire brackets {}. The nominalizing linking word -dOk+ is glossed nmlz.
(50) {yan- duq+} {yol} ta {put to rout nmlz} {road} loc ‘on the road where (they) were routed and dispersed’
(51) {bar- duq+} {yir} dä {go nmlz} {land} loc ‘in the land you went’
(52) {sanç- duq+} {yer} {pierce nmlz} {place} ‘the place where (we) pierced (the enemy)’
Genitive may seem to be irrelevant to relative clause. But the nominalizer (nmlz) in the three examples shows its role as a linking word between two noun phrases which may be construed as having a genitive function as discussed in §5.3. Furthermore, the fact that Turkic genitive case can be used predicatively (Erdal 2004: 365) will be shown to be a distinctive Turkic syntax in §5.4, at least as a marked feature from Sinitic perspective. Two Turkic exam- ples are given below in this regard:
(53) män iŋ… kazganç ïm {siz iŋ} är mäz mü? 1sg gen gain 1sg.poss 2sg gen cop neg q ‘is not my gain yours?’ ‘(says a father to his son) does not my gain belongs to you?
(54) {siz iŋ} män 2sg gen 1sg ‘I am yours.’
5.2 The Derivate I: Mandarin 底 [di], 的 [də] in Bound Relative Clause The bound relative clause is what Li and Thompson (1981: 113–116) called the asso- ciative phrase. Both the associative phrases and the head nouns are enclosed in
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{} in the following examples. The unspecified participant in the nominalization is enclosed in []. Note that the linking word between the {associativ e phrase} and the {head noun} is the English clitic apostrophe s. Also note that Mandarin 底 [di], or 的 [də] is the linking word between the two phrases:
(55) pre-10th: Huang & Zhang (1997:1083:BW) {汝等 昨夜 見 底} {光} ru deng zuo ye jian de guang {2pl last night see nmlz} {light} ‘{the one you have seen last night}’s {light}’ ‘(the light) you saw last night,’ [object]
(56) 10th: Shi & Shi (952(12):206/274:ZTJ) {不 惜 身命 底} {人} bu xi shen ming de ren {neg spare life nmlz} {person} ‘{one who does not spare his life}’s {person},’ ‘(the person) who does not spare his life.’ [subject]
(57) 10th–13th: Hong (1545*(2):79/303:Jiantie Heshang 簡帖和尚) {開 茶坊 的} {王二} kai cha fang de wang er run tea shop nmlz Wang Er ‘{one who runs the tea shop}’s {Wang Er}’ ‘Wang Er who ran the tea shop’ [subject]
(58) 16th: Lan (1617(54):138/256:JPM) 一 個 {走 過 的} {人} yi ge zou guo də ren one clf {walk pass nmlz} {person} ‘{one who has walked pass}’s {person} sees (the situation)’ ‘a passerby (sees the situation). [subject]
5.3 The Derivate II: the Mandarin Genitive Case Suffix 的 [də], 底 [di] In §5.2, the presence of 的 [də] or 底 [di] in between two noun phrases may be construed as the linking word between two noun phrases. They have been used very frequently ever since medieval China. Because of the frequent use over the last thousand years, 的 [də] or 底 [di] has acquired a newly re-analyzed role as a clitic like English clitic “apostrophe s”. Schematically, one may represent the process as a transition from 的 [də] or 底 [di] as a nom in bound relative in
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(59) to an attributive clitic (paraphrase as ’s) in (60). The latter is recognized in Li and Thompson (1981: 113–116) as a associative phrase structure.
(59) bound relative clause {vp + nmlz (的 [də] or 底 [di]) } {head noun}
(60) associative phrase structure {vp nominalized}’s {head noun}
In (60) the clitic apostrophe s is the altered ego of the nominalizer 的 [də] or 底 [di]. The latter eventually becomes an attributive marker of its own right, not necessarily bound to the relative cause construction. Subsequently, when they are suffixed to personal pronouns, 的 [də] or 底 [di] emerge as genitive case marker. It is a Turkic-induced phenomenum.
(61) 13th: Xu (1998:Guan Hanqing 關漢卿 (1219–1301)) {他 的} 孩兒 wo de hai er 3sg gen son ‘his son’
(62) 13th: Xu (1998:Guan Hanqing 關漢卿 (1219–1301)) {你 的} 福星 ni de fu xing 2sg gen lucky star ‘your lucky star’
(63) 13th–14th: Xu (1998: anonymous 無名氏 (1219–1301)) {我 底} 行 貨 wo di hang huo 1sg gen store goods ‘my store goods’
(64) 16th: Wu (1550(16):28/365:XYJ) {我 的} 徒弟 wo de tu di 1sg gen disciple ‘my disciple.’
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(65) 16th: Lan (1617(11):147/266:JPM) {你們 底} 事 ni men di shi 2pl gen business ‘your (plural) business’
5.4 The Derivate III: Mandarin Gentive 的 [də] Mandarin 的 [də] is a genitive case marker derived from re-analyzing the nominalizer 的 [də] in a bound relative clause as a result of frequent use. In Turkic, genitive case can be used predicatively as stated in §5.1. Thus, we can form simple sentences such as 我的 [wo də] ‘mine’, or 你的 [ni də] ‘yours’, genitive in predicate position. This syntactic structure has been very active since medieval China, and two examples are given below:
(66) 12th: Li (1270(84):137/144:ZYL) 未 定 是 {我 底}。 we ding shi wo di neg certain cop 1sg gen ‘not necessarily mine.’
(67) 13th: Xu (1998:Guan Hanqing 關漢卿 (1219–1301)) {我 的} 就 是 {你 的}。 wo di jiu shi ni di 1sg gen exactly cop 2sg gen ‘mine is yours.’
6 The Perfect Participle -dOk+ → the Perfect Participles 得 [tə], 的 [di]
The perfect participle -dOk+ is derived from the verb in the nominalization with -dOk+, or bound relative clause discussed in §5, in that the head noun is the object of the situation described in the nominalization. They are non-subject participles and typically qualifies objects and circumstantial entities. They are always factive, representing claims assumed to be true. They do not appear in finite use. (Erdal 2004: 293–6, 298). The modern Mandarin derivate participle 得 [də] or /tə/ (Luo (1986(3):988: 得3–3) distinguishes itself from the nominalizer 的 [də] of §4 and §5, even though they are of the same spellings in Old Turkic, /t*k/ and cognate to the same bound relative clause construction.
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6.1 The Prototype: Turkic Perfect Participle -dOk Perfect participles are derived from the verb of a relativization with heads being direct objects as shown in the following examples from Orkhon Turkic (Tekin 1968: 178; Erdal 2004: 439):
(68) {bar- duq} {yir} go pf.pcp land ‘{having gone} {land}’ ‘the lands that you have gone’ [object]
(69) {illäk dük} {il} establish state pf.pcp state ‘{having established} {state}’ ‘the state which they had established’ [object]
(70) {qaɣanla duq} {qaɣan} make s.o. kagan pf.pcp Kagan ‘{having crowned} {Kagan}’ ‘the kagan whom they have crowned’ [object]
6.2 The Derivate: Mandarin Perfect Participle 得 [də], 的 [də] The following 10 historical examples of Mandarin perfect participle all refer to object and actions and they represent claims assumed to be true. The domi- nant form is 得 [də] and the variant form is 的 [də] shown in (77) and (80). The sequence of participle followed by head noun is consistent with the sov correlation:
(71) Pre-10th: Huang & Zhang (1997:5:BW) {行 得} {廿 餘 里} xing de nian yu li traverse pf.pcp twenty some miles ‘having traversed twenty some miles (of land)’ [object]
(72) Pre-10th: Huang & Zhang (1997:67:BW) {營} 已 {入 得}, {號} 又 {偷 得} ying yi ru de, hao you tou de camp already enter pf.pcp, password also steal pf.pcp ‘having entered camp, also having stolen password.’ [object]
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(73) 10th: Luo (1986(3):988:Hua Rui Fu Ren 花蕊夫人 (950*)) {上 得} {馬} 來 纔 欲 走 shang de ma lai cai yu zou mount pf.pcp horse ADV barely about to leave ‘having mounted the horse, barely about to leave.’ [object]
(74) 12th: Luo (1986(3):988:DXX (1150*)) {入 得} {蒲州} ru de pu zhou enter pf.pcp Puzhou (a place) ‘having entered puzhou.’ [object]
(75) Shi (1350*(1):327/518:SHZ) {聽 得} {說 有 強人} ting de shuo you qiang ten hear pf.pcp say exist strong man ‘having heard that (some) say there is a strong man.’ [object]
(76) 16th: Lan (1617(3):190/398:JPM) {記 得} {嫂嫂 說 的 話} ji de saosao shuo de hua remember pf.pcp aunt say NMLZ words ‘having remembered what aunt has said.’ [object]
(77) 16th: Luo (1986(8):251:Jin Luan 金鑾 (1494–1587)) 纔 {出 的} {洞房}, cai chu de dong fang merely exit pf.pcp honey moon suite ‘barely having exited the honey moon suite,’ [object]
(78) 18th: Luo (1986(3):988:RLWS(1749)) {出 得} {店 門} chu de dian men exit pf.pcp store door ‘having exited the door of the store.’ [object]
(79) 20th: Luo (1986(3):98:Lu Xun 魯迅 (1881-1936)) {到 得} {廈門} dao de xia men arrive pf.pcp Xiamen (a place) ‘having arrived at xiamen.’ [object]
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(80) 20th: Luo (1986(8):251) 老趙 {發 的} {言}， 我 沒 發 言。 lao zhao fa de yan, wo mei fa yan Lao Zhao deliver pf.pcp speech, 1sg neg deliver speech. ‘lao zhao having delivered the speech, I did not deliver the speech.’ [object]
7 T urkic Adverb of Manner Suffix +tI/+dI → Mandarin Adverb of Manner Suffixes 地 [di], 底 [di], 的 [di]
The Orkhon Turkic suffixes for adverbs of manner +tI/+dI functions like English adverbial suffix -ly attached to a nominal. The Sinitic derivates in alternate forms: 地 [di], 底 [di], 的 [də], are continuation of Turkic archphonemic alternations and function precisely like their Turkic etymon.
7.1 The Prototype: The Old Turkic Suffix for Adverbs of Manner: +tI/+dI The Orkhon Turkic suffixes for adverbs of manner +tI/+dI are described by Tekin (1968:155). Three examples from Tekin are given below:
(81) Tekin (1968:155) ädg ti good adv ‘well’
(82) Tekin (1968:155) qatïɣ dï firm adv ‘firmly’
(83) Tekin (1968:155) yaraqlïɣ dï armed adv ‘in an armed manner’
7.2 The Derivate: The Adverb Suffix 地 [di], 底 [di], 的 [di] The adverb suffixes in Mandarin are expressed in three alternate forms moti- vated by Turkic archphonemic alternations:
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1) 地 [di] (Luo (1986(2): 1016, 地2–2, 2–3), 2) 底 [di] (Luo (1986(3): 1217, 底2–3) 3) 的 [də] (Luo (1986(8): 250, 的3–3)
Historically and currently 地 [di] is the dominant form. However, all three forms are still productive. Six historical examples are given below:
(84) 8th: Peng (1705(184_55):4/5:Li Bai 李白(701–762)) {白 地} 斷 肝 腸。 bai di duan gan chang nothing adv break liver intestine ‘for nothing, (I) have wrenched my guts (have endured great mental pain).’
(85) Pre 10th: Huang & Zhang (1997:1089:BW) {忽 地} 夫人 氣色 昏, hu di fu ren qi se hun sudden adv lady complexion dark ‘suddenly the lady’s complexion turned dark.’
(86) 10th: Shi & Shi (952(6):103/140) {不 安 底} 上 bu an di shang neg easy adv ascend ‘uneasily (I) ascend to take the seat’
(87) 12th: Dong (1150*(1):284/497:DXX) 出 得 門 來 {慢慢 地} 行。 chu de men lai man man di xing exit PF.PCP door lat slow ADV walk ‘having exited the door, (he) slowly walks.’
(88) 14th: Luo (1986(8):251:Wang Shifu 王實甫 (1260–1336)) 車兒 {快快 的} 隨。 che er kuai kuai də sui chariot swift adv follow ‘chariot swiftly follows.’
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(89) 16th: Luo (1986(3):1217:Wang Jingfu 王敬夫 (1526–1590)) {疾忙 底} 駕 驪駒, ji mang di jia li ju hurried adv drive black horse ‘hurriedly (he) drives the black horse.’
8 The Locative-ablative Case +dA/+tA → The Locative Suffixes 底 [di], 頭 [tou], 的 [də]
Tekin discussed the locative and ablative under one heading locative-ablative (Tekin 1968: 133–134), in agreement with Erdal’s observation that the locative suffix +dA/+tA serves also in ablative use in the earlier part of the Turkic cor- pus (Erdal 2004: 173). The locative-ablative case is formed with the suffix -da/- dä or -ta/-tä; stems ending in vowels and consonants other than 1, n and r take -da/-dä. Old Turkic locative-ablatives function as adverbial complements in the following five distinctive roles:
1) indicating the place in which the action is performed; 2) indicating the state or condition of the object while the action takes place; 3) denoting the starting point of an action; 4) with a postposition; 5) used to make comparison.
In its Sinitic derivates, the locative +dA/+tA and ablative +dA/+tA were differ- entiated. That is, 底 [di], 頭 [tou], 的 [də] for the locative of senses (1), (2), and (4) mentioned above which will be discussed in this section and 打 [da] for the ablative of sense (3) will not be covered in this study. Sense (5) is attested in Sinitic literature as 得 də which is not covered here either.
8.1. The Prototype: Old Turkic Locative Suffix +dA/+tA The three senses relevant in this study, i.e., 1st, 2nd, and 4th, for the locative +dA/+tA are demonstrated with examples from Tekin (1968: 133–134). All five have their Sinitic derivates. The example of Old Turkic locative in +dA/+tA, then grouped according to its function as follows:
1) an adverbial complement indicating the place in which the action is performed:
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(90) Tekin (1968:244) toǧu balık +da sünüş dü (place) town loc fight con ‘I fought at the town of toǧu’
(91) Tekin (1968:134) ekin sü äb +dä är ti second army home loc cop CON ‘the second army was at home’
(92) Tekin (1968:134) azu bu sab ım +da igid bar ǧu or this word 1sg loc false there is q ‘or is there any falsehood in these words of mine?’
2) an adverbial complement indicating the state or condition of the object while the action takes place:
(93) Tekin (1968:134) kırǧız budunuǧ u +da bas dı mız Kirgiz people sleep loc fight con 1sg ‘we fell upon the kirgiz people, while they are asleep’
3) an adverbial complement with a postposition:
(94) Tekin (1968:134) yabız yablaǧ bodun +ta üzä olur tu m bad badness people loc on high dwell con 1sg ‘I became ruler over a poor and destitute people’
8.2 The Derivate: Sinitic Locative 底 [di], 頭 [tou], 的 [də] The Sinitic derivate of +dA/+tA manifest in both the back and front varieties of the archphonemic vowel A={a, ä} respectively as 頭 [tou] or 底 [di]. Postpositioned suffixes 底 [di] or 頭 [tou] of Sino-Turkic function like Sinitic locative 在 [zai] which is used as a preposition. Postpositon is a feature expected of a sov type of language such as Turkic (Li and Thompson 1981: 18). Suffixes 底 [di] or 頭 [tou] were productive in medieval Chinese, but not as much today. A modern variant 的 [də] for the locative is included in (82–6) and (82–7).
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1) an adverbial complement indicating the place in which the action is per- formed:
(95) 8th: Peng (1705(806_1):491/677:Han Shan 寒山 (750*)) 前 頭 失 卻 桅, 後 頭 又 無 柁。 qian tou shi que gui, hou tou you wu tuo front loc lose res mast, rear loc morover neg rudder. ‘at the front, (the ship) has (totally) lost its mast, in the back, moreover, there is no rudder.’
(96) 8th: Peng (1705(164_8): 13/13: Li Bai 李白 (701–762)) 鼓 聲 隴 底 聞。 gu sheng long di wen drum sound rice field loc hear ‘(one) hears drum beat at the rice field.’
(97) 9th: Peng (1705(636_15):3/4:Nie Yizhong 聶夷中 (837–884)) 赤 鴉 飛 海 底。 chi ya fei hai di red raven fly ocean loc ‘red ravens (tinted from glow of sunset) fly at the ocean.’
(98) 9th: Huang & Zhang (1997:129:Li Ling Bian Wen 李陵變文 (850*)) 前 頭 草 盡 不 相 連, qian tou cao jin bu xiang lian front loc grass exhaust no longer mutually connected ‘(referring to a strategy to stop enemy’s fire in a warfare in the prairie) at the front, (cut off) grasses to exhaust (their existence, and the grasses) are no longer connected,
後 底 火 來 他 自 定。 hou di huo lai ta zo ding rear loc fire come 3sg self stop. at the rear, when the fire comes up it will stop by itself.’
(99) 12th: Tang (1965: Han Yuanji 韓元吉 (1118–1187)) 腰 底 黃金 作 彈圓。 yao di huang jin zuo dan wan waist loc gold piece serve as bullet ‘(of scaring off a magpie) a gold piece (from a pocket) along my waist serving as the bullet.’
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(100) 20th: Luo (1986(8):250) 別 生 我 的 氣 bei sheng wo de qi imp grow 1sg loc steam ‘do not get angry at me.’
(101) 20th: Luo (1986(8):250) 排 《白毛女》， 我 的 大春 pai bai mao nü, wo de da chun rehearse “white-haired girl”, 1sg loc dachun ‘in rehearsing the play “white-haired girl”, (the role of) dachun on me (or my role as dachun).’
2) indicating the state or condition of the object while the action takes place:
(102) 8th: Peng (1705(266_26):Gu Kuang 顧況 (725–814)) 風 底 白楊 悲。 feng di bai yang bei wind loc poplar tree sad ‘under the windy condition, poplar trees are sad.’
(103) 12th: Zhang (1953:88: Yang Wanli 楊萬里 (1127–1206)) 誰 有 工夫 寒 夜 底， shui you gong fu han ye di who has time cold night loc, ‘who has time under the condition of a cold night, (to explore some moon scape)’
(104) 10th–13th: Tang (1965: Shen Wei 沈蔚 (960–1120)) 雪 底 尋 梅, xue di xun mei, snow loc search for plum, ‘under a snowing condition, looking for plums,’
(105) 12th: Zhang (1953:089:Han Ju 韓駒 (1180–1135)) 而今 臥病 衡門 底， er jin wo bing heng men de right now bed-ridden humble shack loc ‘right now under the condition of being bedridden in a humble shack,’
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(106) 12th: Zhang (1953:89: Tian Bufa 田不伐 (1119)) 晚 風 底, wan feng di, evening wind loc, ‘under the condition of evening wind,’
3) indicating an adverbial complement with a postposition:
(107) 9th: Peng (1705(448_72):3/3:Bai Juyi 白居易 (772–846)) 心 頭 眼 底 兩 無 塵 xin tou yan di liang wu chen heart loc eye loc both neg dust ‘in my heart and before my eyes, both are without dust’
(108) 9th: Zhang (1953:089:Wang Jian 王建 (767–830)) 沈香 火 底 坐 吹 笙 chen xiang huo di zuo chui sheng agilawood fire loc sit blow reed pipe ‘by the agilawood fire, sitting and playing the reed pipe
(109) 12th: Zhang (1953:088:Xin Qiji 辛棄疾 (1140–1207)) 根 底 藕絲 長， gen di ou si chang, root loc rhizome string long, ‘in the (lotus) root, the rhizome strings are long,’
9 The Completive Perfect Formative ïd- → the Completive Perfect Formatives 得 [te], 的 [di]
The auxiliary verb ïd-, literally meaning ‘to send off; set free’, signifies ‘com- pletely carrying out actions denoted by the base verb’ (Erdal 2004:257). It has an adverbial sense referring to the action performed ‘to the hilt’, i.e., to the strongest and the most complete way possible. It is also post-terminal, with a perfect aspect.
9.1 The Prototype: Old Turkic Completive Perfect Formative ïd- In Orkhon Turkic, ïd- denotes “to do something completely” and is a final- transformative actionality verb (Erdal 2004:247, 251):
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(110) Erdal (2004:257) unït- u ïd- forget ger compl ‘to forget completely’
(111) Erdal (2004:257) Ïčgïn- ï id- become lost ger compl ‘to become lost completely’
9.2 The derivate: Mandarin completive perfect auxiliary verb 得 [də], 的 [də] The Old Turkic completive ïd has thrived as the Mandarin completive 得 [də], 的 [də] as shown in the following historical examples mostly in poems with powerful rhetoric. It is still productive (Luo (1986(3): 988, 得3–2). Li and Thompson (1981: 623, 626) has characterized 得 [də] as extent inferred, com- plex stative construction (csc). The completive 得 [də] derived from Turkic ïd here and the perfect participle 得 [də] derived from Turkic -dOk in non-finite use of §6.2 are obvious homonyms in Mandarin.
(112) 8th: Peng (1705(227_6): 4/18:Du Fu 杜甫 (712-770)) 恰 似 春風 相 欺 得, qia si chun feng xiang qi de, exactly like spring breeze mutual fool compl just like spring breeze (presumably bringing about life on earth) has us fooled so completely that
夜來 吹 折 數枝花 ye lai chui zhe shu zhi hua last night blow broken several stems of flower last night it actually has broken off several stems of flower (actually destroying life).’
(113) 9th : Peng (1705(497_45): 2/5:Yao He 姚合 (779–855)) 月光 久 逾 明， 照 得 筆墨 白 yue guang jiu yu ming, zhao de bi mo bai moon light long more bright, shine compl pen, ink slab white ‘prolonged moon light shines so ever more bright that it makes the pen brush and black ink slab to appear white.’
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(114) 12th: Luo (1986(3):988:Yang Wanli 楊萬里 (1127–1206)) 北風 吹 得 山 石 裂 bei feng chui de shan shi lie northerly wind blow compl mountain stone crack ‘the northerly wind blows so fiercely that it would cause moun- tain stones to crack’
(115) 14th: Luo (1986(8):251:SHZ) 一 掌， 打 的 那 店小二 口 中 吐 血。 yi zhang, da de na dian xiao er kou zhong tu xue one palm, slap compl that store clerk mouth post spew blood ‘one palm, slap the store clerk so hard that blood spewed out of his mouth’
(116) 18th: Shi (1350*(1):266/266:SHZ) 唬 得 目 瞪 口 呆 hu de mu deng kou dai scare compl eye wide open mouth struck dumb ‘(he is) so scared that his eyes are wide open and his mouth is struck dumb (in a trance).’
(117) 20th: Luo (1986(8):251:Sun Li 孫犁 (1950*)) 打 的 樹木 脫 枝 落 葉， da de shu mu tuo zhi luo ye fight compl trees and shrubs broken limb fallen leaf ‘(referring to a nearby war) they fights so fiercely that trees and shrubs have their limbs broken and leaves fallen.’
10 Conclusions
We have made a proposition that the 5th-century Turkic rule of China for 200 years induced an introduction of Turkic language elements into the Sinitic lan- guage. We then proceed to elaborate on the fulfillment of the necessary condi- tions of the proposition on seven functional expressions. The question then is: given the expositions mentioned, could the cause of the seven event flow sequences be non-Turkic, say, from internal development of the Chinese lan- guage? We shall argue that the chances are most unlikely. The main source of argument in support of Chinese internal development for the word 的 [d-] comes from Lü (1984: 127–130) and Mei (1988: 141–172). Lü’s claim that the word 的 [d-] originated from 者 [zhe] and 之 [zhi] of classical Chinese
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1) Constative -dI- 的 [di], 底 [di] (§3) 2) Adverbial +dI+ 地 [di], 的 [də] (§6) 3) Locative +dA/+tA 底 [di], 頭 [tou], 的 [də] (§7) 4) Perfect particple -dOk- 得 [tə], 的 [də] (§8) 5) Completive perfect formative ïd- 得 [tə], 的 [də] (§9)
Under the combined heading “地 [di], 底 [di], 的 [di]” in Lü’s later work (2000: 156–162), he covered the semantics associated with (1) the constative, (2) the adverbial and (3) barely the locative, but not (4) and (5). We do not sense Lü was then concerned with the connection of 的 [d-] and 者 [zhe] and 之 [zhi] for the 5 items listed. In examples (4) and (5), Lü actually makes the astute observations about 的 [d-] which help to support the case for Turkic consta- tive. Obviously there is no one claiming Chinese identity for the 5 items listed so far. Until new counter evidence emerged, we can for now assume that the five items listed above are passable as of Turkic origin. There is no question that 者 [zhe] of the classical Chinese functioned and behaved like a nominalizer of relative clause just like 的 [d-] of §4 and §5. Lü was of the opinion that 者 [zhe] carried the meaning of 之 [zhi]. In fact, one can be even more emphatic by stating that, in the case of relative clause, 者 [zhe] and 之 [zhi] were used interchangeably in classical documents as shown by Pei (1933: 733, 758). Our only reservation is that there is no historical track that we can follow which will justify the use of 我者 [wo zhe] or 我之 [wo zhi] as an independent noun phrase or even a sentence by itself. That is, a genitive phrase such as 我的 [wo də] used predicatively is not a syntax with traceable Chinese origin. We have argued in §5.3 and §5.4 that Mandarin genitive 的 [də] is a case marker re-analyzed from the nominalizer 的 [də] of a bound relative clause through frequent use. Turkic genitive can be used predicatively, thus, 我的 [wo də] ‘mine’ can be used as a sen- tence by itself without a copula. Thus, the use of Mandarin 我的 [wo də] ‘mine’ alone as a sentence without a copula is a Turkic-induced syntax.
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Phonetically, the Turkic nominalizer -dOk+ of §4 is archphonemic accom- modating front/back vowel oppositions, thus, we see both -dök+ and -dok+ each duly aligned with front and back vowel situations. Its Sinitic derivates, 底 [di], 的 [də]/得 [də], are natural continuation of the Turkic archphonemic tra- dition. We may add that all the alternate readings in the seven cases of this study are also indications of the same natural continuations. We, for syntactic and phonological reasons just stated, are in favor of the Turkic identification for 的 [də] as nominalizer in relative clauses. In conclusion, after the 5th century Turkic sinification, Turkic adopted the Chinese writing system to script the Turkic language, known as the xnl, which circulated into the greater Chinese speech community and eventually became part of the modern Mandarin. From the evidence of the seven cases in this study, our first glance finds that the xnl managed to include the Turkic linguistic frames, instead of piecemeal fragments, of the seven functional expressions studied:
1) phonology: showing consistent phonetic profile mapping and archpho- nemic alternations on all seven cases, 2) morphology: showing consistent mapping of tense, person agreement where applicable, 3) syntax: showing consistent mapping of sov word order features (Li and Thompson 1981:18 Table 18) where applicable.
References
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