Early Confucianism: A Study of the Guodian Confucian Texts

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Authors Wong, Kwan Leung

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Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10150/195186 EARLY CONFUCIANISM: A STUDY OF THE GUODIAN CONFUCIAN TEXTS

by Kwan Leung Wong

______Copyright © Kwan Leung Wong 2006

A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the DEPARTMENT OF EAST ASIAN STUDIES In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY In the Graduate College THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA

2006 2

THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA GRADUATE COLLEGE

As members of the Dissertation Committee, we certify that we have read the dissertation prepared by Kwan Leung Wong entitled EARLY CONFUCIANISM: A STUDY OF THE GUODIAN CONFUCIAN TEXTS and recommend that it be accepted as fulfilling the dissertation requirement for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy.

______Date: March 24, 2006 Jiang Wu Dissertation Chair

______Date: March 24, 2006 Donald Harper Dissetation Co-chair

______Date: March 24, 2006 Anna M. Shields

Final approval and acceptance of this dissertation is contingent upon the candidate’s submission of the final copies of the dissertation to the Graduate College.

I hereby certify that I have read this dissertation prepared under my direction and recommend that it be accepted as fulfilling the dissertation requirement.

______Date: March 24, 2006 Dissertation Director: Jiang Wu 3

STATEMENT BY AUTHOR

This dissertation has been submitted in partial fulfillment of requirements for an advanced degree at the University of Arizona and is deposited in the University Library to be made available to borrowers under rulers of the Library.

Brief quotations from this dissertation are allowable without special permission, provided that accurate acknowledgment of source is made. Requests for permission for extended quotation from or reproduction of this manuscript in whole or in part may be granted by the copyright holder.

______SIGNED: Kwan Leung Wong 4

TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF TABLES………………………………………………...6

ABBREVIATIONS………………………………………………..7

ABSTRACT………………………………………………………..8

INTRODUCTION………………………………………………….9

CHAPTER 1. THE GUODIAN TOMB AND MANUSCRIPTS….12

CHAPTER 2. THE GUODIAN CONFUCIAN TEXTS AND CONFUCIANISM IN THE WARRING STATES PERIOD………………………………………………...39

CHAPTER 3. TAND YU ZHI DAO (THE WAY OF TANG AND YU): NEW LIGHT ON THE THEME OF RESIGNING THE THRONE IN EARLY CONFUCIANISM……...…78

CHAPTER 4. ZHONGXIN ZHI DAO (THE WAY OF LOYALTY AND TRUSTWORTHINESS): MORAL STANDARD AND THEIR RELATION TO RITUAL THEORY IN EARLY CONFUCIANISM……………………………...125

CHAPTER 5. ZISI AND THE ZISI ZI: ANALYSIS OF LU MUGONG WEN ZISI (CONSULTATION WITH ZISI BY DUKE MU OF LU) AND QIONGDA YI SHI (ADVERSITY AND PROMINENCE DEPEND ON THE OPPORTUNITIES OF TIME)……………………..156

CONCLUSION……..………………………………………………..172

APPENDICES……………………………………………………….174 5

TABLE OF CONTENTS – Continued

APPENDIX A: TRANSLATION OF LU MUGONG WEN ZISI (CONSULTATION WITH ZISI BY DUKE MU OF LU)………………………………………………………175

APPENDIX B: TRANSLATION OF QIONGDA YI SHI (ADVERSITY AND PROMINENCE DEPEND ON THE OPPORTUNITIES OF TIME)……………………..177

APPENDIX C: TRANSLATION OF TAND YU ZHI DAO (THE WAY OF TANG AND YU)………………….…184

APPENDIX D: TRANSLATION OF ZHONGXIN ZHI DAO (THE WAY OF LOYALTY AND TRUSTWORTHINESS)……………………………....199

REFERENCES.………………………………………………...……205 6

LIST OF TABLES

Table 1. Different Title Names of the Guodian Confucian Texts Given by

Different Collators. ………………………………………………...12

Table 2. Comparing the Common Characteristics of Upper Shi’s Grave and

Unearthed Objects from Guodian M1 Tomb……………………….20

Table 3. Categories of the Guodian Texts…………………………………...29

Table 4. Twelve Categories of the Guodian Texts Suggested by Wang Bo…30

Table 5. Comparing the Guodian Manuscripts and Shanghai Museum’s

Collection……………..……………………………………………..45

Table 6. Tombs and the Unearthed Texts…………………………………….51

Table 7. The Contents of Heaven and Man – the Distinctions between

Da zongshi and Qiongda yi shi………………………………………170 7

ABBREVIATIONS

CMZJ Jingmen shi bowu guan 荊門市博物館, Guodian chumu zhujian 郭店 楚墓竹簡.

JDJ Li Ling 李零, Guodian chujian jiaodu ji 郭店楚簡校讀記.

YSJS Tu Zongliu 涂宗流 & Liu Zuxin 劉祖信, Guodian chujian xianqin rujia yishu jiaoshi 郭店楚簡先秦儒家佚書校釋.

CJJS Liu Zhao 劉釗, Guodian chujian jiaoshi 郭店楚簡校釋.

ZSBS Chen Wei 陳偉, Guodian zhushu bieshi 郭店竹書別釋.

XS Zhou Fengwu 周鳳五, “Guodian chumu zhujian tang yu zhi dao xin shi 郭店楚墓竹簡唐虞之道新釋.”

JXFZ Fan Yuzhou 范毓周, “Guodian chujian tang yu zhi dao de shiwen jianxu yu fenzhang 郭店楚簡唐虞之道的釋文、簡序與分章.”

CJSL Liao Mingchun 廖名春, Xinchu chujian shilun 新出楚簡試論.

LMGKS Huang Rener 黃人二, “Guodian chujian lu mugong wen zisi kaoshi 郭 店楚簡魯穆公問子思考釋.”

SW Shuo wen jie zi 說文解字 8

ABSTRACT

A discovery unearthed in Jingmen of Hubei province in 1993 has surprised all the students of ancient China studies. A bundle of bamboo manuscripts, which include Taoist and Confucian texts, provides valuable sources for us to reshape our knowledge of the intellectual background and development in the fourth century

B.C.

In my research, I chose four Confucian texts, Lu Mugong wen zisi, Qiongda yi shi, Tang yu zhi dao and Zhongxin zhi dao, from these Guodian manuscripts as the objects of my studies. I argue that these four texts each has its individual origin rather than all four texts being from a single tradition. These four texts transcribed on two individual rolls can be divided into two units. Lu Mugong wen zisi and

Qiongda yi shi form one unit as the ethical guidance for the tomb occupant; while

Tang yu zhi dao and Zhongxin zhi dao form another unit as the tomb owner’s personal favorite philosophical writings.

It is believed that Tang yu zhi dao was a study derived from remote antiquity and the genealogy of ancient emperors. Zhongxin zhi dao was a learning of

Confucius’ disciple, Zizhang. Both texts were closely related to the ritual documents of the Warring States period.

Using the fresh unearthed evidence and ritual documents from Liji and Dadai liji, my research explores the early Confucianism from the death of Confucius to before Mencius. 9

INTRODUCTION

In my research, I chose four bamboo manuscripts, Lu mugong wenzisi,

Qiongda yi shi, Tang yu zhi dao and Zhongxin zhi dao, from the Guodian

Confucian texts as my objects of study. There are three reasons for my making this selection.

First of all, on the basis of Li Ling’s study, these four texts were transcribed on two individual rolls: Lu mugong wenzisi and Qiongda yi shi form one unit; Tang yu zhi dao and Zhongxin zhi dao form another unit. There are two types of evidence that prove the above-mentioned proposal: the length of bamboo strips and the styles of handwritings. The former set shares bamboo strips 26.4cm in length, transcribed throughout by an identical style of handwriting; the latter set shares bamboo strips 28.1-28.3cm in length, transcribed throughout by a different handwriting style. Both of these sets of texts belong to the medium-length category of the bamboo strips. These physical features identify the texts as independent units among Guodian texts.

Secondly, these four texts can be categorized into two kinds of contents. Lu mugong wenzisi and Qiongda yi shi concern an intellectual’s outlook on life, providing ethical guidance to the tomb owner. In addition, Tang yu zhi dao and

Zhongxin zhi dao are two pieces of philosophical writings regarding the thoughts of

Shanrang as well as concepts of loyalty and trustworthiness, which were probably popular trends flourishing around the middle of the Warring States period. On the basis of the textual contents, this specific compilation manifests the tomb owner’s own interests.

Thirdly, Guodian Confucian texts are generally attributed to the school of Zisi. 10

However, I put forward an argument that Guodian texts are characterized by their variety. In chapters 1 and 2, I make a general survey regarding the tomb owner’s status, the relationship between the unearthed texts and the tomb owner, and the attributions of these Confucian texts. My conclusion suggests that there is no solid evidence to prove that most of the Confucian texts can be attributed to Zisi zi.

However, in order to demonstrate the variety of the Guodian Confucian texts, as a piece of writing of Zisi zi, I have included Lu mugong wen zisi as a necessary part of my study.

The unearthed Guodian texts, valuable treatises which give concrete witness to a group of texts that were probably lost before the Qin and Han period, were circulated in Chu during the late fourth century B.C. In recent years, the great volume of bamboo manuscripts collated and published by the Shanghai Museum has also increased our knowledge about various aspects of learning within the

Confucian circle, the transition of Confucian texts and the contemporarily extant documents at that time. Because of these new discoveries, we are gaining the confidence to accept the authenticity of ritual documents as valid references in our studies of early Confucianism. For examples, Ziyi, Min zhi fu mu, and some textual similarities with ritual documents preserved in Xing zi ming chu and Liude all provide solid evidence to prove that some treatises collected in Liji are reliable.

Therefore, we are reasonably to believe that some Guodian Confucian texts have a close relationship with Li guwen ji, a title preserved in Hanshu yiwen zhi as one hundred and thirty-one chapters. Tang yu zhi dao and Zhongxin zhi dao are such texts, closely related to the ritual documents. The sources I used the most in my research, besides Mencius, are quotations from Liji and Dadai liji. Moreover, the unearthed texts collated and published by Shanghai Museum also applied to my 11

analyses because they are considered as the contemporary writings with Guodian texts.

In my study, using this fresh evidence, I sketch an intellectual frame of

Confucian development following the death of Confucius to before Mencius.

Confucianism subtly developed into diverse learnings during the fifth and fourth centuries B.C. This period of almost two hundred years underwent a great change, but this change became a historical blank, a mystery, because of the lack of sources.

In view of Tang yu zhi dao and Zhongxin zhi dao, I propose that two threads of

Confucian thoughts evolved from Confucius’ learning: Shanrang and the ideas of loyalty and trustworthiness. Shanrang stimulated the usurpation of Qi, then reached its heyday from around 340 to 318 B.C. and finally faded away during the third century B.C. The ideas of loyalty and trustworthiness presented in Zhongxin zhi dao are plain moral concepts: this suggests the document’s early origin. The moral ideas were transformed into much more complicated theories during the middle of the Warring States period. Integrated with concepts of “internal” and “external”, these ideas developed into both political theory and ritual theory, the latter causing a revival of the ritual school. My research regarding these Guodian texts explores this early period of Confucianism and provides a foundation for further studies of related topics. 12

CHAPTER 1 GUODIAN TOMB AND MANUSCRIPTS

In the winter of 1993, a bundle of bamboo manuscripts were unearthed in a tomb in a village of Guodian, south of the city of Jingmen in Hubei province.1

Although, the tomb was robbed several times, more than eight hundred bamboo strips were well preserved; the exact number of bamboo strips lost remains

unknown. Only a small number of these bamboo strips are blank. Seven hundred

and thirty bamboo strips are inscribed with Taoist and Confucian texts. Three

versions of Laozi texts and a text named Taiyi Sheng Shui 太一生水 belong to the

Taoist manuscripts. Ziyi 緇衣, Wuxing 五行, Lu Mugong Wen Zisi 魯穆公問子思2,

Qiongda Yi Shi 窮達以時, Tang yu zhi dao 唐虞之道, Zhongxin zhi dao 忠信之道,

Xing zi ming chu 性自命出, Cheng zhi wen zhi 成之聞之, Liude 六德, Zun deyi 尊

德義, as well as four other pieces of miscellaneous sayings named Yucong 語叢3, are attributed to Confucian manuscripts. “Ziyi” is a classical writing preserved in

1 A detailed report of the Guodian tomb is in “Jingmen guodian yihao chumu” 荊門郭店一號楚墓, pp. 35-48.

2 The titles have been given by the collators of CMZJ. Other collators and researchers have named the texts differently according to their understanding of the contents of the manuscripts, as listed in the Table 1.

3 Yucong are the shortest bamboo strips among the Guodian manuscripts. The bamboo strips of Yucong A are from 17.2 to 17.4cm in length; those of Yucong B, from 15.1 to 15.2cm; those of Yucong C, from 17.6 to 17.7cm and those of Yucong D, 15.1cm. Yucongs A, B, and C are threaded by three strings while Yucong D is threaded by two strings like other manuscripts. The attribution of Yucong D is controversial. Li Ling categorizes it as Taoist manuscript (JDJ, 3), which is supported by Zhu Zhe 朱喆. See “Yucongsi xuepai xingzhi chuyi 語叢四學派性質芻議”, pp. 403-405. Pang Pu 龐樸 makes an enlightened point that Yucongs A, B, and C are, in fact, extracts from the classical works and the three strings which thread the bamboo strips divide the texts into three rows: each text should be read from right to left from row to row. Pang Pu suggests that Yucong D is different from the others, so it should be separated into an individual category. See “Yucong yishuo 語叢臆說”, pp. 327-330. Luo Yunhuan 羅運環 argues that it is not necessary to separate Yucong D from others because they share the similar length of bamboo strips, especially Yucong B and Yucong D. See “Guodian chujian youguan junchen lunshu de yanjiu – Jianlun yucongsi de wenti 郭店楚簡 有關君臣論述的研究 – 兼論語叢四的問題”, pp. 400-401. 13

Liji; another version of Ziyi found in other unearthed bamboo manuscripts was published by the Shanghai Museum in the end of 2002.4 The text of Wuxing was first brought to light as an important document of the school of Simeng5 in

Mawangtui in 1973. In addition, an unearthed text named Xingqing lun 性情論 which shares content similar to the text of Xing zi ming chu was published by the

Shanghai Museum in the end of 2001.6

Table 1 Names Collators of CMZJ Li Ling Tu and Liu Chen Wei Zhang Liwen Titles 魯穆公問子思 魯穆公問子思 魯穆公 魯穆公問子思 魯穆公 of the 窮達以時 窮達以時 窮達以時 窮達以時 天人 Texts 唐虞之道 唐虞之道 唐虞之道 唐虞之道 唐虞 忠信之道 忠信之道 忠信之道 忠信之道 忠信 成之聞之 教 君子於教 大常 成聞 尊德義 尊德義 尊德義 賞刑 性自命出 性 性自命出 性自命出 有性 六德 六位 六德 德義 六德

4 Three versions of Ziyi – bamboo manuscript Ziyi unearthed at Guodian and bamboo manuscript Ziyi housed at Shanghai Museum together with the received text – attract researchers to compare and study their differences. Recent publications regarding this topic are as follows. Yu Manli 虞萬 里, “Shangbojian guodian jian ziyi yu chuanben hejiao buzheng (1)上博簡郭店簡緇衣與傳本合校 補證(上)”. Yu Manli, “Shangbo jian guodian jian ziyi yu chuanben hejiao buzheng (2)”. Yu Manli, “Shangbo jian guodian jian ziyi yu chuanben hejiao buzheng (3)”.Yu Manli, “Shangbo jian guodian jian ziyi yu chuanben hejiao shiyi 上博簡郭店簡緇衣與傳本合校拾遺”. Chen Wei 陳偉, “Shangbo guodian er ben ziyi duidu 上博郭店二本緇衣對讀”. Lin Suqing 林素清, “Guodian shangbo ziyi jian zhi bijiao – jianlun zhanguo wenzi de guobie wenti 郭店上博緇衣簡之比較—兼 論戰國文字的國別問題”. Zhou Junzhi 鄒濬智, “Jinben guodian shangbo ben ziyi zhangxu duizhao biao 今本郭店本上博本緇衣章序對照表”. Ouyang Zhenren 歐陽禎人, “Guodian jian ziyi yu liji ziyi de sixiang yitong 郭店簡緇衣與禮記緇衣的思想異同”.

5 Xunzi bitterly criticized Zisi and Mencius (Xunzi jijie, 3.6.59). It is believed that Zisi and Mencius share a similar philosophical tendency, so traditionally they are grouped together as a school called Simeng.

6 The textual studies of the relation between Xing zi ming chu and Xingqing Lun are paid high attention. Chen Lai 陳來, “Guodian chujian xing zi ming chu yu shangbo zang jian xingqing lun 郭 店楚簡性自命出與上博藏簡性情論”. Li Ling 李零, “Shangbo chujian jiaodu ji (zhi san):xingqing 上博楚簡校讀記(之三)：性情”. Guo Yi 郭沂, “Xingqing lun xingzi ming chu duijiao oude 性情 論性自命出對校偶得”. 14

語叢一 物由望生 *天生百物/ 語叢一 *父子兄弟 語叢二 名數 禮生於情 語叢二 語叢三 父無惡 *天生百物/ 語叢三 *父子兄弟 語叢四 說之道 慎言詇行 語叢四 Names CMZJ JDJ YSJS ZSBS “Guodian of chumu Works zhujian de pianti” *Tu and Liu combine Yucongs A and C together and they re-arrange the order of the bamboo strips. Two titles, Tiansheng baiwu and Fuzi xiongdi, substitute for Yucongs A and C. (YSJS, 221;253)

The Confucian texts excavated at Guodian provide plentiful materials which have been lost for more than two thousand years. This material will allow us to re- shape the development of Confucianism during the Warring States period.

Before the Confucian manuscripts of Guodian were published, we had very little evidence of this crucial stage of the Confucian activities and writings after

Confucius died. The resources then available were limited mainly to historical information about the development of Confucianism; consequently Mencius and

Xunzi were viewed as the key figures in the Warring States period. Missing was material from a flourishing period over a century, from Confucius to Mencius, in which the circle of Confucians developed the master’s learning subtly and spread their teachings widely. The treatises preserved in Liji and Daodai liji, which they represent sources for Confucian thoughts reflecting the academic state in the

Warring States period, are controversial with regard to both date of writing and presentation of ideas, so scholars are hesitant to utilize these sources.

With the discovery of the Confucian manuscripts of Guodian, the unearthed treatises break new ground for the study of Confucianism in the pre-Qin period, not only from the philosophical viewpoint but also the historical viewpoint. Apart from 15

the canonical work Ziyi and the monograph Wuxing, the twelve texts provide evidence that a great intellectual background, either in Mencius’ time or before

Mencius’ time was completely obscured because of the lack of historical documents and literature. We may also have underestimated the vigor of the intellectual activities within the Confucian circles during the 4th century B.C.

Students of ancient Chinese studies view with surprise the abundant intellectual writings and rapid development of Confucius’ learning. The unearthed texts reveal that Confucius’ disciples – his spiritual grandsons and his spiritual great- grandsons – had developed various refined theories such as Tang yu zhi dao,

Zhongxin zhi dao, Liude and so on. Confucians diversified Confucius’ learning into different branches, tracing back the influential Confucian figures as their masters who had begun to develop Confucius’ learning into these diverse branches, through founding their own intellectual traditions characterized by their specific erudition.

Many researchers consider that most of the Confucian texts at Guodian belong to a long lost collection of Zisi zi. But the distinctive themes of the treatises indicate that the assortment of texts can be attributed to several different schools of thoughts, including the school of Zisi. These Confucian texts of Guodian, a collection of miscellaneous treatises, reflect the heterogeneous thoughts rather than a single tradition.

These texts probably circulated in the 4th century B.C. However, their contents – the ideas spread before the emergence of the written forms – should be much earlier, possibly the middle of the 4th century B.C. or even before. It is believed that after Confucius died, Confucianism grew rapidly and split into diverse schools within a short period of time, just decades after his death. Each school seems to have developed its related writings, including both monographs 16

and dialogs between their masters and Confucius or other contemporary figures.

On the basis of the “Biographies of Confucius’ Disciples” in Shiji, almost half of Confucius’ disciples came from Lu, while more than ten came from Qi and Wei.

Only a few disciples came from the south: Gongsun Long 公孫龍, Ren Buqi 任不

齊 and Qin Shang 秦商 from Chu and Ziyou 子游 from Wu. From this it can be seen that Confucian teachings could not reach to the south during the late 6th century B.C.

However, the Confucian transmission to the south still remains unknown. It is believed that, with the popularity of the Confucianism during the middle of the 4th century B.C., Confucian teaching and literature spread widely to Chu. A great master in the south, Chen Liang – a native of Chu, who studied in the north – was highly praised by Mencius.7 Chen Liang, in fact, brought back to Chu what he had learned in the north, of course, including the Confucian literature. The texts excavated at Guodian (a noble cemetery of Chu at Guodian, nine kilometers south from the ancient city of Jinan 紀南城 – the capital of Chu Ying 楚郢) reveal that the nobles of Chu, at least, were already familiar with Confucian works in the late

4th century B.C. 8

7 Mencius showed his esteem to Chen Liang, saying: “Chen Liang was a native of Chu. Being delighted with the way of the Duke of Chou and Confucius, he came north to study in the Central Kingdoms. Even amongst the scholars in the north none could excel him in any way. He was what one would call an outstanding scholar.” (D.C. Lau, Mencius 3A.4) Chen Liang who died before Mencius should be older than Mencius in age. Perhaps Chen Liang was a contemporary with Mencius.

8 These three years, Shanghai Museum have collated and published three volumes of bamboo manuscripts including Kongzi Lunshi 孔子論詩, Ziyi 緇衣, Xingqing lun 性情論, Min zhi fumu 民 之父母, Zigao 子羔, Lubang dahan 魯邦大旱, Congzheng 從政, Xizhe junlao 昔者君老, Rongcheng shi 容成氏, Zhonggong 仲弓, and Zhouyi 周易. These Confucian manuscripts added to Guodian texts make evident that the nobles of Chu had taken Confucian literature as their significant codes in the late 4th century B.C. The bamboo manuscripts housed in the Shanghai Museum are believed to be associated with Guodian texts to some extent. Because the collection of bamboo manuscripts in Shanghai Museum appeared in Hong Kong in 1994, the exact place where the grave robbers found them is unknown. See Ma Chengyuan 馬承源(2001), Preface, p. 2. 17

According to Sima Qian’s writing (Shiji, 47.1938), Confucius had seventy- two disciples who were proficient in his learning. The identities of these marvelous figures are unknown. Based on the Analects, we know of only a few of Confucius’ disciples whose names frequently occurred.9 The path of evolution of

Confucianism after Confucius’ death is still unclear. However, it is known that the original form of Confucianism underwent a rapid expansion, starting to split up into different schools during the early part of the fifth century B.C.10 The expansion of Confucian prestige relied on the personal achievements obtained by Confucius’ first generation disciples. For instance, Zixia was the master of the duke Wen of

Wei (Shiji, 67.2203) and Zigong was a rich businessman and an excellent politician

(Shiji, 69.3258). In addition, many of Confucius’ disciples, engaged in official positions and teaching, also produced a great influence in the intellectual circle.

Among the second-generation Confucian followers, there were two personages, Wu Qi and Zisi. The former, an outstanding general and politician who served Wei’s and Chu’s courts, was once a disciple of Zengzi11 (Shiji, 65.2165-

2168). The latter, a grandson of Confucius, was the master of the duke Mu of Lu and enjoyed a high reputation himself. Besides these two second-generation

9 The frequency of the occurrence of the disciples’ names in the Analects is as follows: Zigong 37 times; Zilu 34 times; Zixia 19 times; Zizhang 16 times; Zengzi 15 times; Yanhui 14 times; Ranqiu 12 times; Ziyou 8 times; Fanchi 6 times; Zaiwo 5 times; Zhonggong 5 times; Gongxi Hua 5 times; Min Ziqian 4 times and Zigao 2 times.

10 Some controversies seem to happen after Confucius died. The controversial issues between Zixia and Ziyou include making friends and study. Moreover, Ziyou and Zengzi criticized Zizhang individually. See the chapter of Zizhang in Analects. An account preserved in Mencius reveals the divergence of views among Confucius’ disciples. You Ruo looked like Confucius. Therefore, Zixia, Zizhang and Ziyou wanted to treat him as Confucius, but Zengzi disagreed. See Mengzi zhushu, 5b.2706a.

11 One of Zengzi’s disciples named Yuezheng Zichun is named three times in Liji (Liji zhengyi, 6.1277c; 10.1317a; 48.1599a-b). These accounts preserved in Liji suggest that Yuezheng Zichun was probably an outstanding disciple of Zengzi. 18

followers, we are also able to find some first generation disciples’ sons in Liji, for example, Zengzi’s sons, Zeng Yuan 曾元 and Zeng Shen 曾申 (Liji Zhengyi,

6.1277c); Zizhang’s son, Shenxiang 申祥 (Liji Zhengyi, 7.1281c). Probably they learned from others of Confucius’ disciples or even their fathers and were inspired to be Confucians.12 The dialogs, discussions and ritual activities recorded in

“Tangong” 檀弓 and “Zaji” 雜記 from Liji witness the academic activities of the first and even the second generation disciples. Unfortunately, there is scarcely enough Confucian literature preserved from the first and second generations for us even to understand the intellectual background. However, the Guodian texts and those housed in the Shanghai Museum give us a hint that they are probably just the tip of the iceberg. In spite of the insufficiency of sources, some learning closely related to the first generation disciples is available to us, based on the following received and unearthed texts:

Zengzi 曾子: Ten chapters of “Zengzi” (Dadai liji)

Ziyou 子游: “Liyun” (Liji)

Zigao 子羔: Zigao (Shanghai bowu guan zang zhanguo chu zhushu (2))

Zaiwo 宰我: “Wudi de” (Dadai liji)

Zizhang 子張: “Zizhang wen ruguan” (Dadai liji); Zhongxin zhi dao (Guodian text)

Zhonggong 仲弓: Zhonggong (Shanghai bowu guan zang zhanguo chu zhushu (3))

Archaeologists are concerned most about the date of the tomb and the identity of the tomb occupant at Guodian. The archaeological report on M1 tomb at

Guodian dates the tomb from the middle of 4th century B.C. to the early part of 3rd

12 There are two more accounts concerning Zeng Shen in Liji (Liji Zhengyi, 6.1276c; 42.1563c) and two more accounts concerning Shen Xiang (Liji Zhengyi, 7.1282a; 10.1312c). 19

century B.C., based on the burial system of Chu and the styles of the buried utensils and articles.13 Li Xueqin gives a more specific date for the burial, no later than 300 B.C., after comparing this tomb with the Bao Shan tombs.14 His judgement is followed by most researchers. In the report, the status of the tomb occupant is identified as that of an upper Shi, a noble of Chu. Two criteria drawn from the ancient burial system are applied in the investigation of the status of the tomb occupant. First, in spite of disappearance of the grave mound, called feng 封

(piling earth up over the grave), its trace around this small to medium sized tomb is able to be observed. Moreover, there is a nine-meter aisle leading to the coffin chamber in the east of the tomb. According to the ancient burial system, the size of the grave mounds and numbers of trees planted around the tomb depend mainly on the hierarchical ranks of the dead. None of the commoners was allowed to build a grave mound, so this becomes the main feature for distinguishing between graves of ordinary people and of nobles.

There were the strict rules to regulate the different scales of burials in the hierarchical system. The numbers of the inner coffins are one of the signals to indicate the hierarchical distinctions. The emperor, the son of Heaven, has five layers of inner coffins; a duke has four layers of inner coffins; dafu has two layers of inner coffin; and the members of shi class have one layer of inner coffin.

Consequently, the status of the tomb occupant at Guodian – shi class – is clear because only a single coffin with an outer coffin is found. The report says that some bronze and pottery sacrificial vessels buried with the occupant show that he

13 See “Jingmen guodian yihao chumu”, p. 47.

14 See Li Xueqin 李學勤, “Xianqin rujia zhuzuo de zhongda faxian 先秦儒家著作的重大發現”, pp. 12-17. 20

was a feudal landowner and was an upper shi. Besides the preceding descriptions, the plentiful funerary objects, 290 items (or sets), buried with the dead including utensils, weapons, tools, implements for chariots and horses, and musical instruments also demonstrate the status of the tomb occupant. The archaeological judgement from the report is sound and reliable.

However, Zhou Jianzhong suggests that the tomb occupant should belong to the low dafu class. His argument mainly relies upon the study by Guo Dewei of the graves in Chu area. On the basis of this study, Zhou argues that the difference between graves of lower dafu and upper shi are sometimes blurred. The abundance of funerary objects, especially the lacquer wooden cup (the cup of East Palace), two staffs decorated with bronze turtledoves inset into the tops and the dragon- shaped jade hook for the belt are the collateral evidence demonstrating that the tomb occupant should be a low dafu. His conclusion is not well supported, as in fact the Guodian M1 tomb basically matches the common characteristics of the upper shi’s graves described clearly by Guo Dewei in his research.15 It is unnecessary to elevate the tomb occupant’s status for any reason. Both upper shi and low dafu should be of the low noble rank, so identifying the tomb occupant’s status does not add to the discussion. Although the abundance of funerary objects oversteps the mark of upper shi status, Guo Dewei has already solved this question.

His answer is related to jianyue 僭越 (go beyond one’s proper status). He says:

“the low shi went beyond their proper rites to medium shi; the medium shi went beyond their proper rites to upper shi; and upper shi consequentially went beyond

15 Comparing the common characteristics of upper shi’s graves (summarized by Guo Dewei) and unearthed objects from Guodian M1 tomb. See Table 2. Also see Guo Dewei, Chuxi muzang yanjiu, p. 107 and “Jingmen guodian yihao chumu”, p. 48. 21

their proper rites to dafu.”16 I believe that Guodian M1 tomb is a case of jianyue rather than being a low dafu burial. Therefore, the archaeological report is still authoritative.

Table 2 Guo M1 Tomb Guo M1 Tomb Guo Dewei M1 Tomb Dewei Dewei Mudao L:9m Outer L: 3.3m Earthen Ding 鼎 1 p 墓道 W:2m-2.32m coffin W:1.68m sacrificial utensils He 盉 1 p L:3m (4 sets or above) W:1.5m above Steps nil Single or Single inner Bronze sacrificial Yi 匜 1 p double coffin utensils Erbei 耳杯 1 p inner Plate 盤 1 p coffins Fengtu was razed to Wei 轊 Wei xia 轊轄 the bit for the 2 ps 封土 the ground 2 ps horse’s mouth Wooden 4 ps security nil drums with the nil figures beasts for racks graves se 瑟 se 瑟 1 p weapons Lances 2 ps Bamboo strips 804 strips qin 琴 1 p Bows 6 ps Arrow heads 132 ps Pi 鈹 1 p Shield 1 p Bronze swords 2 ps z fengtu (piled-up earth as mound on the top of the grave) z wei 轊 (a metal tube which was put into the both ends of the axle)

Other excavated Chu tombs dated in the Warring States period are useful to determine the status of Guodian tomb owner. Generally speaking, the tomb’s size, the size of the grave mound, the length of the aisle, the volume of the funerary objects, and the number of inner and outer coffins are the characteristics of a tomb owner’s status. In the light of textual evidence, the tomb owner whose tomb has

16 See Chuxi muzang yanjiu, pp. 105-106. Also see “Jingmen guodian yihao chumu”, p. 47. 22

one outer and two inner coffins, was of dafu status in Chu, as attested by Baoshan no.2 tomb and Tianxing guan no.1 tomb. The owner of Baoshan no.2 tomb, whose tomb has one outer coffin and four inner coffins, is determined as upper dafu.17 The owner of Tianxing guan no.1 tomb, whose tomb has one outer coffin and three inner coffins, is determined as shangqing (high minister).18 The number of inner coffins in each of the tombs mentioned above is greater than the textual evidence suggests – one outer coffin and two inner coffins: this indicates that the status of these tomb owners was higher than regular dafu. A lower dafu tomb, his status determined by one outer and inner coffin buried with two bronze tripods and one pottery tripod, was excavated in Shiban cun in Cili in Hunan province.19 As a helpful reference to compare with the Guodian tomb owner, a commoner’s tomb, which contains only one coffin, was excavated in Jiudian.20 Obviously, the status of the Guodian tomb owner is higher than that of the owner of Jiudian no.56 tomb, but is lower than that of the owner of Shiban cun Cili no.36 tomb.21

The tomb occupant was an elder of more than seventy years of age. This is evidenced by the two jiuzhangs 鳩仗, the staffs decorated with bronze turtledoves inset into the tops. According to the received literature, there is an old tradition practiced since pre-Qin period that staffs were bestowed from the rulers to the elders who reached seventy years of age. This is supported by archaeological

17 “Jingmen shi baoshan chumu faque jianbao”, pp.1-10.

18 “Jiangling tianxing guan yihao chumu”, p. 111.

19 “Hunan cili shiban cun 36 hao zhanguo mu faque jianbao”, pp. 37-45.

20 Jiudian chujian, p. 162.

21 Although both of them have one outer and inner coffin, the Guodian tomb owner only possesses only one pottery tripod, while the owner of Shiban cun Cili no.36 tomb owns two bronze tripods and one pottery tripod. 23

discoveries. Jiuzhang as a funeral object was also found in some Han tombs.

Thirteen jiuzhang in total were found in a cluster of 31 Han tombs excavated in

Wuwei, Gansu province, in 1959. The most interesting finding is from the no.18 tomb, where two wooden jiuzhangs are unearthed. One was already decayed and the other, pretty much intact, was bound with ten wooden strips inscribed with an imperial decree to the tomb occupant issued in 31 B.C.22 The decree declares that any person who reached seventy years of age could be bestowed wangzhang 王杖

(staff from the emperor) and became equivalent to an official whose rank earns six hundred shi of grain a year.23 Several pieces of evidence preserved in Liji and

Zhouli provide more information about this practice.

In this month [the second month of autumn], in order to take care of the weak and the elder persons, the small tables and the staffs are bestowed to them.24

At fifty, one kept his staff always in his hand in his family; at sixty, in his home village; at seventy, in the state; at eighty, (an officer) did so in the court. (Legge, Li Ki, BK 3. Sect. 5. 6)25

(The officer) presented the aged-staffs bestowed by the emperor.26

22 See “Gansu wuwei mozuizi hanmu fajue 甘肅武威磨嘴子漢墓發掘”, pp. 15-26.

23 See “Wuwei mozuizi hanmu chutu wangzhang shijian shiwen 武威磨嘴子漢墓出土王杖十簡釋 文”, pp. 29-30.

24 See Liji Zhengyi, “Yueling” 月令, 16.1373c.

25 See Liji zhengyi, “Wangzhi” 王制, 13.1346a. I changed a couple of words in Legge’s translation. “Home village” substitutes for district; “state” substitutes for city.

26 Zheng Xuan annotates that it is the staff that is bestowed to the elders by the emperor. See Zhouli zhushu, “Qiuguan” 秋官, “Yiqishi” 伊耆氏, 37.890a. Zhang was also bestowed to the persons who had obtained the titles of nobility in the army. Jia Gongyan annotates that the persons whose status could receive zhang was dafu class or above. See Zhouli zhushu, 37.890a. 24

Two jiuzhangs found in the Guodian tomb strongly support that this custom had been practiced at least since from Warring States period. Jiuzhangs with decorative turtledoves made of bronze are believed to signify the noble’s status and esteem.

Before the tomb occupant died, he was bestowed the jiuzhang twice from the court.

Zhou Jianzhong argues that jiuzhangs cannot be related to age as they are weapons which, as ceremonial staffs, symbolize the holder’s social status and profession.27

His argument is based on the categorization of the staffs as weapons. In a similar case, a staff decorated on top with a dragon’s head unearthed in Baoshan (close to

Jingmen) from a tomb dated from the Warring states period, is also categorized as a weapon.28 Zhou agrees with Feng Shaolong’s 馮少龍 conclusion that the staff decorated with a dragon’s head is an award symbolizing the owner’s rank nobility.

Zhou’s argument is attractive but further investigation is needed for its establishment. Baoshan tomb no.2 is greater in size and its occupant is determined as an upper dafu – a high class noble. Certainly, it is reasonable that an upper dafu gets bestowed a staff decorated on top with a dragon’s head. The Guodian tomb occupant, an upper shi, however, should not possess a symbol of dignity and honor.

That the dragon symbolizes authority and nobility is well known; however, we need to establish what the turtledove symbolizes. Some evidence preserved in

Zhouli, 30.846c reads as follows:

In the middle of spring, [the official luoshi 羅氏] trapped the spring birds and presented the turtledoves so as to provide for the aged.

27 See Zhou Jianzhong 周建忠, “Jingmen guodian yihao chumu muzhu kaolun 荊門郭店一號楚墓 墓主考論”, pp. 17-21.

28 See “Jingmenshi baoshan chumu fajue jianbao 荊門市包山楚墓發掘簡報”, p. 5. 25

It was believed that when the spring comes, the eagles transform into turtledoves.

The transformation symbolizes that the turtledove can assist the shengqi 生氣

(dynamic vapor) circulating.29 The turtledove as an auspicious bird is also recorded in later source, Hou hanshu, Liyib.3124:

Turtledove is a bird, which never chokes itself. (To present it to the aged) expects that the aged never suffer choking.

These two accounts provide distinct explanations, but share one concept in common: turtledove is symbolic of yanglao 養老 (provision for the aged). The staffs unearthed in the Guodian tomb undoubtedly should follow this concept as no other symbolic meaning can be found in received literature. With regard to the staffs (such as those in Baoshan) categorized as weapons, they are probably ceremonial staffs signifying their holders’ status or noble rank30, rather than ordinary staffs serving as a support for walking.

A lacquer wooden cup inscribed on the bottom attracts much attention. The inscription 東宮之帀 causes some controversy revolving about the interpretation of the graph 帀: should it be shi 師 (master) or bei 杯 (cup). Some scholars attempt to determine the identity and the profession of the tomb occupant on the basis of this four-graph inscription. Donggong was a place where the prince lived

29 See Zheng Xuan’s annotation. Zhouli, 30.846c.

30 A bronze jiuzhang excavated in Shaoxing county in Zhejiang province in 1990 is identified as a divine instrument. The Jiuzhang should belong to a clan split up from Xu 徐 after the country was destroyed by Wu in 512B.C. Some royalty of Xu, Zhangyu 章禹, fled to Chu and were granted the town Yi to settle down. The turtledove is believed to be the totem of Xu clans. I wonder whether the jiuzhang found in M1 tomb in Guodian is related to Xu’s totem or not. It needs more unearthed evidence and further study. See Li Xiusong 李修松, “Shaoxing lizhu chutu qingtong jiuzhang yuanliu kao 紹興漓渚出土青銅鳩杖源流考”, pp. 86-87. 26

and Donggong zhi shi 東宮之師 means the tutor of the prince. If the tomb occupant was really a tutor of the prince, some want to go one step further to identify both the master (the tomb occupant) and the student (prince). Four candidates are proposed as the tomb occupant: Chen Liang 陳良,31 Shen Dao 慎

到,32 Huan Yuan 環淵, and Qu Yuan 屈原.33 Shen Dao, who assumed the position of taifu 太傅 and accompanied the Chu prince, Taizi Heng 太子橫,34 as the hostage to

Qi, is attested in Zhanguo ce. We could not find any evidence showing any of the other three having served as tutor of a Chu prince. Chen Liang, who studied in the north and became a Confucian master in the south is attested in Mencius, but no evidence relates him to the post of prince tutor. Huan Yuan, a native of Chu who studied Huanglao, was a reputed thinker as well as a scholar in Jixia in Qi capital.

Beyond that, little is known about his life story. Although Qu Yuan was an influential politician and poet in Chu, there is no clue that he had been the prince’s tutor. In his poem “Jusong” 橘頌, Qu Yuan says: “Although his age is young, he is able to be the tutor and elder.” Gao Zheng explains the compound shizhang 師長 as tutor of the eldest son (of King Huai in Chu). He treats shi as a verb and zhang

(eldest son) as an object noun.35 Apparently, the phrase ke shizhang 可師長 is a

31 See Jiang Guanghui 姜廣輝, “Guodian yihao mu muzhu shi shui 郭店一號墓墓主是誰”, pp. 396-398.

32 See Huang Chonghao 黃崇浩, “Quyuan yu shendao 屈原與慎到”; Li Yumin 李裕民, “Guodian Chumu de niandai yu muzhu xintan 郭店楚墓的年代與墓主新探”, pp. 23-27.

33 See Gao Zheng 高正, “Qu yuan yu guodian chumu zhushu 屈原與郭店楚墓竹書”.

34 Taizi Heng ascended to be the Chu king, King Qingxiang, in 299 B.C. after King Huai was detained in Qin. His reign lasted thirty-five years from 298 B.C. to 263 B.C. As the prince of Chu, he was sent to Qin (302 B.C.) and Qi (300 B.C.), respectively, as hostage. As a hostage, he killed a Qin dafu and fled to Chu causing a war between the two states. See Shiji, 40.1727. We do not know his exact birth date. If the tomb occupant was indeed the tutor of a prince, it is highly possible that Taizi Heng was the prince.

35 See Gaozheng, “Shi wei Zhou jianzhong jiaoshou jie kunhuo – jingmen guodian yihao chumu 27

simple structure in which ke is able to a verb and both shi and zhang are nouns.

Gao Zheng’s explanation is questionable. Qu Yuan’s claim that his ability (maturity and knowledge) allowed him to play the roles of shizhang does not at all mean that he had been the tutor of Taizi Heng.

The researchers who interpret the graph 帀 as shi (tutor) usually indicate shi as fu 傅 (tutor). On the basis of the received literature, candidates of fu normally came from dafu class. They were supposed to possess the great learning and high moral cultivation in order to tutor the prince. Seven cases of prince tutor appointments are given as examples. (1) Shi Wei 士亹 was appointed to tutor the prince by King

Zhuang of Chu (Guoyu, 17.122). (2) Gao Hou 高厚, a dafu in Qi, was appointed tutor for the prince Ya 牙 (Zuozhuan, 34.1968b) while (3) Xun Xi 荀息, a dafu in

Jin, was appointed tutor for the prince Xiqi 奚齊 (Zuozhuan, 13.1800c). (4) Pan

Chong 潘崇, as a tutor, plotted with the prince Shang Chen 商臣 to kill King

Cheng of Chu and enthrone Shang Chen as the Chu king. For his role in the coup,

Pan Chong was rewarded the palace where Shangchen had previously lived. King

Mu appointed him as taishi 太師 and put him in charge of the imperial guards.

(Zuozhuan, 18.1837b-c) When King Zhuang of Chu was still young, (5) Shengong

Yifu 申公儀父 held the post of shi while Wangzi xie 王子燮 held the post of fu

(Guoyu, 17.124). (6) Wu She 伍奢, who came from an influential family in Chu, was appointed as shi for prince Jian 建 while Bi Wuji 費無極 was appointed as shaoshi 少師 (junior tutor) (Zuozhuan, 48.2087a). (7) Shenzi 慎子 assumed the post of fu and traveled with prince Taizi Heng to Qi as a hostage. Shenzi consented to cede territory to Qi in order to release Taizi Heng back to Chu. After Taizi Heng

muzhu kaolun kuangmiu 試為周建忠教授解困惑 – 荊門郭店一號楚墓墓主考論匡謬”. 28

ascended the throne, Qi tried to claim the territory promised by Taizi Heng. Shenzi successfully refused Qi’s claim36 (Zhanguo ce, 5.121). Several points are drawn from the preceding examples. First of all, all the candidates of shi or fu came from dafu class or above. Sometimes, a member of the royal family was also appointed as fu, like Wangzi Xie, for example in case 5. Secondly, shi or fu played the roles of political consultants and their fates mainly relied on whether the prince ascended the throne or not. Cases 4, 5,and 7 have successful enthronement. Cases 2, 3, and 6 are failures. Thirdly, the cases 1 and 7 use the word fu, while cases 4 and 6 use shi.

Case 5 clearly indicates that shi and fu are two distinct posts. Possibly, shi and fu were loosely interchangeable in Chu.37

A complete curriculum, as well as a tutorial scheme, was established for the whole prince-hood so that a prince could prepare himself to become a competent ruler, because to a certain extent the country’s prospects and the people’s fortune relied heavily on the prince’s education. Therefore, the selection of fu should be under careful scrutiny and the candidates usually were the erudite and cultivated officials who belonged to the dafu class. Sometimes, the candidates came from the influential clans, or they themselves held important posts, for example Pan Chong,

Shengong Yifu, Wangzi xie, and Wu She. According to the archaeological report, the Guodian M1 tomb occupant belongs to the upper shi class and does not meet the requirement. In other words, his power, influence, and hierarchical rank apparently did not qualify him as a prince tutor.

36 Shen Dao, who came from Zhao, was a well-known scholar in Jixia Academy. He was bestowed a upper dafu status. (Shiji, 46.1895.) If Shen Dao did served as fu of Taizi Heng, his role in helping Taizi Heng ascend the throne should have won him high prestige and authority in Chu. Thus Shen Dao is unlikely to be the occupant in M1 tomb in Guodian.

37 See Luo Yunhuan, “Chuguo de taizi zhidu yanjiu 楚國的太子制度研究”. 29

From the paleograph on the bottom of the lacquer wooden cup, it is not clear whether the graph should be deciphered as 帀 meaning tutor. The controversy is caused by two strokes which are written ambiguously. Normally, the graph 不 is written as in which two strokes cross each other, while 帀is written as . Hence it is quite difficult to decipher the graph just by itself. However, its interpretation as

不 seems more convincing to me than as 帀.38 I read the inscription as donggong zhi bei 東宮之杯 meaning the cup of East Palace. In this way, the cup does not solely tell the tomb occupant’s status, although it does indicate that the tomb occupant is somehow associated with the East palace or to the prince himself.

In addition to the lacquer wooden cup, the bamboo manuscripts themselves

also provide the hints for us to surmise the tomb occupant’s status and profession.

The well-organized and neat arrangement of the bamboo manuscripts has attracted

much attention. On the basis of the bamboo strips’ pattern, I divide the manuscripts

into eight categories39 as shown below:

38 See Li Ling, “Guodian chujian yanjiu zhong de liangge wenti 郭店楚簡研究中的兩個問題”, pp. 185-189. Also see Zhou Jianzhong, “Jingmen Guodian yihao chumu muzhu kaolun”.

39 There are several divisions of the bamboo manuscripts. CMZJ divides the texts into three categories by the strips’ length: 1.32.5cm; 2.26.5cm–30.6cm; 3.15cm–17.5cm. Wang Bo divides the texts into twelve categories as in Table 4. See Wang Bo 王博, “Guanyu guodian chumu zhujian fenpian yu lianzhuo de jidian xiangfa 關於郭店楚墓竹簡分篇與連綴的幾點想法”, pp. 247-251. Li Ling divides the texts into five categories according to different styles of handwriting and strips’ length. 1. Laozi A, Laozi B, Laozi C, Taiyi sheng shui, and Shuo zhi dao (Yucong 4); 2. Ziyi, Wuxing, Lu Mugong wen zisi, and Qiongda yi shi; 3. Tang yu zhi dao; 4. Xing (Xing zi ming chu), Jiao (Cheng zhi wen zhi), Liuwei (Liude), and Zun deyi; 5. Fu wue (Yucong 3), Wu you wang sheng (Yucong 3), and Mingshu (Yucong 2). See Li Ling, Fanli 凡例, Guodian chujian jiaoduji, pp. 1-5. Zhou Fengwu divides the bamboo manuscripts into two categories: canonical works (the bamboo strips with the trapezoid-shaped top) and expounding works (the bamboo strips with the flat top). Canonical works include Ziyi, Wuxing, Xing zi ming chu, Cheng zhi wen zhi, Zun deyi, Liude, Lu Mugong wen zisi, Qiongda yi shi, and Laozi A. Commentary works include Laozi B and C, Taiyi sheng shui, Zhongxin zhi dao, Tang yu zhi dao, Yucong 1, Yucong 2, Yucong 3, and Yucong 4. He also divides the texts into four categories according to the different style of handwritings: 1. Laozi A, B, and C, Taiyi sheng shui, Wuxing, Ziyi, Lu Mugong wen zisi, Qiongda yi shi, and Yucong 4; 2. Xing zi ming chu, Cheng zhi wen zhi, Zun deyi, and Liude; 3. Yucong 1, Yucong 2, and Yucong 3; 4. Tang yu zhi dao and Zhongxin zhi dao. See Zhou Fengwu 周鳳五, “Guodian zhujian de xingshi tezheng ji qi fenlei yiyi 郭店竹簡的形式特徵及其分類意義”, pp. 53-63. 30

Table 3 Categories Strips’ Length Distance between two Texts bound strings 1 32.3cm 13cm Laozi A, 2 26.5cm– 30.6cm 10.8cm – 13cm Laozi B and C, Taiyi Sheng shui 3 32.5cm 12.8cm – 13cm Ziyi, Wuxing 4 32.5cm 17.5cm Xing zi ming chu, Cheng zhi wen zhi, Liude, Zun deyi 5 28.1cm– 28.3cm 13.5cm – 14.3cm Tang yu zhi dao, Zhongxin zhi dao 6 26.4cm 9.4cm – 9.6cm Lu Mugong wen zisi, Qiongda yi shi 7 15.1cm– 17.7cm 3 bound strings Yucong1, Yucong2, Yucong3 8 15.1cm 6cm–6.1cm Yucong4

Regarding the four texts listed in categories 5 and 6 in Table 3, I will provide full analyses for these texts in chapters 3, 4 and 5. My two criteria for categorizing these texts are: the length of the bamboo strips, the handwriting and textual types. I would like to propose that the categories 5 and 6 belong to two individual rolls that were compiled on purpose by the tomb owner. Category 5 includes Tang yu zhi dao and Zhongxin zhi dao, philosophical writings regarding two significant trends of thought in the middle of the Warring States period. Category 6 includes Lu Mugong wen zisi and Qiongda yi shi, two pieces of writings with ethical connotations to guide what a man should do in obscurity or in prominence. I would like to stress that these four texts all seem to have separate origins, rather than coming from a single school. 31

Table 4 Categories Strips’ length Distance between two Texts bound strings 1 32.2cm 13cm Laozi A 2 30.6cm 13cm Laozi B 3 26.5cm 10.8cm Laozi C, Taiyi sheng shui 4 32.5cm 12.8cm – 13cm Ziyi, Wuxing 5 26.4cm 9.4cm – 9.6cm Lu Mugong wen zisi, Qiongda yi shi 6 28.1cm – 28.3cm 14.3cm Tangyu zhi dao 7 28.2cm – 28.3cm 13.5cm Zhongxin zhi dao 8 32.5cm 17.5cm Cheng zhi wen zhi, Zun deyi, Xing zi ming chu, Liude 9 17.2cm – 17.4cm 3 bound strings Yucong 1 10 15.1cm – 15.2cm 3 bound strings Yucong 2 11 17.6cm – 17.7cm 3 bound strings Yucong 3 12 15.1cm – 15.2cm 2 bound strings Yucong 4

The manuscripts, which were carefully selected and buried, were undoubtedly the most favorite writings to the tomb occupant. We can imagine that he was proficient at these texts. They reflect not only his academic tendency but also his profession. The texts were transcribed on the different lengths and forms of bamboo strips, revealing the tomb occupant’s academic favorites. Generally, it is believed that the texts written on the long bamboo strips with the trapezoid-shaped top were the most favorite writings, while the texts written on the comparatively short bamboo strips with flat top were regarded as minor or supplementary writings.40 The Guodian manuscripts cover a wide-range of content including

40 Zhou Fengwu arranges Lu Mugong wen zisi and Qiong da yi shi in the canonical works category, while Tang yu zhi dao and Zhongxin zhi dao are placed in the expounding works category. The bamboo strips of Tang yu zhi dao and Zhongxin zhi dao (with flat top) are 1.7cm to 1.9cm longer than those of Lu Mugong wen zisi and Qiongda yishi (with trapezoid-shaped top). This implies that the length of the bamboo strips may not necessarily be the critical criterion for weighing the importance of the texts. Marking the difference in the shape of the bamboo strips may be plausible, but the question is: what are the substantial differences between Qiongda yi shi and Tang yu zhi dao 32

several subjects, as summarized below:

1. Cosmology: Taiyi sheng shui describes the process of the creation of the world; wet and dry, cold and hot, four seasons, yin and yang, shen and ming神明 (deities), and heaven and earth all originate from taiyi 太一 (grand one).

2. Human nature: The text, Xing zi ming chu, discusses how the xing 性 (nature of human) and being imbued with the qing 情 (emotions) are stimulated by the external world.

3. Ethical concepts: A series of ethical concepts, ren 仁 (benevolence), yi 義

(righteousness), li 禮 (etiquette), zhi 智 (wisdom), sheng 聖 (sageness), zhong 忠

(loyalty) and xin 信 (trustworthiness), are meticulously expounded in Wuxing and

Zhongxin zhi dao. Liude emphasizes the importance of the six kinds of virtues, sheng, zhi, ren, yi, zhong and xin, to govern the country. Zun deyi also mentions the virtues of ren, zhong, zhuang 莊 (solemnity), and li.

4. The principles to rule the country: To consolidate three kinds of human relations, those between sovereign and subjects, father and son, as well as husband and wife, is the way to cease the slander (Liude). The gentleman, who is required to be introspective and to go back the original basis, becomes a model for the people

(Cheng zhi wen zhi). The gentleman promotes the moral teachings among the people in order to remove the evil (violent temper, anger, envy, and seeking to pull others down). Ultimately, he aims to run the country by rites. The ruler should win the trust from the people and obey the people’s consensus of opinion on conscription (Zun deyi). In addition, owing to admiration for Yao and Shun’s time,

as well as Zhongxin zhi dao? I believe that the different patterns reflect the tomb occupant’s favor rather than the importance of the documents. In other words, the tomb occupant had his most favorite texts transcribed on the long bamboo strips with the trapezoid-shaped top. 33

the virtue of respecting the worthy men is highly advocated. Letting worthy men hold important positions is the symbol of the flourishing age (Tang yu zhi dao).

5.Assortments of sayings: Yucong A, Yucong B, and Yucong C are collections of

Confucian thoughts. In spite of the fragmentary thoughts, each text has its own theme. For example, Yucong A concentrates on Confucian morality; Yucong B focuses on human nature and various temperaments; Yucong C preserves moral cultivation and ethical thoughts. Yucong D has both Taoist and political strategist’s

(Zongheng jia 縱橫家) thoughts.

It is worth noting that Taoist canon, the three texts of Laozi, accompanied by

Taiyi sheng shui, constitutes a significant portion of the Guodian collection. Laozi

A, part a, provides a Taoist cosmology that dao is mixed matter which originated before heaven and earth. Humans, earth, and heaven all imitate dao to take form.

Laozi A, part b, is concerned with dao application in the political realm. It is believed that the cosmology appearing in Laozi A and Taiyi sheng shui is a useful supplement to the Confucian texts which deal with such fundamental theories as human nature and the systematic moral concepts, with most of the texts focusing on the management of the country including the moral cultivation of the sovereign, ruling skills, education for the people, and esteem of worthy man. The Yucong texts, though not as important as other texts, are the supplementary materials to extend the collection’s contents. The Guodian collection was carefully selected and well organized.

The preceding discussion confirms that the tomb occupant was a scholarly person with a profession closely associated with these manuscripts. It is most likely that he once held the teaching position. I suggest that the tomb occupant may be a lecturer in primary school or in the grand educational institution, taixue 太學, in 34

Chu’s capital. He was possibly in charge of teaching for the noble children or youths, among whom was the future prince. The status of shi in taixue, whose candidates came from shi 士 class, which is evidenced in Zhouli, 9.698b.

Shishi 師氏: one medium dafu; two upper shi……

The status of shishi accords with the archaeological report, which concludes that the tomb occupant was an upper shi. In addition, the contents of the Guodian

Confucian texts also matches with the teachings offered by shishi.

Taking three kinds of virtues teach the noble offspring (guozi 國子). First, the supreme virtue is taken as the basis of dao; secondly, the virtue of diligence is taken as the basis of behavior; thirdly, (teaching) the virtue of filial piety is to know the betrayal and evil. To teach three moral conducts: first, (teaching) the moral conduct of filial piety is for intimacy with parents; secondly, (teaching) the moral conduct of fraternal love is for respecting good and virtuous men; thirdly, (teaching) the moral conduct of obedience is for service to masters and elders. (Zhouli, 14.730b)

These accounts preserved in Zhouli do not necessarily present the historical facts, but it is believed that the accounts should reflect the royal education system in the

Warring States period. Another piece of evidence providing a detailed descriptions is recorded in Liji, 20.1406c-1407:

In the education of the crown princes adopted by the founders of the three dynasties the subjects were the rules of propriety and music. Music served to give the interior cultivation; the rules to give the external. The two, operating reciprocally within, had their outward manifestation, and the result was a peaceful serenity, reverence of inward feeling and mild elegance of manners. 35

The grand tutor and the assistant tutor were appointed for their training, to make them acquainted with the duties of father and son, and of ruler and minister. The former made himself perfectly master of those duties in order to exhibit them; the latter guided the princes to observe the virtuous ways of the other and fully instructed him about them. The grand tutor went before them, and the assistant came after them. In the palace there was the guardian, outside there was the master; and thus by this training and instruction the virtue (of the princes) was completed. The master taught them by means of occurring things, and made them understand what was virtuous. The guardian watched over their persons, and was as a stay and wings to them, leading them in the right way.41 (Legge, Li Ki, BK, 6, Set.1.16/17, 349-350)

In his annotation of this paragraph, Sun Xidan, a Qing scholar, says that the prince was initially taught by shishi 師氏 and baoshi 保氏42 in primary school and he was taught by da sicheng 大司成 when he entered in the grand educational institution and that besides, taifu 太傅43and shaofu 少傅 were assigned to

41 I have slightly revised the translation. James Legge translates the sentence as “In the palace, it was the guardian, outside it was the master.” The guardian and the master sound like one person functioning in two ways, but bao and shi are different positions with distinct duties.

42 Baoshi was in charge of teaching the noble youths the classical six arts and etiquette, as evidenced in Zhouli, 14.731b. The paragraph says: “(Baoshi) fosters the noble off-springs with dao and hence teaches them the classical six arts: 1. five rituals; 2. six sorts of music; 3. five varieties of archery; 4. five varieties of driving skills; 5. six principles of formation of scripts; 6. nine kinds of arithmetic. (He) hence teaches them six kinds of etiquette: 1. facial expressions for sacrifices; 2. facial expressions as a guest; 3. facial expressions during in court; 4. facial expressions for funeral affairs; 5. facial expressions in army; 6. facial expressions in carriage and horse.” The curriculum offered by baoshi seems to be the technical skills, while shishi concentrates on ethical thoughts.

43 The title taifu is not equivalent to one of the sangong 三公 (three grand counselors), taishi 太師, taifu 太傅, and taibao 太保, in Zhou’s governmental organization. Sangong transformed into da sima 大司馬(Grand minister of army), da situ 大司徒(Grand minister of education), and da sikong 大司空(Grand minister of public works). In the Spring and Autumn, the post of taifu was appointed to the high rank officials. For example, Shi Wozhuo 士渥濁, an elite of dafu class in Jin, who was in charge of the zhongjun (central army) (Zuozhuan, 24.1888c; Guoyu, 13.101), was appointed taifu and assigned to revise the regulations drawn up by Fan Wuzi 范武子 (Zuozhuan, 28.1923c). His successor to the post, Yangshe xi 羊舌肸, was a upper dafu and coming from a powerful Yangshe clan (Zuozhuan, 33.1962c-1963a). 36

accompany the prince day and night, no matter how old he was (Liji jijie, 20.564).

If the tomb occupant was really a lecturer who had once taught the prince, his proposed profession tallies with “the cup of East Palace” inscribed on the bottom of the lacquer wooden cup and the contents of the bamboo manuscripts. The lacquer wooden cup as a keepsake buried with the dead probably evidences that the tomb occupant taught the prince.

The manuscripts bear certain characteristics of lecture notes or references for teaching. Three main points are summarized from the Guodian Confucian texts to support the tomb occupant’s profession. First of all, the teaching of etiquette and music is highly recommended and its role in cultivating oneself and polishing one’s manners is well recognized. It is worthy noting that Lirong 禮容 (facial expressions in different ceremonies and funeral rites), which belongs to one of the baoshi’s curriculum (Zhouli, 14.731c), is discussed in Xing zi ming chu and Cheng zhi wen zhi. I believe that Lirong was a compulsory subject for all the noble youths.

Secondly, moral teaching plays a significant role in most of the texts. A fundamental theory applied to education focuses on human nature, which is neither good nor bad but is influenced by the beings around. Xing zi ming chu claims that:

“Within the four seas, the nature (of all creatures) is the same. They apply their minds differently because teaching makes them so” (XZMC, 4). I believe that this is the basis of the moral teaching. As well as the series of moral concepts mentioned above, Yucong A and Yucong C focus on the human relations and the morality, while Yucong B discusses the relationships between human nature, temperaments and morality. It is believed that the Yucong texts are supplementary materials for the teaching purposes. Thirdly, most of the Confucian texts are imbued with a sense of statecrafts. As the future ruler and government officials, they should obtain the 37

sufficient knowledge and training for ruling people. These Confucian texts stress three aspects. First, the ruler should be well cultivated and introspective in order to improve himself continuously, as his behaviors or favorites directly impact on his subjects. Secondly, moral education for the people is a technique for running a country. Thirdly, the people-based principle guides the state policies.

It is interesting to note that according to Zhouli (Zhouli zhushu, 14.730b), one of the Shishi’s duties is to teach the noble youths for three virtues: supreme virtue, industrious virtue and filial virtue. This moral education completely conforms with the contents of Guodian texts mentioned above. Nevertheless, it is unnecessary to say that Guodian Confucian texts were the teaching materials for the noble students.

Instead, we can be safe to say that these texts provide a deep and wide philosophical foundation for the tomb owner’s career. In addition, it is also possible to explain why Taoist texts were buried with him. It is not because he was a Taoist follower, but it is because the Taoist texts supplemented him with cosmological and political views different from Confucianism. Finally, I would like to point out that

Guodian texts, which did not present a school of thought, are the collection based on tomb owner’s career and preference.

In conclusion, the Guodian M1 tomb occupant was a lecturer in primary school or taixue in the capital of Chu. The tomb occupant once taught the prince when he was young. The manuscripts buried with the tomb occupant closely relate to his teaching job. My assumption is that the jiuzhangs were the awards from the

King Qingxiang 頃襄王 when the tomb occupant reached the age of seventy, in order to reward the tomb occupant’s contribution to the prince’s education, as these gifts were more precious and ceremonious than usual. This also explains the 38

dragon-shaped jade belt hook44 found in the tomb.

44 See “Jingmen guodian yihao chumu”, p. 46. 39

CHAPTER 2 THE GUODIAN CONFUCIAN TEXTS AND CONFUCIANISM IN THE WARRING STATES PERIOD

The main task of this chapter is to prove that the Guodian Confucian manuscripts represent several threads of Confucian thought rather than a single tradition, the school of Zisi. My efforts focus on the bamboo strips’ formats compared with other unearthed texts and on the textual analyses concentrating on the texts of Liude, Xi zi ming chu and Tang yu zhi dao.

It is generally agreed that Guodian M1 tomb is dated around 300 B.C.45 From this date, it is reasonable to infer that the unearthed manuscripts were possibly circulating during the late 4th century B.C. or even earlier, at a time when many well-known thinkers such as Mencius, Zhuangzi, Shen Dao, and Hui Shi were contemporaneously active. These long-lost manuscripts fill in a century-long literary gap after Confucius’ death and allow us to reconsider the development of

Confucian thought during the Warring States period. The abundance of Confucian literature evidenced by the Guodian manuscripts and the three-volume publication of the unearthed manuscript collection of the Shanghai Museum show that

Confucianism had already taken root in Chu and was widely accepted by Chu nobles during the middle of Warring States period. Much attention has been drawn to the philosophical aspect of the Guodian Confucian manuscripts. At present, the

Guodian Confucian manuscripts are generally attributed to the school of Zisi.

Initially, Li Xueqin46 advanced the idea that the Guodian Confucian manuscripts

45 See Chapter 1, pp. 17-18.

46 See Li Xueqin, “Xianqin rujia zhuzuo de zhongda faxian”, pp. 13-17; “Guodian chujian yu rujia jingji” 郭店楚簡與儒家經籍, pp. 18-21; “Jingmen guodian chujian zhong de zisizi” 荊門郭店楚 簡中的子思子, pp. 75-79. 40

belong to a long-lost collection called Zisi zi 子思子,47 thought to contain the treatises edited or written by Zisi’s followers and possibly including works by Zisi.

Jiang Guanghui takes this proposal a step further, determining that most of the

Guodian Confucian manuscripts are the writings of Zisi himself,48 on the basis of three aspects: 1.two works, Ziyi and Lu Mugong wen zisi, directly relate to Zisi;

2.the manuscripts are well compiled; 3.the contents associate closely with Zisi’s works and Mencius. It is necessary to devote a little more space to examine Jiang’s arguments before moving on to the main task of the chapter.

Lu Mugong wen zisi, like many documents in the Pre-Qin period, has a format of dialog and anecdotal writing that is supposed to have been recorded by Zisi’s followers and to have been canonized as a document for circulation. It undoubtedly belongs to the work which is associated with the school of Zisi. Traditionally, the authorship of Ziyi is attributed to Zisi; this idea, supported by Shen Yue’s claim that

“ ‘Zhongyong’, ‘Biaoji’, ‘Fangji’, and ‘Ziyi’ preserved in Liji are selected from Zisi zi”, has been passed down unchanged and unchallenged from generation to generation. Without further evidence, the discussion has not progressed. However,

47 “Yiwen zhi” 藝文志 records that Zisi contains twenty-three treatises (Hanshu, 30.1724). It is believed that the collection of Zisi was still intact during the North Song dynasty. Traditionally, “Zhongyong”, “Biaoji”, “Fangji”, and “Ziyi”, which are preserved in Liji, are attributed to Zisi. This idea is supported by more than ten citations preserved in a work, Yilin 意林, in the Tang period under the name of Zisi zi. All the citations are found in “Biaoji” and “Ziyi”, which strongly support what Shenyue 沈約 claims, that the “Zhongyong”, “Biaoji”, “Fangji”, and “Ziyi” preserved in Liji are selected from Zisi zi. A Qing scholar, Huang Yizhou 黃以周, compiled all the pieces of works and citations from other sources under Zisi’s name or Zisi zi. A detailed analysis can be found in Jeffrey Riegel, The Four “Tzu Suu” Chapters of the “Li Chi”: an Analysis and Translation of the “Fang Chi”, “Chung Yung”, “Piao Chi”, and “Tzu I”, pp. 44-73.

48 Tang yu zhi dao, Ziyi, Wuxing, Xing zi ming chu, Qiongda yi shi, former part of Cheng zhi wen zhi, Lu Mugong wen zisi, Liude are thought to be written by Zisi. See Jiang Guanghui, “Guodian chujian yu Zisizi – jian tan guodian chujian de sixiang shi yiyi” 郭店楚簡與子思子—兼談郭店楚簡的思 想史意義, pp. 81-92. 41

there is one other statement which we can no longer ignore: the idea brought forward by Liu Xian 劉讞 that “Ziyi” was written by Gongsun nizi.49 Cheng

Yuanmin 程元敏, a rigorous scholar attempting to challenge the traditional view, argues that “Zhongyong”, “Fangji”, and “Ziyi” were not selected from Zisi zi50 and questions why the literati Shen Yue is trusted rather than Liu Xian, an expert on ritual canons. Cheng suggests that “Ziyi” originally had no relationship with Zisi zi, because three pieces of the contents of Zisi zi which were adulterated in the received “Ziyi” do not even appear in the Guodian Ziyi. Furthermore, Cheng also lists four erudite scholars, Xu Jian 徐堅, Wang Yinglin 王應麟, Ma Guohan 馬國

翰, and Hong Yixuan 洪頤煊, who unanimously considered that the authorship of

“Ziyi” should be attributed to Gongsun nizi.51 Cheng’s arguments are convincing and enlightened, but there is still insufficient evidence to determine who the author of “Ziyi” really was. Assuming that the contents of Zisi zi were adulterated in the received “Ziyi” cannot completely refute the traditional position. Nevertheless,

Cheng’s argument deserves further careful study: if his argumentation is tenable, it will provide a different basis for documentary and philosophical studies in the per-

Qin period and a new vision for research into the Guodian Confucian manuscripts.

Regarding Jiang’s second argument, it is helpful to describe the regulations for using bamboo strips for transcription in the Han period. On the basis of Han accounts, regulations for using different length bamboo strips to transcribe canons, commentaries, and various philosophical schools of writings were observed. In

49 Liu Xian’s words are quoted by Lu Deming 陸德明. See Jingdian shiwen 經典釋文, 211a.

50 See Cheng Yuanmin 程元敏, “Liji – zhongyong, fangji, ziyi fei chu yu zisizi kao” 禮記中庸坊記 緇衣非出於子思子考.

51 “Liji – zhongyong, fangji, ziyi fei chuyu zisizi kao”, pp. 36-37. 42

general, canonical works – the sage words – were to be transcribed on the 2-foot 4- inch bamboo strips. Xiaojing was to be transcribed on the 1-foot 2-inch strips; while Lunyu was to be transcribed on 8-inch strips. Besides these, writings of various philosophical schools were transcribed on 1-foot strips. The unearthed Han bamboo manuscripts showed application of these regulations. In 1959, three versions of the ritual canon Yili were unearthed in an Eastern Han tomb (no.6 in Mo

Zuizi 磨嘴子, Wuwei 武威 county in Gansu province). Version A had strips from

55.5 cm to 56cm; version C was 56.5cm. Both versions A and C were accordance with the Han canonical regulation of 2 feet 4inches. An unearthed Lunyu found in a tomb attributed to the lord of Zhongshan Huaiwang 中山懷王, Liu Xiu 劉修, (Ding county, Hebei province) had 620 strips (with serious damage) measuring 16.2cm (7 inches) – one inch shorter than the Han regulation.

The unearthed bamboo manuscripts of Han can be roughly divided into two distinct lengths: one from 22cm~ to 23cm~; the other from 27cm~ to 28cm~. The former length strips contain miscellaneous writings usually called Chishu 尺書 (a foot length writing) or Duanshu 短書 (a short writing) because of the length of the strips including He yinyang 合陰陽 (23cm-23.2), and Shiwen 十問 (23.2cm-23.7) found in the Mawangdui tomb; Shenniao fu 神鳥賦(23.5cm), Xingde xingshi 刑德

行時 (23.5cm), Xingdao jixiong 行道吉凶 (23.5cm), Shengui zhan 神龜占 (wood strips, 23cm), Boju zhan 博局占 (wood strips, 23cm), and Lipu 曆譜 (wood strips,

23cm), found in the Donghai Yinwan tomb 東海尹灣52; and Xiang bao jiandao 相

寶劍刀 (22.6cm), Xingde 刑德 (22.1cm), Cangjie pian 蒼頡篇 (23cm), and Yanzi

晏子 (23cm), found in a Han tomb in Juyan (Gansu province). The latter contains

52 See preface in Yinwan hanmu jiandu 尹灣漢墓簡牘. 43

the philosophical writings including Sunzi bingfa 孫子兵法(27cm), Liutao 六韜

(27cm), Weiliaozi 尉繚子(27cm), and Yanzi 晏子(27.2cm to 27.5cm) found in a

Han tomb in Yinque shan 銀雀山 in Linyi 臨沂53; and Tianxia zhidao tan 天下至

道談 (28cm to 28.2cm), found in the Mawangdui tomb. Nevertheless, there are some Han unearthed manuscripts which exceed the preceding standards: for instances, Gailu 蓋廬 (30cm to 30.5cm) and Yinshu 引書 (30cm to 30.5cm), found in Zhangjia shan of Jiangling in Hubei province54; Rishu 日書 (27cm) and

Meishi fang 美食方 (46cm), found in Yuanling in Hunan province55. It is noteworthy that the bamboo strip length in the philosophical writings mentioned above is close to 1 foot 2 inches, the length of a canonical work Xiaojing, and almost 2 inches longer than the length Wang Chong gave for Zhuzi Chishu 諸子尺

書 (1-foot strips of philosophical writings). However, the miscellaneous writings just fit the 1-foot length Chishu (one foot length writing) category. In the light of the preceding description, it is evident that in the Han period, there was flexibility in the use of different length strips to transcribe the non-Confucian writings, especially for personal preference. For instance, the Yanzi unearthed in Juyan was transcribed on the standard 1-foot strips; the other Yanzi, unearthed in Yinque Shan, was transcribed on strips which are close to one foot two inches. Furthermore,

Gailu and Yinshu in Zhangjia shan, Rishu and Meishi fang in Yuanling also illustrate the flexibility of the transcription of non-Confucian writings. It follows that the transcription of Confucian writings seems to be formulated in

53 See Yinque shan hanmu zhujian 銀雀山漢墓竹簡.

54 See Zhangjia shan hanmu zhujian 張家山漢墓竹簡, pp. 275-285.

55 See “Yuanling huxishan yihao hanmu fajue jianbao” 沅陵虎溪山一號漢墓發掘簡報, pp. 50-54. 44

comparatively strict regulations, but there was flexible application in non-

Confucian writings. Nevertheless, the transcription regulation applied in the

Warring States period seems to be much more complicated than that in the Han period.

Let us now return to the bamboo manuscripts in Guodian. The length of the strips and the trapezoid-shape-end strips of Guodian manuscripts have drawn much attentions. Some researchers confidently state that most of the Guodian Confucian manuscripts should be canonical works because of their characteristics. After analyzing the Guodian bamboo strip length and shapes, Zhou Fengwu reaches the conclusions that two texts, related to the school of Mencius, Zhongxin zhi dao and

Tang yu zhi dao, are classified in the canonical commentary category. Based on the feature of the trapezoid-shape-end strips, despite their different lengths, the other eight manuscripts, Ziyi, Wuxing, Lu Mugong wen zisi, Qiongda yi shi, Xing zi ming chu, Cheng zhi wen zhi, Liude, Zun deyi, are classified in the canonical category.

Zhou advances that the trapezoid-shape-end strips are the main features of the school of Zisi’s canons. Although these bamboo strips share the identical feature of the trapezoid-shape-end, it is still not convincing to me that these texts are all attributed to the collection of Zisi zi. The strips’ length and the trapezoid-shape-end do demonstrate the significant value of the texts to the tomb occupant, but they do not necessarily denote that these texts belong to a single source. Instead, I argue that the feature of the trapezoid-shape-end strips represents an assorted collection of writings from plural sources, organized by the tomb occupant’s personal preference and his profession. In order to verify my argument, a brief survey of the unearthed bamboo manuscripts in the Warring States period, contemporary with the

Guodian manuscripts, is needed. 45

There are no accounts concerned with the practices of applying standardized regulations to bamboo strips for transcription during the pre-Qin period.56 Our understanding of the regulations of applying bamboo strips for transcription in the per-Qin period relies mainly on Han or later accounts. Wang Guowei, a representative scholar whose initial work, Jiandu jianshu kao 簡牘檢署考, is a complete study of that specific subject, concludes that there were four types of bamboo strips in different lengths: 2-foot 4inch for canonical writings, laws and ritual works; 1-foot 2-inch for commentaries and household registration; 8-inch for philosophical writings; and 6- inch for passports and counters.57 Since 1950s more and more unearthed bamboo manuscripts dated in the Warring States period have been discovered. Although there are not sufficient examples for us to see the whole picture, we gradually shift from a traditional to a skeptical point of view regarding the existence of standardized regulations in the Warring States period. On the basis of the substantial evidence, the varied lengths of bamboo strips used for manuscript transcription demonstrate the flexibility of choice. For example, the manuscript

Shentudi 申徒狄, found in Xinyang in Henan province, was measured as 45cm length; a historical manuscript mainly related to Wu and Yue states discovered in

Cili in Hunan province was also measured as 45cm length; and the manuscript

Rishu, found in Jiudian of Jiangling in Hubei province, was measured to be from

46.2cm to 48.2cm in length. As well, the divination documents found in Baoshan

(Hubei province) were measured from 67.1cm to 69.5cm; while the identical

56 The measure system in the Warring states period is obscure. The unearthed rulers dated in the East Zhou period and the Shangyang’s foot are our main reference for understanding the measuring system in the Warring States period. An archaeologist, Tang Lan, determines that the Shangyang’s foot is 23.1cm. Thus we take 23.1cm as one foot in the Warring States period. See Qiu Guangming 丘光明 (1992), pp. 10-11.

57 See Wang Guowei, “Jiandu jianshu kao”, pp. 357-399. 46

subject found in Tianxing guan of Jiangling in Hubei province were measured from

64cm to 71cm. It is important to bear in mind that these manuscripts attributed to miscellaneous writings are generally much longer than those in the Han period. For example, Rishu in Jiudian is from 19.2cm to 21.2cm longer than Rishu in Zhanjia shan and Shentudi in Xinyang is 15cm to 18cm longer than the Han philosophical writings.

A much more striking case relates to a valuable collection of Chu bamboo strips collated and published by the Shanghai Museum. Comparing Guodian manuscripts with the Shanghai Museum’s collection shows the following differences:

Table 5 Names of the texts Guodian Manuscripts Names of the texts Shanghai Museum’s (Length) Collection (Length) Xing zi ming chu 32.5cm Xingqing lun 57.2cm Ziyi 32.5cm Ziyi 54.3cm Zigao ? (no intact strips existed) Wuxing 32.5cm Kongzi lunshi 55.5cm Cheng zhi wen zhi 32.5cm Lubang dahan 55.4cm Liude 32.5cm Zhonggong 47cm~ Zun deyi 32.5cm Min zhi fumu 46.2cm Tang yu zhi dao 28.1cm to 28.3cm Rongcheng shi 44.5cm Zhongxin zhi dao 28.2cm to 28.3cm Xizhe junlao 44.2cm Lu Mugong wen 26.4cm Zhouyi 44cm zisi Qiongda yi shi 26.4cm Congzheng A/B 42.6cm Yucong A 17.2cm to 17.4cm Yucong B 15.1cm to 15.2cm Yucong C 17.6cm to 17.7cm Yucong D 15.1cm Taiyi sheng shui 26.5cm Hengxian 39.4cm~

The bamboo manuscripts stored in the Shanghai Museum are generally longer than the Guodian manuscripts by an average of about 43%. Both manuscript sets 47

contain the Ziyi text: the one in the Guodian collection is 21.8cm shorter than the one in the Shanghai Museum. The Guodian Xing zi ming chu is 24.7cm shorter than those in Xingqing lun, its related counterpart in the Shanghai Museum. It is notable that two texts, Lubang dahan and Kongzi lunshi, measured from 55.4cm to

55.5cm (2 feet 4 inches) in length and that Ziyi is from 1.1cm to 1.2cm shorter than these two texts. Perhaps the slight difference in length indicates that Ziyi is merely next to the importance of Lubang dahan and Kongzi lunshi. More attractive to us is that Xingqing lun, the longest bamboo manuscript (1.7cm to 1.8cm longer than

Lubang dahan and Kongzi lunshi), appears to be a significant canon within the

Shanghai Museum’s collection. Comparison of two pairs of texts, Ziyi and Xing zi ming chu with Ziyi and Xingqing lun, indicates that the former pair shares identical length bamboo strips but the latter pair are different length: Xingqing lun is longer by 2.9cm. It seems from this comparison that Xingqing lun’s value, based on privilege from its canonical position in Chu intellectual circle and from the tomb occupant’s favoritism, weighs heavier than Ziyi and the others in the Shanghai

Museum’s collection. Xing zi ming chu in the Guodian collection shares equivalent standing with Ziyi, indicating that this text was well known and very precious to

Chu nobles during the Warring States period.

Two significant texts, Kongzi lun shi and Lubang dahan in Shanghai

Museum’s collection, are important for their record of Confucius’ critiques to individual poems in Shijing and to a severe drought in Lu state. The former, an uniquely valuable treatise preserving Confucian study of Shijing, is believed to have been critical learning material for classical poetry, and was paid high attentions by the Chu aristocracy. According to the Chuyu 楚語 chapter of Guoyu,

Shijing was a subject of the curriculum for the Chu prince’s education. The passage 48

reads:

Teaching him Shijing is to lead him broad-mindedness and to show him the virtues in order to light up his aspiration. (Guoyu, 17.122b)

It is believed that not only princes received the teaching of Shijing; Chu aristocratic youngsters also took it as fundamental training. Therefore, there is no doubt that

Kongzi lunshi enjoyed high prestige in Chu. The other text, Lubang dahan, containing two dialogs, one between Confucius and Duke Ai of Lu and one between Confucius and his disciple Zigong, preserves Confucius’ political ideas concerning xing 刑 (punishment) and de 德 (reward) that when suffering a severe drought, ruling class should behave themselves and show consideration to people.

Worship of the mountains and rivers was not the way to alleviate the condition of this disaster. The dialog form in which Confucius answers the questions from Duke

Ai is a common format widely preserved in Dadai liji, including Aigong wen wuyi

哀公問五義, Aigong wen yu kongzi 哀公問於孔子58, and a collection named

Kongzi sanchao ji 孔子三朝記59 which contains seven chapters (“Qiansheng”千乘,

“Sidai” 四代, “Yudai”虞戴, “Haozhi” 誥志, “Xiaobian”小辨, “Yongbing”用兵, and “Shaoxian”少閒). Lubang dahan embodies a rational approach to natural calamity: the ruler should rely upon the political skills of xing and de to maintain a disciplined ruling class, rather than offering sacrifices to mountains and rivers.

Confucian rationalism inherited the tradition of anti-superstition generated since

58 This text is also preserved in Liji, 50.1611a-1613a named “Aigong wen”哀公問.

59 In Qilue, Liu Xiang says: “Confucius visited Duke Ai three times and then created seven chapters of “Sanchao ji”, which now are preserved in Dadai Liji.” See Pei Songzhi’s 裴松之 annotation, Sanguo zhi, 38.974. “Kongzi sanchao ji” was classified in Lunyu’s category in Hanshu Yiwen zhi, 30.1717. 49

the sixth century B.C. This seems to demonstrate distinct ways in which to oppose obscurantism and to enlighten Chu noblemen regarding the handling of government administration to overcome the difficulties caused by disasters. I believe that this is the reason why Lubang dahan, with 55.4cm strips, has such an important position in Shanghai Museum’s collection.60

Another text, Min zhi fumu, contains content identical with great parts of

“Kongzi xianju” 孔子閒居 in Liji and “Lilun” 禮論 in Kongzi jiayu 孔子家語.

This textual phenomenon requires us to consider how the ancient texts were created.

Thus, it is important to note the process of constituting two texts, Min zhi fumu and

“Kongzi xianju”, from the same sources as those circulated during the Warring

States period when the texts were compiled. Furthermore, if we associate Min zhi fumu with the treatises collected in Liji and Daida liji, which traditionally have been attributed to Li guwen ji,61 this strongly suggests that Min zhi fumu may be affiliated with Li guwen ji. One more item of evidence that strengthens the relationship between some texts of Shanghai Museum’s collection and Li guwen ji is the text Xizhe junlao with content close to “Wenwang shizi” 文王世子 in Liji.62

This is believed to be a commentary of Shizi fa世子法 (the regulations of a prince).

In spite of Ziyi, Lubang dahan, Min zhi fumu, and Xizhe junlao all having some association with Li guwen ji, however, they individually have different canonical positions according to their variety of bamboo strip lengths.

60 Liu Lexian points out that the thought of the heaven-man interaction, which prospered in the Han dynasty, had appeared in the Warring States period. As presented in the text, the severe drought caused by the ruler violated the xing (punishment) and de (moral influence). See Liu Lexian, “Shangbo jian lubang dahan jianlun 上博簡魯邦大旱簡論”.

61 Li guwen ji belongs to a collection of commentary writings on ritual canons (a total of 131 pieces). Ban Gu notes that Confucius’ seventy disciples and later Confucian students created the writings. See Hanshu Yiwen zhi, 30.1709. 50

When the Guodian manuscripts and Shanghai Museum manuscripts are compared, roughly three pairs of categories emerge. First of all, Xing zi ming chu,

Ziyi, Wuxing, Cheng zhi wen zhi, Liude, and Zun deyi, which are all 32.5cm in length, correspond to Xingqing lun, Ziyi, Kongzi lunshi, and Lubang dahan, which vary from 57.2cm to 54.3cm in length. However, they individually belong to the most significant canonical texts. Secondly, Tang yu zhi dao and Zhongxin zhi dao, which vary from 28.1cm to 28.3cm in lengths, correspond to Zhonggong and Min zhi fumu, which vary from 46.2cm to 47cm in length. Their importance is just below that of the first category. Thirdly, Lu Mugong wen zisi, and Qiongda yi shi, which share 26.4cm in length, correspond to Rongcheng shi, Xizhe junlao, and

Zhouyi, which vary from 44cm to 44.5cm in length.

I do not arrange Congzheng A and B, which possibly belong to the subordinate position among these Confucian texts, into any preceding categories because of their length, 42.6cm. Moreover, the Congzheng texts cannot be matched with the Yucong texts. It is worth noting that based on the Warring States foot

Kongzi lunshi and Lubang dahan are both two feet four inches in length, while

Xingqing lun is 0.7 inches longer and Ziyi is 0.5 inches shorter than that length.

Apparently, Xingqing lun has a superior position in Shanghai Museum’s collection, while Ziyi is slightly less important than others. Two texts, Zhonggong and Min zhi fumu, are just two feet in length. Zhouyi is one foot nine inches and Rongcheng shi and Xizhe junlao are both 0.2 inches longer than Zhouyi. Comparatively, Xing zi ming chu, Ziyi, Wuxing, Cheng zhi wen zhi, Liude, and Zun deyi in Guodian manuscripts are all to one foot four inches in length, while Tang yu zhi dao and

62 See Peng Hao, “Xizhe jun lao yu shizi fa 昔者君老與世子法”, pp. 86-88. 51

Zhongxin zhi dao are around one foot two inches in length. Lu Mugong wen zisi and Qiongda yi shi are 1.14 foot in length, which is close to the length of chishu in the Han period.

On the basis of the preceding descriptions, it is clear that standardized regulations for applying bamboo strips for transcription did not exist in the Warring

States period, especially as some researchers have argued that there really was no unified measuring system at this time.63 Having investigated the unearthed bamboo manuscripts in Chu area, we find that, not only did the practice of the unified regulations of using bamboo strips not exist among the different states, it did not exist in Chu itself. It seems reasonable to conclude that the tomb occupants’ status or noble rank determined the length of the bamboo strips. The status of the occupant of Guodian tomb is that of an upper shi, a low rank nobleman, who used much shorter bamboo strips than those in the collection stored in the Shanghai

Museum. On this basis, it may be possible that the manuscripts stored in the

Shanghai Museum may have been taken by grave robbers from a high rank nobleman’s or royal tomb.

It should be concluded, from the preceding discussion, that there are two main factors which determine the application of the length of the bamboo strips: the status of the tomb owner and the tomb occupant’s preference. Generally speaking, I believe, the length of the bamboo strips chosen could manifest the hierarchical status of the tomb owner. But, so far, we do not have sufficient evidence to prove that a fixed hierarchy-based scale of using the bamboo strips existed in the Warring

States period. It seems that there were no such rigid regulations. Let us consider the

63 Shang Chengzuo 商承祚 reaches the conclusion that there were no regulations for applying bamboo strips for transcription among all the states. Adoption of long or short strips is dependent on 52

following data in the diagram.

Table 6 Name of the Unearthed texts Length of the Status of the Tomb Date Tombs Bamboo Strips Owner Wei Tomb Mutianzi zhuan 55.44cm King Anli of Wei 243B.C. Chu Tomb Kaogong ji 49.4cm A King of Chu Warring States Period Tianxingguan Records of 64cm-71cm High Minister About 340 No. 1 Tomb Divination (Shangqing 上卿) B.C. Results, the List of the Articles buried with the dead (Qiance 遣 策) Changtaiguan Confucian Texts, 45cm Enfeoffed Lord The Middle of No. 1 Tomb the List of the (Fengjun 封君) the Warring Articles buried 68.5cm-69.5cm States Period with the dead Baoshan No. Records of 59.6cm-72.6cm Upper Dafu About 292 2 Tomb Divination B.C. Results, Sacrificial Prayer, Judicial Documents, the List of the Articles buried with the dead Cili Shiban Historical Texts Estimated 45cm Lower Dafu The Middle of Cun No. 36 (concerned Wu (No one strip is the Warring Tomb and Yue states) intact) States Period Guodian Xing zi ming chu, 15.1cm-32.5cm Upper Shi About 300 Tomb Ziyi, Wuxing etc. B.C. Shanghai Xingqing lun, 39.4cm-57.2cm Unknown Warring State Museum’s Ziyi, Zigao, Period Collection Kongzi lunshi etc. Jiudian Tomb Rishu 46.6cm-48.2cm Commoner The late part of No. 56 Tomb (or the one who the Warring lost his Shi status) States Period

From the data above, there is a suggestion here that the bamboo strips concerning

personal options. See Shang Chengzuo (1995), pp. 4-5. 53

the records of divination results, sacrificial prayers and the Qiance texts (from

Tianxingguan, Changtaiguan, Baoshan and even Jiudian) are usually longer than those of the philosophical and historical writings. The 44cm to 47cm length strips from the unearthed texts hold certain writings, including Confucian texts from

Changtaiguan, historical texts from Cili Shiban cun, Zhonggong, Min zhi fumu,

Rongchengshi, Xizhe junlao, and Zhouyi from Shanghai Museum’s collection. This seems to suggest that that specific length range of bamboo strips was commonly applied to transcribe the philosophical and historical writings for the high-rank nobles. However, the most important and favorite texts of the tomb owners were transcribed on longer strips, for example, Xingqing lun (57.2cm), Ziyi (54.3cm),

Kongzi lunshi (55.5cm) and Lubang dahan (55.4cm). But so far, no texts regarding the philosophical and historical writings have been found with bamboo strips longer than 60cm. The most striking thing is that the Guodian texts are the shortest bamboo manuscripts among those from different tombs listed in the diagram.

Probably, this suggests that the tomb owner’s status, as a low rank noble, is the determining factor.

We must draw attention to the Rishu unearthed from a commoner’s tomb. The length of the bamboo strips of Rishu, although much shorter than the records of divination results, sacrificial prayers and Qiance texts from the high rank nobles’ tombs, is still longer than the length of most of the philosophical and historical writings.64 Undoubtedly, the tomb owners paid great attention to the religious and divination writings because these religious practices were part of their lives.

64 A different written format of the records of divination results and sacrificial prayers was unearthed in a high rank noble’s tomb from Geling in Xincai. The writings were transcribed on bamboo strips from 23cm to 25cm in length. See Jia Lianmin 賈連敏, “Xincai geling chujian zhong de jidao wenshu 新蔡葛陵楚簡中的祭禱文書”. 54

Therefore, we can say that spiritual necessity and practical functions (Rishu as an almanac for choosing the auspicious days and avoiding the bad days for daily life) are also factors determining the length of the bamboo strips. The length of bamboo strips personally chosen by the tomb owner vividly reveals the importance of the writings, but not only their importance to him, it also indicates that they were popular and significant texts within the intellectual circle at that time.

Two accounts recorded in later historical documents also reveal that there were no unified regulations for using bamboo strips in the Warring States period.

Near to the fall of the Liu Song dynasty, a tomb said to belong to a king of Chu was robbed and a lot of treasures and precious articles were unearthed including a batch of bamboo manuscripts. Someone obtained more than ten bamboo strips which were measured as two feet in length and showed them to a scholar, Wang Sengqian

王僧虔, who examined the strips and determined them as the passages of a lost chapter of Zhouli, Kaogong ji 考工記.65 Taking 24.7cm as one foot, based on the measure during the period of the southern dynasties, two feet (49.4cm) is equivalent to 2.138 feet in length in the Warring States period. When Buzhun 不準, robbed the tomb of the King Anli of Wei 魏安釐王 in 281 AD, he took away several tens of carriages loaded with many bamboo manuscripts including Zhushu jinian 竹書紀年, Zhouyi 周易, Yiyao yinyang gua 易繇陰陽卦, Guoyu 國語, Ming

名, Shichun 師春, Suoyu 瑣語, Mutianzi zhuan 穆天子傳 and so on.66 A scholar,

Xun Xu 荀勗, collated Mutianzi Chuan and measured the manuscript by archaic foot (guchi 古尺) as two feet four inches in length. It is reliable that the guchi

65 See Nanqi shu, 21.398.

66 See Jinshu, 21.1427. 55

applied by Xun Xu is a per-Qin measure because Xun Xu discovered that the measure practiced in the Jin period was four fen 分 (0.4 inch) longer than guchi and thus he formulated guchi with Liu Gong 劉恭 on the basis of the data recorded in Zhouli. Mutianzi zhuan, a historical fiction, is transcribed on two feet four inch bamboo strips, exactly the length of Kongzi lunshi and Lubang dahan in the

Shanghai Museum’s collection, which implies its significance to the tomb occupant.

If we take these two above-mentioned examples into account, we can see two things. One is that the value of the manuscripts mostly depends upon the tomb occupant’s favor; the other is that the length of bamboo strips seems quite flexible, suggesting that the varied lengths of the strips reflect the varying degrees of the significance of the manuscripts themselves.

The curve sharpened at the both ends of the bamboo strips is regarded as substantial evidence for proving that three Shanghai Museum manuscripts, Kongzi lunshi, Lubang dahan, and Zigao, constitute a volume of writings. The manuscripts transcribed on the curvy-ended bamboo strips distinguish them from the others with flat ends. Although these three manuscripts similarly show the role of the master, Confucius, as a preacher, we cannot find any philosophical thread linking these texts.67 Nevertheless, an idea that we should bear in mind is that this volume of writings was very important to the tomb occupant. The identical phenomenon appears in the Guodian manuscripts: the trapezoid-shape-ended bamboo strips were applied for nine manuscripts, Laozi A, Ziyi, Wuxing, Lu Mugong wen zisi, Qiongda

67 Ma Chengyuan 馬承源 suggests that besides the appearance of the figure Kongzi, no connection can be observed among the three manuscripts. See Shanghai bowuguan cang zhanguo chu zhushu Volume 2, p. 203. 56

yi shi, Xing zi ming chu, Cheng zhi wen zhi, Liude, and Zun deyi.68 Two points are worthy of note: firstly, if we say that the Confucian texts transcribed on these trapezoid-sharp ends bamboo strips ought to be canonical writings, then Laozi A,

32.3cm in length, would also belong to canonical writing in spite of its identity as a

Taoist manuscript; secondly, two texts, Lu Mugong wen zisi and Qiongda yi shi, which are 26.4cm in length, are less important than the other six texts. If we say all these eight Confucian texts are really attributed to the main body of Zisi zi, then we must question why Lu Mugong wen zisi and Qiongda yi shi are 6.1cm shorter than the others. Why were they weighted subordinately in a collection named Zisi zi? I suggest that, taking Laozi A into account, the simple and direct answer seems to be that these texts were arranged together according to the specific interests or professional needs of the tomb occupant. In other words, these texts are not necessarily attributable to a sole school of thought, just like the roll constituted by

Kongzi lunshi, Lubang dahan, and Zigao in Shanghai Museum’s collection.

Regarding the collation of unearthed bamboo strips, Li Ling’s suggestions deserve to be taken into consideration: “the ancients sometimes transcribed different categories of writings on the same roll.”69 Li Ling furthermore points out a practical method of arranging the order of the bamboo manuscripts, sequentially based on priority by the length of the bamboo strips (arranged from long to short), the shapes of the strips, and the handwritings. However, in this system the contents

68 Pu Maozuo 濮茅左 suggests that Kongzi lunshi, Lubang dahan, and Zigao have their own independent contents and they also clearly have their own themes. Thus they belong to the different chapters in an identical roll. The case is just like Lu Mugong wen zisi and Qiongda yishi, that which belong to two distinct chapters in an identical roll. Xing zi ming chu, Cheng zhi wen zhi, Zun deyi, and Liude also belong to four chapters individually in an identical roll. This is the view of Pu Maozuo in “Kongzi Lunshi jianxu jiexi 孔子詩論簡序解析”, pp. 11-12.

69 See Li Ling (2004), p. 172. 57

of the manuscripts are not considered.70 Practically, he divides the Confucian manuscripts into five groups according to their different handwritings. These five groups of bamboo manuscripts are:

The first group: Laozi A, Laozi B, Laozi C, Taiyi sheng shui, and Yucong D;

The second group: Ziyi, Wuxing, Lu Mugong wen zisi, and Qiongda yi shi;

The third group: Tang yu zhi dao and Zhongxin zhi dao;

The fourth group: Xing zi ming chu, Cheng zhi wen zhi, Liude, and Zun deyi;

The fifth group: Yucong C, Yucong A, and Yucong B.

If we leave the first and fifth groups without comment, Li Ling’s arrangement seems to suggest that the second group of manuscripts, which is probably related to the school of Zisi, is formally distinct from the third and fourth groups. Thus Li

Ling’s arrangements, it is believed, oppose the views of researchers who generally take the second and the fourth groups of manuscripts as an integral collection of

Zisi zi. For example, the ideas advanced by Zhan Qunhui 詹群慧 suggest that

Wuxing, Xing zi ming chu, Cheng zhi wen zhi, Zun deyi, and Liude constitute an integral set of writings widely discussing a series of issues including the mind, human nature, education, the ways to be a ruler, and the ways to administer the state, all under the principles presented in Wuxing.71 Those who tend to regard most of the Confucian manuscripts of Guodian as an integral set concentrate on the similarities of the contents these manuscripts shared; however, they neglect the distinctions between them.

It is certain that Ziyi and Lu Mugong wen zisi in the Confucian texts of

70 See Li Ling (2004), p. 173.

71 See Zhan Qunhui, “Guodian chujian zhong zisi zhushu kao” (part 1, part 2 and part 3). 58

Guodian are related to the collection called Zisi zi. Nevertheless, I believe that these unearthed texts, thought to be miscellaneous writings from Confucian disciples and later followers rather than a single tradition from Zisi, throw a new light on the variety of Confucian learning in the wide and previously unknown literary world of the Warring States period. If we study the texts without any preconceived ideas, there are quite a lot of doubtful points which allow us to reconsider the authorship of the Guodian manuscripts. Suspicions arise mainly from three texts, Xing zi ming chu, Tang yu zhi dao, and Liude, which are attributed to Zisi zi by Jiang Guanghui. Analysis of these texts reveals conclusions which oppose the suggestions raised by Jiang. Xing zi ming chu, a valuable text, revealed a critical linkage, from a philosophical viewpoint from Confucius to Mencius and

Xunzi in the Warring States period. This writing is considered to be closely related to the canonical work, “Zhongyong”.72 A couplet always cited as evidence in Xing zi ming chu to prove its similarity to “Zhongyong” says: “Human nature originates from lives and lives are endowed from heaven” (xing zi ming chu 性自命出, ming zi tian jiang 命自天降), as this couplet outwardly shares similarity with a couplet at the beginning of “Zhongyong” which says: “What heaven has conferred is called nature; an accordance with this nature is called the path of duty”73 (tian ming zhi wei xing 天命之謂性, shuai xing zhi wei dao 率性之謂道). The refined meaning of xing in “Zhongyong”, I believe, differs from that in Xing zi ming chu: xing in

“Zhongyong” embodies a sense of the principle of heaven while xing in Xing zi ming chu belongs to a natural human disposition. The xing described in Xing zi

72 Fung Yu-lan argues that the central section was the original Zhongyong of Zisi and that the opening and closing sections were added by later Confucians. See Fung Yu-lan (1952), pp. 369-377.

73 See James Legge, The Four Books, p. 383. 59

ming chu is fully characterized by human tempers and emotions. The textual evidence is translated below:

The vapors of happiness, anger, sorrow, and grief are human nature. (strip 2)

Likes and dislikes are human nature. (strip 4)

Goodness and ill [intents are human nature].74 (strip 4)

Compared with the meticulous, ethical and metaphysical conception of xing in

“Zhongyong”, that in Xing zi ming chu seems to be plain and underdeveloped. The differences between them can be observed from the following paragraphs extracted from “Zhongyong”:

The enlightenment caused by sincerity is what is called nature; the sincerity caused by enlightenment is what is called education. One who possesses sincerity then enlightens; one who posses of enlightenment then becomes sincerity. Only when one achieves complete sincerity in the world, then is one able to exhaust one’s nature. To be able to exhaust one’s nature, then one is able to exhaust all human nature. To be able to exhaust all human nature, then one is able to exhaust the natures of all things. To be able to exhaust the natures of all things, then one is able to assist to transform and nurture heaven and earth. To be able to assist to transform and nurture heaven and earth, one is able to become the trinity with heaven and earth. (Liji zhengyi, 53.1632b)

Apparently, sincerity, as the essential nature, penetrates into humans, all the beings and heaven. The concept of xing in “Zhongyong” was well polished and was given

74 There are three words missing on the 4th strip. Li Ling emends this as shan xing ye 善性也. See Li Ling (2002), p. 105. 60

deep philosophical meanings which do not exist with xing in Xing zi ming chu. In the identical vein, Mencius claims: “Hence being true is the Way of Heaven; to reflect upon this is the Way of man.”75 The celebrated claim of Mencius that

“human nature is good” is clearly distinguished from the xing presented in Xing zi ming chu. The complete explanation of human nature by Mencius is as below:

As far as what is genuinely in him is concerned, a man is capable of becoming Good, said Mencius. That is what I mean by good. As for his becoming bad, that is not the fault of his native endowment. The heart of compassion is possessed by all men alike; likewise the heart of shame, the heart of respect, and the heart of right and wrong. The heart of compassion pertains to benevolence, the heart of shame to dutifulness, the heart of respect to the observance of the rites, and the heart of right and wrong to wisdom. Benevolence, dutifulness, observance of the rites, and wisdom do not give me a lustre from outside, they are in me originally. Only this has never dawned on me. (D.C. Lau, 4.6, 247)

Mencius developed xing into a delicate philosophical concept, saying that the nature of xing contains an inborn good which is composed of four ethical origins or four ethical roots: benevolence, righteousness, respect, and wisdom. According to

Mencius’ theory, the reason why humans behave badly or commit crimes is not because their nature is evil; rather, it is because they do not discover their real nature. The only way to discover the nature, xing, is by introspection and seeking sincerity inwardly. Thus if we take the general rule of conceptual development into account, it is reasonable to infer that the concept of xing in Xing zi ming chu probably emerged in the middle of the 4th century B.C. or even earlier, presumably

75 See D.C. Lau, Mencius, 4.12, 161. 61

preceding the active period of Mencius.

We must draw attention to two aspects of the tendencies of xing in Xing zi ming chu which constitute the distinctions between this unearthed text and received literature. In comparison with traditional sources, the most striking characteristic of qing 情(passions) in Xing zi ming chu is the revelation of its true nature without any negative comments. The received Confucian literature in the pre-Qin period, on the contrary, takes qing as the bad inducement which entices human nature from good, and which should be properly controlled or be suppressed. A well-known paragraph from “Yueji” 樂記76in Liji describes how human nature would be distorted by external stimuli:

That human (nature) is still from birth is the nature from heaven. That the actions are arisen from external things is the desires of the nature. When things come to one, one’s intellect interacts with them. Then likes and dislikes manifest. One whose likes and dislikes are not moderated inside; whose intellect is enticed from outside; and who is unable of introspection causes the heavenly principle to be extinguished. Thus the incentives to humans by things is unlimited and likes and dislikes are without moderation. Finally, when things come, then humans are transformed by these things. (Liji zhengyi, 37.1529a)

76 Shen Yue claims that “Yueji” is selected from Gongsun nizi. Shen Yue’s claim is convincing that the lost, Gongsun nizi has a close relationship with “Yueji”, as attested by the fragments compiled by a Qing scholar, Ma Guohan. Two fragments share textual similarity with “Yueji”. Nevertheless, it cannot be said that “Yueji” was written by Gongsun nizi himself, but rather that probably his followers created it during the late Warring States period. Since Xing zi ming chu was published, the textual attribution of “Liyun” from Liji has gained attentions from researchers. There are two ideas proposed by Liang Tao and Chen Zhangxi. The former suggests that the chapter of “Liyun” describes the Utopian society as the outcome of a political setback caused by King Kuai of Yan resigning the throne to Zizhi. Thus, the composition date of “Liyun” was likely to be after 312 B.C. Chen Zhangxi points out that Xing zi ming chu shares similar content of qing with “Liyun”, suggesting that these two texts share identical attribution. I would like to point out that the first half of “Liyun” describing the Utopian society as the contemporary aspiration was probably written during the cruel age of the late Warring States period. However, the second half, obviously different from the dialog format between Confucius and Ziyou, probably has an earlier origin. See Liang Tao, “Zhanguo shiqi de shangrang sichao yu datong xiaokang shuo 戰國時期的禪讓思潮與大同小康 62

According to the sources in the pre-Qin period, six kinds of passions are called liuzhi 六志: like, dislike, happiness, anger, grief, and joy (Zuozhuan, 51.2108c).

An account recorded in “Liyun” 禮運 in Liji gives seven kinds of passions (qi qing

七情) including happiness, anger, grief, fear, love, dislike, and desire (Liji zhengyi,

22.1422c). Kong Yingda in his commentary points out that like is equivalent to love and joy is equivalent to desire. Thus fear is added to the six kinds of passions preserved in Zuozhuan, making seven. The translated paragraph in “Yueji” mentioned above provides a complete explanation for the relationship between human nature (xing), passions (qing), and external stimuli (wu): various human passions are stimulated by external factors, then desires are aroused which seriously disturb or even distort human nature. The connivance of qing causes indulgence in sensual pleasures. The phrase ren hua wu 人化物 (literally translated as humans are transformed by the things) signifies that one reacts to external stimuli and gives free rein to one’s passions. Finally, human nature bestowed by heaven is lost. Thus the qing and yu (desires) are traditionally regarded as obstructions (negative factors) to maintaining morality or to obtaining the way. Therefore a claim that qing and yu should be moderated or suppressed was widely accepted in Confucian literature in the pre-Qin period. Mencius obviously follows the same vein, as he indicates that desires strangle the inborn goodness in human nature. He says:

There is nothing better for the nurturing of the heart than to reduce the number of one’s desires. When a man has but few desires, even if there is anything he fails to retain in himself, it cannot be much;

說”; Chen Zhangxi, “Lun liji liyun de zhengjiao wenhua guan 論禮記禮運的政教文化觀”. 63

but when he has a great many desires, then even if there is anything he manages to retain in himself, it cannot be much. (D.C. Lau, 7b.35.327)

Mencius’ maxim gua yu (maintain few desires) suggests that indulgence in sensual pleasures is harmful to moral cultivation, leading to an ascetic tendency.

Xunzi, a Confucian master in the late Warring States period, deals with the qing and yu differently from Mencius: he claims that human nature is evil not because the human nature itself is truly evil, but because qing and yu are not moderated properly. Xunzi emphasizes that the functions of ritual, which are to regulate people’s sensual pleasures in order to cease struggles and robberies, play an essential role in maintaining good social order. The concept yang yu (foster desires) raised by Xunzi signifies that people should enjoy the sensual pleasures, but that these enjoyments are provided by differently regulated schemes according to the social status, making this aspect different from the formal rituals of each social stratum. At the beginning of his well-known chapter “Lilun”, Xunzi says:

What is the origin of ritual? I reply: man is born with desires. If his desires are not satisfied for him, he cannot but seek some means to satisfy them himself. If there are no limits and degrees to his seeking, then he will inevitably fall to wrangling with other men. From wrangling comes disorder and from disorder comes exhaustion. The ancient kings hated such disorder, and therefore they established ritual principles in order to curb it, to train men’s desires and to provide for their satisfaction. They saw to it that desires did not overextend the means for their satisfaction, and material goods did not fall short of what was desired. Thus both desires and goods were looked after and satisfied. This is the origin of rites. (Watson, 19.89)

Xunzi affirms that the ritual, which was formulated because of human desires, 64

is applied to properly satisfy and control these instincts of human beings. This is different from Mencius, who suggests that people should enlighten their inward good nature in order to refrain from indulgence in sensual pleasures. In spite of these differences between Xunzi and Mencius, Xunzi does share similarity with

Mencius and other sources in the pre-Qin period, in that he realizes that the indulgence of sensual pleasures would obstruct the moral cultivation. Xunzi seriously exhorts people not to become slaves to pursuing the desires, ji wei wu yi

己為物役 (Xunzi, 16.287). In this specific viewpoint, Xunzi’s theory corresponds with the Confucian taste shown in received literature in the Warring States period.

Regarding the qing in Xing zi ming chu, the text does not have any derogatory sense for this key subject, qing, and does not suggest that qing should be moderated or suppressed. Instead, qing seems to have a praiseworthy sense in the text which has not been seen in the received literature. Conclusively, xing and qing in Mencius and “Zhongyong” are different from in Xing zi ming chu. Comparatively, it is believed that the theory of xing and qing in Xing zi ming chu is similar to that in

Xunzi.

The way originates from passions and passions are generated from nature. (Xing zi ming chu, strip 3)

The basic nature of man is that which he receives from Heaven. The emotions are the substance of the nature and the desires are the responses of the emotions. (Watson, 15.151)

Both accounts indicate that analogously human nature is like a root, able to sprout out various passions. Unlike xing in Mencius and “Zhongyong”, nature as 65

presented in Xing zi ming chu and Xunzi does not have any metaphysical sense.

Furthermore, no suggestion that human nature is good can be found in either account. One of the striking differences between xing and qing in Xing zi ming chu and Xunzi is that the former praises the true qing, while the latter restricts it. The characteristic trait of qing in Xing zi ming chu can be observed in the following paragraph:

Generally, the human passions can be delightful to people. If one expresses one’s true passions, although one commits an error, one would not be detested; if one does not express one’s true passions, although one has done a difficult task, one would not be valued. (Xing zi ming chu, strip 50)

The praiseworthy sense of qing in Xing zi ming chu undoubtedly does not conform with the moderate sense of qing in “Zhongyong”. The celebrated lines in

“Zhongyong” are read as following:

When happiness, anger, grief, and joy have not arisen, it is called the state of equilibrium. When they have arisen to conform to moderation, it is called the state of harmony.

The different tendencies of qing between the two texts are not convincing enough to be able to reach any conclusion whether Xing zi ming chu is attributed to the collection of Zisi zi.

There is a controversial topic regarding the definition of qing. A. C. Graham interprets qing as “what is genuine”,77 which is supported by Kwong-loi Shun.78

77 A.C. Graham (1990), pp. 59-66.

78 Kwong-lai Shun (1997), pp. 184-185. 66

However, Chad Hansen suggests that qing refers to “reality feedback” or “reality input”.79 Regarding the basic and original meaning of qing, I am inclined to accept the interpretation proposed by A.C. Graham. Nevertheless, qing in pre-Qin literature has various meanings rather than one single and united meaning. In the view of Hanyu da cidian (vol. 7, p. 576), qing has seven kinds of meanings in pre-

Qin literature: 1 passions; 2 nature; 3 desires; 4 reason; 5 real circumstances; 6 spirit or pose; and 7 honesty or reality. In fact, the meanings of numbers 5 and 7 are equivalent to A.C. Graham’s interpretation: “what is genuine”.80

A philosophical sense as in the interpretation proposed by Chad Hansen is right to a certain extent, but the meaning of “reality feedback” seems to appear after Mencuis as can be attested by “Yueji” and Xunzi. Qing in Mencius does not have such a meaning. Therefore, a question should be asked regarding when and why the term started to change. A.C. Graham points out that qing interpreted as passions was not found in pre-Qin literature, but he argues that the term has been imbued with emotional connotations since Xunzi and Liji. Chad Hansen denies that the term qing experienced a quick shift completed by Xunzi, but suggests that

Xunzi did fill in the gap of the terminological development.81 In this discussion, I would like to point out that qing in pre-Qin period did have the meaning of passion.

A lot of accounts preserved in Liji witness this usage, as can be seen in the following quotations.

79 Michael Puett, “the Ethics of Responding Properly, the Notion of Qing 情 in Early Chinese Thought”, p. 38.

80 Shuowen jiezi interprets qing as “The Yin vigor of human being with desires”. (10b. 502) From Han to Qing dynasties, qing was interpreted as passion directly.

81 “The Ethics of Responding Properly, the Notion of Qing 情 in Early Chinese Thought”, pp. 38- 39. 67

The sorrow expressed by crying and weeping and the passion presented by the mourning apparel. (Liji zhengyi, 6.1276c)

Facial expressions conform with the passions and grievous appearances conform with the mourning apparels. (Liji zhengyi, 42.1561c)

A distant passion but (one) shows a cordial appearance. (Liji zhengyi, 54.1644a)

In addition, I suggest that the term qing in Xing zi ming chu was linked in an evolutionary way to Liji and Xunzi. Obviously, Xing zi ming chu did not follow the same vein as Mencius. In the light of this hypothesis above, we feel confident to say that Xing zi ming chu did not belong to the school of Simeng, or Zisi and

Mencius. Instead, it should have had a very close relationship with the ritual study in the middle of the Warring States period. The stimulus to shift the term from the original meaning to passion was the richness of the ritual study. The emphasis on passion in the ritual practice triggered off the terminological transformation.

The xing seems like a neutral term in Xing zi ming chu without any good or evil judgement placed on it. The development of xing into either good or evil mainly relies upon the external factors which attracted the xing. Two paragraphs describing the characteristic trait of xing mentioned above are translated below:

Although all humans have their nature, the mind does not has any fixed directions to follow. Nature waits for the external things and then arises; it waits for pleasures and then acts; it waits for learning and then determines. The vapors of happiness, anger, sorrow, and grief are the human nature. When it is exposed to the outside world, then it will be attracted by the things. (strips 1 and 2) 68

Human nature is the core of the matter, which is attracted by the external things. Metal and stone produce sound. [If no one beats them, they will not produce sound.] Although [humans] have nature and mind, if nature is not attracted, it will not arise. (strips 5 and 6)

The morally neutral nature of humans aroused by external things recalls the well- known argument between Mencius and Gaozi. Gaozi suggests that human nature, which is like whirling water, does not present goodness and evil itself. The whirling water is diverted to east and so it flows to east; the water is diverted to west and so it flows to west (Mengzi zhushu, 11a.2748a). The metaphor of whirling water indicates the morally neutral characteristic of human nature. A scholar, Wang

Chong, in the Eastern Han period sums up four kinds of theories of human nature during the Warring States period, including those of Zhou Shishi (who suggests that human nature contains the components of goodness and evil), Mencius, Gaozi and Xunzi. Gaozi, whose theory of human nature conformed with that in Xing zi ming chu, is believed to belong to a branch of Confucian school contemporaneous with Mencius. Little is known about Gaozi’s life. Whether Gaozi was a Confucian or not is controversial.82 According to Wang Chong’s account, Gaozi was included in the list of Confucians from the pre-Qin to the Han period. Undoubtedly, Wang

Chong accepted that Gaozi was a member of the Confucian circle. The unearthed text, Xing zi ming chu, however, casts some light on Gaozi’s identity because

Gaozi’s theory of human nature is attested by this long-lost Confucian manuscript.

Many researchers have given great attention to the statement “the benevolence is internal; the righteousness is external”, presented in Liude, one of the Guodian

82 David Nivison suggests that Gaozi was a disciple of Mozi. See David Nivison (1996), pp. 130- 132. Kwong-Loi Shun points out that it is impossible to determine Gaozi’s affiliation, whether as 69

Confucian texts. The couplet mirrors Gaozi’s argument directly. In the Liude text, six social positions – husband, wife, father, son, sovereign, and minister – are divided into two categories, based on blood relations: father, son, and husband as internal; sovereign, minister, and wife as external. The concept of “the benevolence is internal; the righteous is external” seems to be concluded from these six kinds of social positions. In Xing zi ming chu, the representation of benevolence and righteousness as two moral items related to the two categories of social positions does not possess any philosophical content within the text. On the contrary, Gaozi’s argument is imbued with philosophical flavor: “That man there is old and I treat him as elder. He owes nothing of his elderliness to me, just as in treating him as white because he is white I only do so because of his whiteness which is external to me. That is why I call it external.” (D. C. Lau, 6a.4.243) There are two lines in

Xing zi ming chu that can be expounded to illustrate clearly what internal and external mean exactly. This couplet is translated as below:

Within the family, affection covers up righteousness. Outside the family, righteousness covers up affection. (Strips 30 and 31)

“Within the family” (internal) indicates applying the methods of beneficence to deal with domestic affairs. “Outside the family” (external) signifies applying the methods of righteousness to deal with official business. It is believed that this couplet is a directly quoted passage taken from somewhere in the ritual documents: the identical words appears in both “Sangfu sizhi” 喪服四制 in Liji and

“Benming” 本命 in Dadai liji. The original meaning of the quotation cited by

Confucian, Mohist, or Taoist. See Kwong-loi Shun (1997), pp. 124-126. 70

Liude explains the regulation of funerals. This can be attested in “Sangfu sizhi”, as seen in the following paragraph preserved in that text:

Now, affection predominates; now, nice distinctions; now, defined regulations; and now, the consideration of circumstances: -- all these are derived from the human feelings. In affection we have benevolence; in nice distinctions, righteousness, in defined regulations, propriety; and in the consideration of circumstances, knowledge. Benevolence, righteousness, propriety, and knowledge; -- these make up the characteristic attributes of humanity. Where the affection has been great, the mourning worn is deep. On this account the sackcloth with jagged edges is worn for the father for three years: -- the regulation is determined by affection. In the regulation (of the mourning) within the family circle, the affection throws the (duty of public) righteousness into shade. In the regulation (of that which is) beyond that circle, the (duty of public) righteousness cuts the (mourning of) affection short. The service due to a father is employed in serving a ruler, and the reverence is the same for both: -- this is the greatest instance of (the conviction of the duty of) righteousness, in all the esteem shown to nobility and the honor done to the honorable. Hence the sackcloth with jagged edges is worn (also) for the ruler for three years; -- the regulation is determined by righteousness. (Legge, 46.240, 465-466)

The preceding paragraph theoretically provides a rule to resolve the contradiction between public and private interests or between fairness and personal loving kindness, an example of which – whether a son should hide a crime committed by his father – was a controversial subject preserved in Lunyu. On the basis of the textual content, the appropriate adaptations should be acted upon according to whether the issues happened in court or within the family. In the former case, public affairs are privileged; in the latter case, familial affections are privileged. 71

The most distinct examples reflecting the equivalent importance between the court and familial matters are the funerals of both sovereign and father, because sovereign and father respectively play the role of the mainstay of the entire human world. These two kinds of relationships – sovereign and subject and father and son – represent reverence for hierarchical order, naming it as yi (righteousness), and kindness, naming it as en (favor). In spite of their differences, the same respect applies to both sovereign and father, treating them identically by the deepest grief of the funeral and by keeping three years of mourning emotion by son or subject. If one of them (sovereign or father) dies, court or familial matters should be ignored in order to hold the funeral and express the grief.

The application of the quotation as a canonical citation in the context of Liude does not demonstrate the practice of a specific ritual, but rather mainly illustrates the distinctions between internal and external. The line in Liude “the benevolence is internal; the righteousness is external” has close affinity with the funeral ritual, but it does not embody any philosophical sense like Gaozi’s argument.

Consequently, benevolence and righteousness are simply a code of conduct to handle the internal and external businesses. A striking idea in Liude worth noting is that the internal indicates father, son, and husband, while the external signifies sovereign, subject, and wife. The internal roles have blood relationship and external roles do not. Liude presents a fresh interpretation of human relations, giving special emphasis to the importance of clan. In other words, internal and external, in fact, mean inside of clan and outside of clan. I believe that this reflects a local situation in the state of Chu, which still maintained strong clan power in the middle of the Warring States period. The powerful clans such as Zhao 昭, Qu 屈, and Jing 景 alternately held the prime minister position during the reigns of King 72

Wei 威王, King Xuan 宣王, and the early period of King Huai 懷王 of Chu. In the light of the clue mentioned above, the writing of Liude can be dated roughly during the period of the late half of the fourth century B.C. The author possibly was an elite of Chu.

There is no extant textual evidence to show the relationships between Liude and Gaozi’s thought, but a similar paragraph transcribed on bamboo strips 22 and

23 in Yucong A reminds us that they seem to be related to the celebrated argument of Gaozi to some extent. It is useful to quote from the paragraph in Yucong A as below:

Benevolence is generated by humans. Righteousness is generated by the way. Some of them are generated from internal; some of them are generated from external.

The key terms, benevolence, righteousness, internal, and external all formalistically conform to those in Liude and Gaozi’s argument; however, we should note that the subject, huo 或 (pronoun), properly interpreted as “some”, is not clear. Even if the subject “some” indicates benevolence and righteousness respectively in the preceding sentences, they do not make sense in the context. Similar expressions transcribed on bamboo strips 19, 20, and 21 in Yucong A seem to provide evidence that huo on strip 23 probably does not merely signify benevolence and righteousness respectively.

The way of humans, some flow out from internal; some enter from external. That which flows out from internal is benevolence, loyalty, and trustworthiness. [That which enters from external is ritual, music, and punishment.]83

83 Bamboo strip 21 contains eight characters. The ending character you 由 indicates that a strip next 73

What the passage makes clear at once is that huo here indicates two categories of things individually. The former means three kinds of virtues, while the latter signifies social correctives, which refine or redress human behaviors. It may safely be assumed that on bamboo strip 23, benevolence also contains loyalty and trustworthiness, while righteousness includes ritual, music, and punishment. It follows from what has been said that there are distinguishable differences between

Gaozi’s argument and Yucong A. Gaozi’s statement indicating righteousness as external is that the elderly man who is called elder is so because of his outward appearance. However, the concept of external in Yucong A seems to embody a series of disciplines assisting people to cultivate and correct themselves.

It follows that it is possible to build up a hypothesis. The idea of “the benevolence is internal; the righteousness is external” presented in Liude seems to be developed from the functions of ritual and music recorded in the ritual documents, suggesting that ritual and music affect people in different ways. The evolutionary process can be observed by the merging of a pair of concepts (internal and external) and two Confucian virtues (benevolence and righteousness). A philosophical concept that the consciousness of self spilt up into inner and outer reached its heyday during the middle of the Warring States period. For instance

Mencius who was the most celebrated representative figure, focuses on inwardly

to strip 21 is missing. Li Ling amends the missing sentences as “外入者，禮、樂、刑”. See Li Ling (2002), 158. According to the content of Liude, Liao Mingchun amends the missing sentences as “外入者，智、義、聖” (“That which enters from outside is wisdom, righteousness and sageness”.) See Liao Mingchun, “Jingmen guodian chujian yu xianqin ruxue”, p. 65-66. However, that wisdom, righteousness and sageness symbolize husband, sovereign, and father does not correspond with the content of Liude in which external indicates sovereign, subject, and wife. The combination of ritual, music, and punishment is attested in Liji zhengyi, 31.1492a. The compound of ritual and music connected with punishment and politics is attested in Liji zhengyi, 37.1527b and 37.1529b. This evidence is convincing, thus I adopt Li Ling’s amendments. 74

moral cultivation, resulting in the formation of the internal and external concepts.

This trend of thought inevitably influenced ritual writings. The usage of internal

(inside) and external (outside), in fact, is attested in Liji.84 Generally speaking, internal signifies music, which cultivates one’s mind, external indicates ritual, which restricts one’s behaviors. The transformation occurred in the substitution of

Confucian virtues for ritual and music. The evidence is found in “Yueji” in Liji:

“Music is close with benevolence and ritual is close with righteousness” (Liji zhengyi, 37.1531b). It may safely be assumed that, viewed in this light, the idea of

“the benevolence is internal; the righteousness is external” has its own ritual origin.

The question now arises: are there any interrelationships between Gaozi’s thought and Liude. It is dangerous to come to the conclusion that Liude directly absorbed the idea from Gaozi’s theory without appropriate resources. Instead, I propose that the idea of internal and external presented in Liude probably is an original thought which maintains intimacy with ritual documents. We can imagine that the ritual documents’ widespread influence within the Confucian circle attracted much attention, such as from the well-known thinker, Gaozi, who absorbed the ideas and developed them as his own thought.

The application of the idea that “the benevolence is internal; the righteousness is external” in the quotation transcribed on bamboo strips 30 and 31 in Liude is a creative conception, quoting a philosophical viewpoint as proof to support the distinctions between public and familial interests. Furthermore, the author of Liude ingeniously extends familial interests to the clan’s interests, strictly distinguishing blood relationships and non-blood relationships.

It will be clear from the discussion above that Xing zi ming chu and Liude are

84 See Liji zhengyi, 20.1406c; 37.1529c; and 48.1598b. 75

related more to Gaozi’s thought rather than to Zisi’s. We must not forget that only by drawing attention to the similarities between Confucian texts in Guodian and the school of Simeng and also drawing attention to their differences can we reach a fair conclusion regarding their textual attributions. There is one further point that we must not ignore: the Confucian texts in Guodian have a tight relationship with the ritual documents. If we take into account the commentaries on ritual canons (Li guwen ji 禮古文記, of which Ban Gu claims that one hundred and thirty one chapters were preserved in the Han period), it may provide a path to investigate the spread of the ritual documents in the Warring States period. To judge from the Chu bamboo manuscripts gradually published by the Shanghai Museum, a synthesized study of these Chu bamboo manuscripts is urgently required, but it is not my present purpose to explore this area.

One of the most surprising discoveries among the Confucian manuscripts in

Guodian is Tangyu zhi dao, a theoretical treatise which expounds a legendary political system called Shanrang 禪讓 from a philosophical viewpoint. It is significant that we have not seen any documents like Tang yu zhi dao in our extant literature. Zhou Fengwu suggests that Tang yu zhi dao, from the school of Mencuis, is probably the exact theory explained by Mencius himself.85 But the issue seems not quite as simple as Zhou’s suggestion.

I offer here two reasons for reconsidering the attribution of Tang yu zhi dao.

Firstly, the Shanrang idea, which Mencuis did not accept, circulated widely among the masses in the middle of the Warring States period. Wanzhang, one of Mencius’ disciples, asked his master “Is it true that Yao gave the Empire to Shun?” (D. C.

Lau, 5a.5). Mencuis refutes the statement bluntly and points out that even “the 76

emperor can not give the empire to another.” (D. C. Lau, 5a.5). Further, he claims that only if two criteria are satisfied that both people and the heaven accept the candidate, then the empire can be given to another. Mencuis’ argument lays emphasis on the acceptance of the people and heaven. The former signifies that the candidate who carries out satisfactory administration could win people’s support and the latter indicates that the candidate sacrifices to the deities and heaven, resulting in no natural calamities and abnormal phenomena. It will be clear from the preceding description that Mencuis’ argument certainly differs from the manuscript, Tang yu zhi dao, by intensively stressing the love of parents and the respect of worthy men. Moreover, Tang yu zhi dao, which makes no mention of either the people or heaven, seems to reconcile the contradictions of the political succession transmitted to either the person with blood relationship or the worthy man. Consequently, on this ground I have come to the conclusion that Tang yu zhi dao does not belong either to the writing of the school of Simeng or to Mencius himself.

Secondly, in received literature, “Wudi de” 五帝德 (the virtues of the five emperors) preserved in Dadai liji is the main textual evidence to understand the legend of Shanrang in the Warring States period along with two other texts, the

“Yaodian” and “Shundian” in Shangshu. By the end of 2002, a series of bamboo manuscripts had been collated and published by the Shanghai Museum in Bamboo

Manuscripts in Chu During the Warring States Period Housed in Shanghai

Museum, Volume 2 上海博物館藏戰國楚竹書二. Among these unearthed texts, two manuscripts named Zigao 子羔 and Rongcheng shi 容成氏 throw new light on the study of Shanrang. Traditionally, Zaiwo, one of Confucius’ disciples, is

85 “Guodian zhujian de xingshi tezheng ji qi fenlei yiyi”, p. 55. 77

accepted as the one who transmitted the specific information of the genealogy of the ancient emperors in Diwang Pudie 帝王譜牒, which contains the ancient history of Shanrang, a golden age in Confucianism. However, in the unearthed

Zigao text, there is sound evidence to prove that the other Confucian disciple,

Zigao was also an expert on the study of the genealogy of ancient emperors. Thus there is a suggestion here that both Zaiwo and Zigao may be the persons who advocated the Shanrang concept. That is to say Tang yu zhi dao is probably a writing of the followers of Zaiwo and Zigao rather than of Mencius. Fuller discussion concerning the Shanrang will be presented in the next chapter. 78

CHAPTER 3 TANG YU ZHI DAO (THE WAY OF TANG AND YU): NEW LIGHT ON THE THEME OF RESIGNING THE THRONE IN EARLY CONFUCIANISM

This chapter falls into three sections. The first gives a full analysis of pre-Qin accounts concerning Shanrang in received literature, including Shanrang events and philosophical writings. The purposes of this section are to provide both a historical background and an explanation of the prosperity of Shanrang thought during the middle of the Warring States period. The second aims to determine the date and the authorship of Tang yu zhi dao. The third puts forward a hypothesis to establish the origins of Tang yu zhi dao.

Tang yu zhi dao, a treatise from one of the Confucian branches, presents a refined and mature theory of Shanrang and provides solid evidence that certain specific Confucians devoted themselves to the study of Shanrang. On the basis of pre-Qin literature, the Shanrang idea had been widely spread after the middle of the

4th century B.C. Although the Shanrang idea is often thought to have been confined to Confucianism, its practice during the Warring States period, particularly in some political situations, shows that it was widely cited and discussed. The elite who were familiar with Shanrang events or thought at this time probably included the scholars, thinkers and even the political persuaders (even conspirators). This fashionable trend of Shanrang flourished for two decades from about 340B.C. to

320B.C. Several examples of resignations from the throne, suggesting the legends of Yao and Shun, showed the effect of this interest in Shanrang. The earliest case of imitative resignation in the Warring States period is that of King Xiao: on his deathbed approximately in 338B.C. (Zhanguo ce jiaozhu, 3.30a), King Xiao of Qin 79

attempted to resign his throne to Shang Yang, who for eighteen years had been carrying out reforms in Qin. Although this piece of evidence is too sketchy for us to know the actual events before King Xiao died, Shang Yang’s refusal is definite.86

An absurd political event which occurred during the reign of King Kuai of

Yan (320B.C – 312B.C.) caused the great invasion by Qi, which resulted in the disaster of Yan. King Kuai was specially fond of his prime minister, Zizhi 子之 and trusted him unduly, so Zizhi arrogated all powers to himself. Lu Maoshou 鹿毛壽

87suggested that King Kuai should resign his throne to Zizhi so that he gained a high reputation like that of Yao. An alternative version is that Lu Maoshou advised

King Kuai to imitate Yu 禹 who had nominally resigned his throne to Yi 益, but who actually gave Qi 啟, Yu’s son, a chance to seize the throne by force.88 No matter which version was correct, however, King Kuai accepted the advice and resigned: then Zizhi became the sovereign power in Yan. Under three years of

Zizhi’s administration, Yan fell into chaos, which invited Qi’s conquest. King Kuai was killed and Zizhi fled from Yan during Qi’s invasion (Zhanguo ce jiaozhu,

9.233a-b; Shiji, 34.1555-1557).89

Another account preserved in Lüshi chunqiu presents a nominal resignation by

King Hui of Wei, who requested to resign his throne to Hui Shi 惠施. His request

86 I suspect that the dying King Xiao was anxious about Shang Yang’s power. His resignation was probably a kind of political temptation to find out whether Shang Yang would usurp the throne or not.

87 In other accounts, Lu Maoshou has other names, for example, Cuo Mao 厝毛, Cuo Maoshou 厝毛 壽, and Pan Shou 潘壽. To refer to Shiji jijie and Shiji suoyin commentaries, see Shiji, 34.1556.

88 Two alternatives are preserved in both Hanfei zi, 14.256-257, and Shiji, 34.1555-1556, which suggests that different versions of conversations between King Kuai and Lu Maoshou existed.

89 A different account preserved in Liuguo Nianbiao, says: “The King Kuai, the prince, and the prime minister, Zizhi, all died.” See Shiji, 15.732. 80

frightened Hui Shi, who finally disguised himself as a commoner and ran away for good. The intention of King Hui’s hypocrisy, a political trick, was aimed at winning his own high reputation in order to compare himself with the sage ruler

Yao, who attempted to resign the throne to a virtual hermit, Xu You. A similar account that also occurred in Zhanguo ce reveals a scheme between two politicians,

Xi Shou 犀首 and Zhang Yi 張儀. Because Shi Ju 史舉 maligned Xi Shou before

King Hui90 of Wei, Xi Shou therefore asked Zhang Yi to drive a wedge between

King Hui and Shi Ju, causing King Hui to doubt his words. Xi Shou promised to reward Zhang Yi: King Hui would bestow on him a town with ten thousand households. Zhang Yi made Shi Ju visit Xi Shou several times, which raised King

Hui’s suspicion. Zhang Yi’s ruse finally succeeded and Shi Ju left Wei. Imitating the story of Yao and Xu You, Xi Shou would ask King Hui to resign the throne to

Zhang Yi nominally but Zhang Yi in fact would not accept. Consequently, both of them would obtain high reputations. King Hui would be praised as Yao while

Zhang Yi would be praised as Xu You. Therefore, a town with ten thousand households would be the reward for Zhang Yi’s merit (Zhanguo ce jiaozhu,

7.184a).

From these examples mentioned above, three points must be borne in mind.

First of all, let us start with the dates of the preceding accounts. It is clear that these four accounts, all associated with the legend of Yao resigning the throne to Xu You, are believed to have arisen roughly since the middle of the fourth century B.C. The first account occurred in 338B.C., while the second account occurred between 318

90 Wu Shidao thinks that the king mentioned in the account refers to King Hui. See Zhanguo ce jiaozhu, 7.184a. Miao Wenyuan points out that the event probably happened around 322 B.C. when Zhang Yi assumed the prime minister in Wei. See Miao Wenyuan (1998), pp. 714-715. 81

and 317 B.C.91 The exact date of the third account is unclear, but Qian Mu proposes that it probably happened about 334B.C., around the time of a meeting held in Xuzhou where the dukes mutually proclaimed themselves as kings.92 The fourth account occurred in or after 322B.C. A close look at these dates will reveal that the year range stretches from 338B.C. to 318B.C., a total of twenty years.

During these two decades, a striking political ambience, the movement of proclaiming of kings, pervaded this inter-state political stage. Besides Chu, the marquis Hui of Wei was the earliest one to proclaim himself as king, in 344B.C.

Ten years later, after king Hui of Wei suffered two setbacks, defeat by Qi in Maling in 341B.C. and defeat by Qin in 340B.C., Wei showed its respect to Qi by proclaiming that the ruler of Qi was the king. In 325B.C., the duke Huiwen of Qin proclaimed himself the king, while the state of Wei proclaimed the marquis

Xuanhui of Han as its king. In 323B.C., the states of Yan, Zhao, Zhongshan, Wei and Han, recognized each other’s kings. Following the trend, the duke Yan of Song

(posthumously titled King Kang), a royal descendant from the Shang dynasty, also proclaimed himself king in 318B.C. Once the dukes had extended their economic and military powers of state, they were eager also to extend their political ambitions, raising themselves to supreme fame and position. This sense of superiority invoked in some of them a nostalgia for remote antiquity; thus they compared themselves with the sage kings, Yao and Shun. For instance, King Hui of

91 King Kuai of Yan ascended the throne in 315 B.C. Three years later, Zizhi assumed the post of prime minister. A diplomatic envoy from Qi, Sudai, persuaded King Kuai to wholly trust Zizhi. Then Lu Maoshou advised King Kuai to resign the throne to Zizhi. Lu’s advice to King Kuai probably happened in the same year or 317B.C.

92 Hui Shi enjoyed a honorable status in Wei for a long time. He opened up a new inter-state situation in which the rulers of six states proclaimed themselves as kings. King Hui of Wei regarded him as Guanzhong. See Qian Mu, “Huishi zhuanlue 惠施傳略”, p. 260. 82

Wei drew himself as parallel with the son of heaven: he adopted for his palace, clothes and the flags the most honorable standard matching that of the son of heaven (Zhanguo ce jiaozhu, 4.96b). On one hand, King Hui, who enjoyed a fifty- year reign, devoted himself to pursuit of being a powerful chief among the states; on the other hand, he indulged himself in the dream of being a worthy and honorable sage king. Thus, this allows us to account for the two deeds related to

King Hui’s nominal resignations. Filled with nostalgic sense, King Kuai of Yan was hoodwinked into handing over the sovereign power to his minister, Zhizi; conversely King Kuai was content to be a subject under Zhizi’s administration.

Viewed in this light, the political movement of making proclamations of kings signifies that the spiritual leadership of Zhou in its disunited empire was thoroughly broken.93 Consequently, a new inter-state situation provided dynamic opportunities for both rulers and ministers to take advantage of the Shanrang stories in order to achieve their own political purposes. Fuller discussion of this concept will be presented later.

It is fair to say that the spread of the legend concerning Yao and Xu You had continued for more than a century, from the middle of the fourth century B.C. to the late third century B.C. So far no textual evidence from the early days of the

Warring States period has been found to support an earlier origin for the legend.

The most interesting case, Mozi, does not refer to this legend,94 even though

Mohists actively promoted their political idea of exaltation of virtuous men, shang

93 In the eleventh year after ascending the throne, the duke Yan of Song proclaimed himself as king. He shot an arrow to the heaven, lashed the earth and destroyed the altars of the gods of land and grain. His actions can be interpreted as despising the mandate of heaven and the feudal tradition. See Zhanguo ce jiaozhu, 10.254a.

94 Mozi mentions Xu You in the chapter of Suoran, saying: “Shun was influenced by Xu You.” See Mozi xiangu, 1.3.11. 83

xian 尚賢.95 It is fair to say that the spread of the legend concerning Yao and Xu

You had continued. However, regarding this legend, several occurrences that have emerged from Zhuangzi96 and Hanfei zi97 reveal that this prevailing legendary subject, written down in the philosophical texts, was still circulating before the unification of Qin.

Secondly, Confucianism seems to have its own point of view regarding

Shanrang legends, which are not mentioned in received Confucian literature in pre-

Qin period.98 For instance, the most glaring case, Mencuis, who advocated “the

Emperor cannot give the Empire to another” (D.C.Lau, 5A.203), certainly would contradict this kind of legendary story. Confucians stressed the legal succession of

Yao passing the throne to Shun, a great filial son to Gu 瞽, a humble brother to

Xiang 象, and a loyal subject to Yao. His twenty-eight-year good service as an assistant for Yao led to his ascending the throne after Yao died. On the contrary, the legend focused on two ideas: Yao’s exaltation of virtuous men and Xu You’s nobility in refusing to accept the throne and the world. The essence of this legend is that one offered and one refused, resulting in both of them obtaining high

95 Scott Lowe says: “In summary, we have concluded that the received MT is most likely a direct descendant of the earliest know exemplars of the text and, insofar as can be determined, is largely or entirely the product of the school, or schools, professing allegiance to Mo Ti.” See Scott Lowe (1992), p. 68. Graham points out: “The documents are datable only as from some time between the late 4th and late 3rd centuries B.C.” See A.C. Graham (1991), p. 138. Mohism was a well-organized community and its disciples devoted to their grand master. Consequently, the Mozi’s sayings in the chapter of Shangxian, which were written down by Modi’s disciples, should be reliable. It is safe to take the chapter of Shangxian to be writing of the first half of the 4th century B.C.

96 See Zhuangzi jijie, 1.12; 26.407; 28.414.

97 See Hanfei zi jijie, 8.23.139; 14.35.256; 20.51.361.

98 Sima Qian considers that these hermits, Xu You 許由, Bian Sui 卞隨, and Wu Guang 務光, were barely mentioned in the classical writings because Confucius did not refer to them. See Shiji, 61.2121-2127. It seems that the reference to Xu You in Confucian writings was seldom to be found even in the early days of the Han dynasty. 84

reputations. During the Warring States period, the nominal Shanrang had become a political trick, especially for the sovereigns to display their vanities.

Thirdly, the Confucian concept of history, idealistic antiquity, differs from the cruel features of realistic history: this contrast can be seen in Lu Maoshou’s words to King Kuai about Yu nominally resigning the throne to Yi and in fact letting Qi seize the sovereign power by force. What Lu Maoshou presented was more than the legend: it actually reveals a historical view current for that time. The evidence comes from the long-lost fragments from Zhushu jinian 竹書紀年 (Jizong zhushu

汲冢竹書)99, which is regarded as the authorized history of Wei, preserved in

Shitong. Let us consider the following quotations.

Yao was exiled by Shun in Pingyang. (Shitong tongshi, 13.183)

Yao was exiled by Shun in Pingyang. Yi was killed by Qi. (Shitong tongshi, 13.184)

The god (Hou 后) of Qi killed Yi. (Shitong tongshi, 16.222)

In Tang times, the historian Zhang Shoujie quoted a paragraph from Kuodi zhi

99 Zhushu jinian, which was unearthed in Ji county in 281A.D., was a chronological history which started from the Xia dynasty to the Warring States period and which ended in the 20th year of the reign of King Xiang (299B.C.). The authenticity of Zhushu jinian is controversial. Wang Guowei has decided that Zhushu jinian is a valueless forged writing which contains a lot of fabricated dates and that the events lack evidence to support them. However, contemporary scholars are gradually accepting that this unearthed historical writing remains a valuable source for antiquity. See Wu Jinsheng and Wu Weiwei, “Zhushu jinian fei weishu bian 竹書紀年非偽書辨”, pp.88-93. Also see Yang Zhaoming, “Jinben zhushu jinian bing fei weishu shuo 今本竹書紀年并非偽書說”, pp.52-58. Shaughnessy introduces a controversy about the authenticity of Zhushu jinian between David N. Keightley and David S. Nivison. Keightley argues that both Jinben 今本 or Guben 古本 are “post- Song fabrications”, while Nivison argues that “the Bamboo Annals is a generally valuable source for the history and chronology of ancient China”. After textual analyses regarding the year of King Wu’s death, Shaughnessy comes to the conclusion that “no serious student of early China will be able to disregard the testimony of the Bamboo Annuals, even, and perhaps especially, as found in the ‘Current’ version of the text.” See Edward L. Shaughnessy (1997), pp. 69-100. 85

括地誌, a geographical work written in the early days of Tang. This paragraph contains the following two accounts from Zhushu jinian.

In the past, after Yao’s virtue was decreasing, he was imprisoned by Shun. (Shiji, 1.31)

Shun kept Yao in captivity and pinned Danzhu down in Yan in order to not let him see his father. (Shiji, 1.31)

The preceding fragmentary sources pieced together provide a picture different from the Confucian idealistically historical concept. Instead, Yao in fact was forced to abdicate by Shun. Historically, Yao was banished to Pingyang, while Danzhu was imprisoned in Yan. Another case mentions that the sage King Yu’s son, Qi, killed the candidate of the throne, Yi. This account conforms to the Lu Maoshou suggestion to King Kuai of Yan. One more piece of evidence comes from Mencuis’ disciple, Wanzhang, who asked his master: “It is said by some that virtue declined with Yu who chose his own son to succeed him, instead of a good and wise man. Is this true?” (D.C. Lau, 5A.207) This statement contradicted Mencius’ historical interpretation but accorded with the accounts in Zhushu jinian. As stated above, we can be fairly certain that the historical conception of Shanrang in circulation came into vogue among the intellectuals during Mencius’ time.

It is interesting to consider that this ideological trend of Shanrang emerged during such a historical background of tangled warfare in the middle of the fourth century B.C. The question why Shanrang could develop richly in that specific time consequently arises and must be examined more closely. For the present, we shall confine our attention to the features of the age.

When Jin split up into the three independent states, Wei, Zhao, and Han, and 86

the Tian clan usurped Qi, these historical events imply that a new epoch accompanied with great economical, political, and social changes had begun.

During the middle of the fourth century B.C., several states improved statecraft and implemented reforms, resulting in strengthening the economic and military powers.

The earliest pioneer states to reform their domestic affairs were Zhao and Wei. The former adopted Gong Zhonglian to regenerate the internal affairs in the beginning of the fifth century B.C.; the latter assigned Li Hui as prime minister to pursue the new economic policies and penal code in Wei in the middle of the fifth century.

Chu promoted Wu Qi, who was once a general in Lu and who later assumed an official post in Wei, to carry out reforms in Chu in 391B.C. During the fifth decade of the fourth century B.C., the reformative trend reached its heyday with Han,100

Qi,101 and Qin102 practicing the reformations concurrently.

These reforms served the purposes of increasing the competitive abilities in order to survive standing up to the powerful states. Generally speaking, two striking features marked this age. Firstly, many small states and barbarian tribes were annexed, while the powerful states waged bloody wars on each other in order to seize towns and territories. The scale of wars became larger and larger and consequently, the wars increasingly caused a great number of deaths. Secondly, the ambitious states absorbed the talented people from other states without checking the blood or class origins. Statecraft, leading troop skills, strategic abilities, and personal talents all counted for obtaining the offices. The employment mobility

100 The duke Chao of Han exalted a legalist, Shen Buhai to carry out reform in 355B.C.

101 After King Wei of Qi ascended to the throne in 357B.C., he promoted Zhou Ji as prime minister to pursue the reformation.

102 The King Xiao of Qin assigned Shang Yang to practice the reform in 356B.C. Until Shang Yang was killed, the duration of his reformation in Qin lasted eighteen years. 87

resulted in the emergence of large numbers of employment seekers and political persuaders who pursued official positions. Therefore, certain men with political talents, who emphasized the strategies and schemes to affect the multilateral relations or the inter-state situations, named Zongheng jia, political strategists, were active during the acutely competitive age.

On the basis of two historical features just outlined, we must draw attention to two interpretations of the legend about Yao passing the throne to Xu You. Firstly, because of the cruel battles and social instability, Taoists despaired of this society, instead highly admiring antiquity and hermit deeds,103 not only because antiquity was much more peaceful, simple, and honest than contemporary time, but also because rang (yielding) could preserve one’s life and keep one in good health.104

Taoists take antiquity as an ideal to criticize the decline of morality and the injustice of wars and usurpation. Obviously, Zhuangzi praises highly those who give up power and official position, for instance Xu You, to avoid troubles and tribulation. Emphasis on the reclusive life and absolute abandonment of political life conveys a sense of detestation of the secular world and its way. With the frequency of sanguinary battles and social turbulence, pessimistic and war-weary feelings spread all over the different social strata. That is the reason why both

Shanrang and Xu You’s legend came into vogue after the middle of the Warring

103 Zhuangzi claims antiquity as the age of most perfect virtue, zhide zhi shi 至德之世. He lists twelve emperors in antiquity. They are Rongcheng shi 容成氏, Dating shi 大庭氏, Bohuang shi 伯 皇氏, Zhongyang shi 中央氏, Lilu shi 栗陸氏, Lixu shi 驪畜氏, Xuanyuan shi 軒轅氏, Hexu shi 赫 胥氏, Zunlu shi 尊盧氏, Zhurong shi 祝融氏, Fuxi shi 伏犧氏, Shennong shi 神農氏. See Zhuangzi jijie, 10.162.

104 Zhuangzi lists a series of rang stories: Yao desired to resign the throne to Xu You and Xu You rejected him; Yao did the same to Zizhou zhifu; Shun desired to resign the throne to Zhizhou zhibo and Zhizhou zhibo rejected him; Shun did the same to Shan Juan and his friend, Shihu zhi nong (a farmer in Shihu). See Zhuangzi jijie, 28.414-415. 88

States period.

Secondly, the frequent diplomatic and political activities also reveal the characteristics of the whole Warring States period. Politicians and political strategists played more and more influential roles in both internal and external affairs. They made use of Shanrang stories as the political tricks to attain their own interests. From the accounts described in the preceding paragraph, we can see that

Xi Shou’s and Lu Maoshou’s cases present two distinct methods. The former catered to King Hui’s taste, pursuing his sense of vanity in order to win benefits for

Zhang Yi. The latter drew on the historical event of Yu’s resignation: a political plot in which Yu aimed to enhance his reputation for resigning the throne to a worthy person, Yi, while giving his son, Qi, the chance to seize sovereign power by himself. In other words, Shanrang was virtually transformed into a conspiratorial theory from a political point of view. Having analyzed fragments from Zhushu jinian, we are certain that this historical interpretation was well accepted by the contemporary politicians. Because of the incompleteness of the Zhushu jinian, we do not know the history of the succession of Yao, Shun, and Yu. Historian Liu

Zhiji’s observations based on the fragmented accounts from Zhushu jinian and the usurpation events in history extend our insight into this specific subject:

According to Shanhai jing, it says: “The son of Fang Xun 放勳 ascended the throne.” Dan Zhu was propped up as the emperor. Was it true that although Shun dethroned Yao, he still enthroned Yao’s son and then suddenly he seized Dan Zhu’s throne? Having investigated the time relatively closer to the classical period, the careerists exerted themselves. They claimed themselves to have sent troops to support kings. Some of them dethroned the fathers and enthroned their sons; some of them dethroned the elder brothers and enthroned their young brothers. At the beginning, they expressed 89

their support. Finally, they completed their usurpation. Examining past dynasties shows that this always happened. Taking antiquity as an analogy for the present, in spite of thousands of years, the rule is similar. The event in which Yao passed the throne to Shun is unclear. What is designated as “rangguo” (yielding the country) is a kind of rhetoric. (Shitong tongshi, 13.183-184)

Shun dethroned Yao and enthroned Dan Zhu; Yu dethroned Shun and enthroned Shangjun. When Yi had his power and opportunity in hand, his status was identical with that of Shun and Yu. He desired to follow the historical track and sat idle enjoying the emolument from heaven. His undertaking did not succeed and brought blame on himself. Investigating the usurpation in the period relatively closer to the classical period, only Huan Xuan did not succeed. Sima restored the monarch. Is the case where Qi killed Yi just like the case where Jin killed Huan Xuan? Regarding the two substitutions of Shun and Yu, their undertakings all succeeded. Only Yi failed and submitted to punishment in the Xia dynasty. Similarly, Huan Xuan imitated Cao and Sima and finally only he ended up with a disaster, Yuanxing. (Shitong tongshi, 13.184-185)

In brief, Liu Zhiji considers that Shanrang was a rhetoric rather than a historical fact, that it was just a smokescreen for a careerist’s usurpation. In Liu’s analysis, Yi is included in the same category of Shun and Yu: usurpers. The difference between Yi and both Shun and Yu is simply that the former was the loser.

Nevertheless, what Lu Maoshou said to King Kuai differs slightly from Liu’s statement. Lu Maoshou emphasizes Yu’s conspiracy: Yu laid a trap for Yi and actually had Qi seize the throne by his own force, thus on one hand winning the reputation of exaltation of a worthy man and on the other succeeding in removing an obstacle in order to continue his blood inheritance. It must be noted that the difference between Yu and Shun is that Yu ushered in a blood-relation succession,

Xia dynasty. Consolidation of the hereditary rule provided good grounds for the 90

conspirators, Zhizi and Lu Maoshou, to delude King Kuai with a romantic falsehood. These two interpretations can be attributed to an identical category – conspiratorial tactics.

An account preserved in Hanfei zi helps investigate the legend of Yao’s resigning the throne more deeply and from a tactical point of view.

When Tang launched a war on Jie, he was afraid that the people of the world regarded him as greedy. Therefore, he resigned the throne to Wu Guang. However, as he was afraid that Wu Guang would really accept the throne, he had someone tell Wu Guang that: “Tang killed his monarch and then wanted to put the notorious name on you. Therefore, he resigned the throne to you.” Because of this, Wu Guang jumped into the river to kill himself. (Hanfi zi jijie, 7.22.125)

What the passage makes clear at once is that yielding the throne to another is also conspiratorial tactics. If we follow this vein, the legends preserved in Zhuangzi –

Yao yielding the throne to Xu You and Zhizhou zhifu, and Shun yielding the throne to Zhizhou zhibo, Shan Juan, and Shihu zhi nong (Zhuangzi jijie, 28.414-415) – were all potentially political tricks. The following account may reveal the practical use of yielding the throne to another for tactical purposes, such as in the earlier example where King Hui of Wei resigned the throne to Hui Shi. Another account, in which King Xiao of Qin desired to resign the throne to Shang Yang on his deathbed, is believed to be a kind of trial for Shang Yang’s loyalty. Did King Xiao imitate Yu’s deed of letting his son, the prince of Qin, seize the throne by force?

The fact that, after King Xiao just died the prince arrested Shang Yang, is clear evidence that “yielding the country” was merely rhetoric, rather than having any substantial content. 91

It will be clear from the example of Lu Maoshou’s statement to King Kuai that the political strategists and politicians would make their statements or persuasions in reference to the context of the history of antiquity. Both Zhushu jinian and Rongcheng shi, an unearthed text which throws a new light on the study of antiquity in the pre-Qin period, provides a skeleton of ancient history from

Rongcheng shi to King Wu of Zhou. In the beginning of this text, a series of legendary emperors is mentioned; unfortunately, because of the loss of the first bamboo strip, it is thought that the names of thirteen ancient emperors are missing.

There are a further eight ancient emperor names on the second intact strip, making a total of twenty-one emperor names listed.105 In the age of these twenty-one legendary emperors, it was said that “(they) all did not pass the thrones to their sons, but to the worthy men.” (strip 1). It is noteworthy that a line on the thirty- fourth strip accords with the account preserved in Zhushu jinian regarding Yi and

Qi’s deed. Let us consider the following quotation.

Therefore, Yu resigned the throne to Yi. Then Qi attacked Yi and seized the throne by himself.

There is a suggestion here that the text Rongcheng shi shares a similar historical conception, at least regarding this specific point with Zhushu jinian. It is not too far from the truth to say that a branch of the Confucian school was proficient in the history of antiquity and that its characteristic was to admire the ideal golden past.

The theory of Shanrang was likely born of the study of remote antiquity, a sound foundation on which to build a philosophy. The historical interpretation of this

105 In his study, Li Ling suggests that thirteen ancient emperor names are thought to be missing based on the average number of characters on each strip. See Shanghai bowuguan zang zhanguo chu zhushu, Vol. 2, p. 249. 92

branch obviously distinguishes itself from Mencius’ ideas,106 revealing the academic prosperity and divergence of this field in the middle of the Warring States period. Another unearthed text, Zigao, also describes the legendary deeds of Yao,

Shun, Yu, Xie, and Houji; its textual essence advocates the idea of rang (yielding), which also occurs several times in Rongcheng shi.107 Therefore, it is reasonable to infer that Rongcheng shi and Zigao can be attributed to the same intellectual category. If we accept the foregoing descriptions of two interpretations of Shanrang, we can move one further step and say that this historical conception of

Confucianism may be the third contemporaneous interpretation of Shanrang.

As outlined in the preceding paragraphs, our aim is to model the historical background using piecemeal accounts from pre-Qin sources. On the basis of these accounts I have come to the conclusion that the Shanrang stories were vividly brought to the political stage during the 340s B.C. The blooming of Shanrang was associated with acute inter-state competitions characterized by cruel battles and reformation. Shanrang stories were tinted with distinctive tastes according to different schools. Taoists or hermits regarded the age of Shanrang as the Utopia

106 Mencius explains to his disciple, Wan Zhang: “Yu recommended Yi to Heaven, and died seven years later. When the mourning period of three years was over, Yi withdrew to the northern slope of Mount Chi, leaving Yu’s son in possession of the field. Those who came to pay homage as well as those who were engaged in litigation went to Chi instead of Yi, saying, ‘This is the son of our prince.’” (D.C. Lau, 5A.207) Sima Qian adopts Mencius’ historical interpretation in his work. See Shiji, 2.83.

107 Shanrang is highly emphasized in Rongcheng shi. From the emperors of remote antiquity to Yao, Shun and Yu, the monarchic successors, the worthy men, were all not blood heirs. There are several occurrences of rang (yielding) in the text: paragraphs from the text which have occurrences of rang are translated below. Yao yielded the land under the heaven to the worthy man, the worthy men under the heaven, no one was able to accept it. (strip 10) After Yu then yielded the land under the heaven to the worthy men five times, he had no alternative then but to dare to accept it. (strips 17 and 18) Gao Tao then yielded the land under the heaven to the worthy men five times and then he declared himself ill in order not to accept it. Finally, he died. (strip 34) 93

from which to criticize the decline of human morality and the ugly and brutal side of mankind; a man who stops seeking power and official position should have a better life without punishment and political persecution. The political strategists and politicians took advantage of Shanrang stories to pursue their own purposes:

Shanrang, to a certain extent, equated with a kind of conspiratorial tactic.

Confucians drew lessons from remote antiquity against the usurpation, tyranny, and bloody battles of their present: from the political point of view, Shanrang, prioritizing the exaltation of worthy men to the proper positions, was an ideal society for any ruler to pursue and imitate. However, we recall here that firstly Xu

You’s story was excluded from any Confucian writings and that there are different interpretations of Shanrang events even within the Confucian circle.

Shanrang stories were brought back to life in the political arena; politicians and thinkers were once again willing to discuss this specific topic. In the wake of the widely circulating Shanrang stories, these stories were theorized and the theoretical form of Shanrang thought was written down into the philosophical texts.

Two paragraphs known to us today draw our attention in this context. These paragraphs, from two different philosophical works of the pre-Qin period, individually expound Shanrang thought. Let us consider the following passages from Guanzi and Shangjun shu.

“Satisfaction of tastes, movement, and repose,” replied Guan Zhong, “are the nourishment of life. Liking and disliking, pleasure and anger, sadness and joy are fluctuations in life. Sharpness of hearing, clarity of sight, and appropriate response to events are the capacities of life. For this reason the sages were temperate in satisfying their tastes and timely in their movement and repose. They controlled fluctuations in the six moods, and prohibited debauchery in music 94

and sexual pleasure. To have depraved conduct banished from one’s body, harsh words absent from one’s mouth, and one’s life quietly determined – such is the sage. Benevolence comes from within. Righteousness is expressed without. He is benevolent and therefore does not use the realm for his own profit. He is righteous and therefore does not use the realm to gain fame. He is righteous and therefore turns over the government at age seventy. “For this reason, the sage esteems the Power108 and plays down achievement, honors the Way and disdains the material world. Since the Way and the Power occupy his person, he is not misled by the material world. For this reason, were his body to lie among the grass and weeds, he would have no feeling of concern. Were he to face south and sit in judgement on the entire realm, he would evince no sign of arrogance. This being so, he can later serve as king of the realm. (W. Allyn Rickett [1998], p. 379)

Public and private businesses are clearly separated, then the villains would not hate the virtuous men and the unworthy persons would not be jealous of other people’s contributions. Therefore, Yao and Shun reigned over the land under the heaven not in order to benefit themselves from the world; but it was in order to take the benefits of the world to rule the land under the heaven. They distinguished the worthy men and promoted the able men and then passed the thrones to them. This is not to estrange the relationship between father and son in order to be intimate with the people in Yue. This is because they understood the ways of good and bad administration. (Shangjun shu, 14)

The first passage is from a chapter of Jie (Admonitions) in the anthology,

Guanzi, which is generally accepted to be a miscellaneous collection of treatises from scholars of Jixia Academy in Qi, dated from the late Warring States period.109

108 The text says: “是故聖人上德而下功”. Allyn Rickett translates the word “德” as “power”. However, the word “德” here should have a Confucian sense, so “virtue” should be a better choice.

109 A.C. Graham points out that the writings of Guanzi date from between the 4th and the 2nd centuries B.C. See Graham (1990), p. 100. W. Allyn Rickett considers that the present Guanzi took 95

This paragraph is imbued with Taoist favor, while Confucian ideas also infiltrate it.

In general, regimen is mainly emphasized. Two features should be noted: obedience to nature and ascetic as well as moral life are advocated; the Tao is respectful and superior while benefits and reputations are inferior. A mixture of

Taoist and Confucian tastes are present in the statement concerning Shanrang: the sage, who cultivates himself by virtue, benevolence and righteousness, is not greedy for benefits, reputation and power so that he is not infatuated with the throne. Therefore, we may reasonably conclude that the spirit of Shanrang here

“honors the Way and disdains the material world”.

It is interesting to note that the couplet in the text, “Benevolence comes from within. Righteousness is expressed from without.” (Rickett , p. 379), is identical to

Gaozi’s celebrated argument, also seen in the unearthed texts, Liude and Yucong A of the Guodian manuscripts.110 Owing to the similarity between Gaozi’s argument and the chapter of Jie in Guanzi, A.C. Graham proposes that the chapter of Jie is a surviving treatise of the Gaozi School.111 However, the fact that Gaozi’s argument also appears in both Liude and Yucong A of the Guodian manuscripts seems to suggest that the argument may originate from a Confucian branch: this seriously challenges Graham’s suggestion. However, there should be room for further investigation.

If we examine this couplet closely, it will be clear that “benevolence comes from internal and righteousness comes from external” is rather incoherent in the

shape about 250 B.C. See W. Allyn Rickett (1998), pp. 14-15.

110 Refer to Chapter 2, pp. 68-74.

111 See Graham (1990), pp. 22-26. W. Allyn Rickett suggests that the chapter of Jie is dated after the death of Mencius in the late Warring States period. See W. Allyn Rickett (1998), p. 377. 96

context. This couplet leads to two other couplets in the context, forming a parallel structure in which each couplet shares the identical initial characters of

“benevolence” and “righteousness” individually. These two couplets state the virtues of the sage who did not take advantage of his dominion for his own benefits and reputation. Owing to his selflessness and high morality, he returned the sovereign power to the country rather than passing it to his blood heir when he reached seventy years of age. The incoherence suggests that the couplet, a prevalent philosophical concept in that time, was applied mechanically in the chapter of Jie.112

The second passage is from a chapter of Xiuquan in Shangjun shu, a legalist work believed to be a collection written and compiled by Shangyang’s followers during the third century B.C.113 The paragraph concerning Shanrang places emphasis on the spirit of the exaltation of worthy men and selflessness. The sentence from the foregoing translation, “this is not to estrange the relationship between father and son in order to be intimate with the people in Yue” (非疏父

子，親越人也) in the translation above is associated with Yao and Shun’s deeds, in that it stresses that private interests cannot harm the public or violate the law.

What the quotations make clear at once is that different schools interpreted

Shanrang with different perspectives: the chapter of Jie emphasizes moral life and regimen; the chapter of Xiuquan stresses the exaltation of worthy men and selflessness. Interpretations (from distinct schools), in fact, are a kind of coloration

112 A sentence in Jie “controlled fluctuations in the six moods” (御正六氣之變) is quoted from Zhuangzi, saying: “若夫乘天地之正，而御六氣之辯”. See Zhuangzi jishi, 1.10.

113 J. J. L. Duyvendak believes that the book of Shangjun shu was created in Wei, Shang Yang’s hometown, during the reign of King Hui of Wei. See Li yu-ming (1977), p. 200. Yang Kuan suggests that the book of Shangjun shu was compiled after 260 B.C. See Li Yu-ming (1977), p. 80. 97

that give Shanrang a vivid and active live. Because of that, although the notorious disaster of the foolish King Kuai of Yan alarmed every ruler who followed his footsteps, Shanrang still survived until Qin conquered the whole territory of China.

Among different schools, Confucianism played a background role throughout, taking Shanrang as an ideal government, intensely contrasted with cruel reality, for rulers to pursue forever. Besides Mencius, several treatises, including “Liyun”,

“Wudi de” as well as “Di ji xing” (preserved in Li guwen ji), strongly reflect the ardent expectations of a Utopian society before the darkest dawn of the unification of China.

The essence of Shanrang, which was applied to the real political world, was the exaltation of worthy men. The people of the Warring States period gradually became accustomed to such a chaotic political situation after the numerous cases of usurpation that had occurred during the previous three hundred years. The mandate of heaven was fading away. Instead, competence and realistic achievement were regarded as a standard by which to judge the usurpers, whether accepted or not, rather than any superstitions or omens marked by heaven. The most typical example was when the Tian clan seized sovereign power from Qi. The way that the

Tian clan won the people’s support was to bestow favors on the commoners. They levied the taxes from the people using a small measure for grain, at the same time distributing grain to the people using a large measure. Consequently, the Tian clan became formidable and, using the people’s indebtedness to them,114 exerted themselves to be the competent successors of Qi. A similar case emerged in Song in 329 B.C.: a minister, Sicheng Zihan, killed the duke Huan of Song and then

114 See Shiji, 16.1881. 98

placed himself on the throne as King Kang.115 After ascending the throne, his reformation made Song such a strong state that he defeated Qi and Chu and destroyed the small state of Teng. He finally proclaimed himself as king in 318 B.C.

For his feats, even Mencius once believed that Song would establish a benevolent government. One of Mencius’ disciples, Wanzhang, asked his master:

If Sung, a small state, were to practise Kingly government and be attacked by Ch’i and Ch’u for doing so, what could be done about it? (D.C. Lau, 3B, 133)

Mencius responded to the question with reference to deeds of Tang of Shang and

King Wen of Zhou, saying:

If you should practise Kingly government, all within the Four Seas would raise their heads to watch for your coming, desiring you as the ruler. Ch’i and Ch’u may be big in size, but what is there to be afraid of? (D.C. Lau, 3b.135)

Nevertheless, Mencius was soon to be disappointed because King Kang finally turned into a tyrant and Qi destroyed Song in 282 B.C. It is important to note that

Shanrang could be applied to interpret the usurpation as a positive historical lesson rather than as an over-emphasis of negative criticism. In other words, Shanrang developed into an explanatory theory which was adapted for the political circumstances of the Warring States period.

The Shanrang stories can also enlighten us when considering the specific historical event. For instance, as mentioned earlier, the paragraph cited from

115 Sicheng zihan was a minister of duke Huan of Song. Sima Qian mistakenly regards Sicheng zihan as the brother of duke Huan; however Yang Kuan has done a detailed study of this issue. See Yang Kuan (2003), pp. 173-174. 99

Shangjun shu which says, “this is not to estrange the relationship between father and son in order to be intimate with the people in Yue. This is because they understood the ways of well and bad administration”, probably helps us to understand a great political affair that laid a sound foundation for the Qin unification forty-five years later. In 266 B.C., after King Xiang of Qin accepted the plan offered by Fan Ju 范雎, a political persuader from Wei, King Xiang took resolute action to expel the arbitrary aristocrats: these included King Xiang’s mother, queen mother Xuan 宣太后; two of the queen mother Xuan’s brothers, the duke of Rang 穰侯 and the lord of Huayang 華陽君; and two of King Xiang’s brothers, the lord of Jingyang 涇陽君 and the lord of Gaoling 高陵君. The banishment signifies that Qin cast off aristocratic ruling and opened up a new age which absorbed various talented persons from other states. To avoid appointing blood or royal relationships for jobs is certainly a new point of view originating from Shanrang thought.

I have already fully discussed the accounts from the pre-Qin period sources concerning Shanrang in an earlier part of this chapter. These accounts, including historical events or legends and philosophical writings, provide a historical background to the idea that Shanrang thought was animated and reached its heyday during the middle of the Warring States period. We believe that the unearthed text,

Tang yu zhi dao, first appeared in this prosperous time contemporary with Mencuis.

Before discussing the authorship of Tang yu zhi dao, we need to clarify the date of this text.

There are currently three periods proposed as the date of Tang yu zhi dao. The first suggests a date a little later than the middle of the fifth century B.C.; the second, a date roughly from the middle of the fourth century B.C. to (no later than) 100

317 B.C.; the third, a date before 278 B.C.

The first of these, suggested by Pang Bangben, associates the text with historical events, the partition of Jin and usurpation of Tian clan. Pang points out that “Zhongyong” shares with Tang yu zhi dao the identical ideas of “love family members and respect the worthy men” (愛親尊賢) with Tang yu zhi dao. However, he notes that the sequential order “ai qin” (愛親) and “zun xian” (尊賢) in Tang yu zhi dao, which is more closer to Confucius’ thought – qin qin zun zun (親親尊尊), is different from the order of zun xian (尊賢) and qin qin (親親) in “Zhongyong”.

Based on the foregoing analysis, therefore, Pang comes to the conclusion that Tang yu zhi dao was created a little earlier than “Zhongyong”.116 Consequently, his judgement about the date of Tang yu zhi dao relies mainly on Zisi’s life. Pang’s argument is unsound: because the date of “Zhongyong” is questionable, as discussed in chapter 2 of this thesis, the received version of “Zhongyong” is seen as an adulteration.117 Furthermore, determining the date based on merely the sequential order of two well-known compounds is a very weak argument.

Supporting the second view, Li Cunshan and Ding Sixin reach the same conclusion that Tang yu zhi dao was written before 317 or 318 B.C. because the tragic event of King Kuai of Yan’s resigning the throne to Zizhi in 318 B.C. was a warning to rulers not to imitate the Shanrang story. It is believed that few people would talk about Shanrang after that event. Thus, the text was possibly not created after 318 B.C. because the circle advocating Shanrang suffered a heavy blow.118

116 See Pang Bangben, “Chujian Tangyu zhi dao chu tan 楚簡唐虞之道初探”, pp. 261-272.

117 Refer to chapter 5, pp. 157-158.

118 See Li Cunshan, “Du chujian zhongxin zhi dao ji qita 讀楚簡忠信之道及其他”, pp. 270-271. Ding Sixin (2000), p. 383. 101

The preceding analysis is convincing, because that event certainly made Yan the laughingstock of the inter-state political stage: this cooled down the fervor of

Shanrang at that time. However, I suggest that, in spite of the event, it was not possible to shake their belief immediately within the circle. In other words, the

Shanrang theory would still spread around. The most apparent instance is that the

Guodian M1 tomb owner, at least, either knew of or supported Shanrang theory in

Chu. Thus it is reasonable to say that the ideas of Shanrang in Tang yu zhi dao still circulated in Chu in the end of the fourth century B.C. after King Kuai’s resignation.

In the third case, Wang Baoxuan determines that the date of Tang yu zhi dao was probably earlier than the date that the Qin general, Baiqi, captured Ying, the capital of Chu, in 278 B.C. Wang proposes that the date of the Guodian M1 tomb was determined to be between 278 B.C. and 227 B.C. He argues that after 278 B.C. the Chu people still did not follow the laws of Qin until severe policies were imposed on them in 227 B.C.119 Wang Bo determines the date of the text to be around 300 B.C. based on two grounds: firstly, the term, xing ming 性命, which did not emerge until after the middle of the Warring States period, appears in the text; secondly, the textual similarities between the chapter of Jie from Guanzi and Tang yu zhi dao.120 Because the chapter of Jie is dated to the late Warring States period,

Wang suggests that the writer of the chapter of Jie borrowed the paragraphs from

Tang yu zhi dao.

119 His argument is based on an unearthed official document, Nanjunshou teng wenshu 南郡守騰文 書, of Qin in Shuihu di (the date of this text is not earlier than 227 B.C.). See Wang Baoxuan, “Shilun Guodian chijian gepian de zhuanzuo shidai jiqi beijing 試論郭店楚簡各篇的撰作時代及 其背景”, pp. 366-389.

120 See Wang Bo, “Guanyu tang yu zhi dao de jige wenti 關於唐虞之道的幾個問題”, pp. 30-33. 102

The philosophical work Mencius, written by Mencius himself and his disciples when he retreated from the political life in his old age, preserves plentiful discussions between Mencius and his contemporaries. It is one of the reliable writings reflecting a wide variety of contemporary thoughts. It is easy to see that

Yao and Shun, the key figures in Tangyu zhi dao, are mentioned frequently by

Mencius. My aim is to determine the date of Tangyu zhi dao by analysis of the accounts that occur in Mencius. For the present, we shall confine our attention to the prevalent ideas concerning Yao, Shun, and Yu in Mencius’ time. The intensive questioning of Mencius by his disciples Wanzhang and Xianqiu Meng regarding the sage kings Yao, Shun and Yu provides a clue for investigation. Some of the questions were probably current ideas that contrasted with Mencian teachings. For the sake of convenience, however, all these questions are counted as representing the prevalent ideas at that time. It is useful to quote the accounts from Mencuis as below:

1. Wan Chang asked, “While toiling in the fields, Shun wept and wailed, calling upon merciful Heaven. Why did he weep and wail?” (D. C. Lau, 5A.1)

2. Wan Chang asked, “The Odes say, How does one take a wife? By first telling one’s parents. Of men who truly believe in these words surely no one can surpass Shun. Why then did Shun marry without telling his parents?” (D. C. Lau, 5A.2)

3. Wan Chang said, “Hsiang devoted himself every day to plotting against Shun’s life. Why did Shun only banish him when he became Emperor?” (D. C. Lau, 5A.3)

4. Hsien-Ch’iu Meng asked, “As the saying goes, a man of abundant virtue cannot be treated as a subject by the prince, 103

nor can he be treated as a son by his father. Shun stood facing south, while Yao stood facing north, at the head of the feudal lords, paying homage to him. The Blind Man likewise stood facing north, paying homage to him. Shun saw the Blind Man and a distressed look came over his face. Confucius commented, ‘At that moment the emperor was precariously balanced.’ I wonder if this was really so?” (D. C. Lau, 5A.4)

5. Wan Chang said, “Is it true that Yao gave the Empire to Shun?” (D. C. Lau, 5A.5)

6. Wan Chang asked, “It is said by some that virtue declines with Yu who chose his own son to succeed him, instead of a good and wise man. Is this true? (D. C. Lau, 5A.6)

The third and fourth accounts mentioned above are witnessed by Hanfei zi. Let us consider the following quotations.

Yao, as for a monarch, submitted himself to his vassal as a monarch; Shun, as for a vassal, subjected his monarch as a vassal. (Hanfei zi jijie, 20.358)

Gusou, as father of Shun, was exiled by Shun; Xiang, as younger brother of Shun, was killed by Shun. Exiling father and killing a younger brother cannot be said to be benevolence. Marrying the monarch’s two daughters and seizing the land under the heaven from him cannot be said to be righteousness. (Hanfeizi jijie, 20.359)

The accounts in Hanfei zi do not necessarily share the textual identity with that in

Mencius. Nevertheless, the important point is to note that these ideas were likely to have been circulating in Mencuis’ time. The sixth account can also be found in

Zhanguo ce and Hanfei zi. Undoubtedly, the prevalence of these stories shows that they were known by the contemporaries. 104

Based on accounts 1, 2, 3, and 4 above, it will be clear that Mencius faced a serious challenge to contradict and interpret the historical events concerning Shun.

Mencius made great effort to lay emphasis on the unique merits of filial piety and love for brother. Being emperor, Shun provides for his father by the land under the heaven and provides for his brother by a fief, Youpi 有庳. These virtuous behaviors are called “cun qin” 尊親(respect for affinity) and “ai qin” 愛親 (love for affinity) by Mencius. Following Confucius’ vein, Mencius distinguishes himself by contempt for law and throne in order to practice filial duty. Once Taoying asked

Mencius:

When Shun was Emperor and Kao Yao was the judge, if the Blind Man killed a man, what was to be done?

Mencius’ answer gives most weight to filial piety against other values.

Shun looked upon casting aside the Empire as no more than discarding a worn shoe. He would have secretly carried the old man on his back and fled to the edge of the sea and lived there happily, never giving a thought to the Empire. (D. C. Lau, 7A.35)

In Mencius’ ethical ideas, to serve parents (shi qin 事親) is the supreme duty among human relations.

In addition to the service to parents, in fact, Mencius highly advocates respect for worthy men. Several occurrences of the compound zun xian 尊賢 121 reveal its importance in Mencian philosophy. However, Mencius does not juxtapose the two concepts ai qin and zun xian. Only the juxtaposition of gui gui 貴貴 (honoring the

121 Mengzi Zhushu, 3b.2689c; 3b.2690b; 10a.2742c; 10b.2745a; and 12b.2759b. 105

honored)122 and zun xian 尊賢 can be found in Mencius, which emphasizes the mutual esteem between inferior and superior. In Tang yu zhi dao, ai qin juxtaposes with zun xian as the central meaning of the text. These concepts are well clarified:

Because they loved family members, therefore they possessed filial piety. Because they respected men of worth, therefore they resigned the throne (to men of virtue). By investigating filial piety, one loves the people in the world. By transmitting (the practice of) resigning from the throne (to men of virtue), there are no hidden men of virtue. Filial piety is the crown of benevolence. Resigning the throne (to men of virtue) is the pinnacle of righteousness. (strips 6, 7, and 8)

To love family members but forget men of worth is to be benevolent but not righteous. To respect men of worth but neglect family members is to be righteous but not achieve benevolence. (strips 8 and 9)

These paragraphs are well organized to illustrate that ai qin, associated with filial piety 孝 and benevolence 仁, parallels zun xian, associated with shan 禪

(resign the throne to a worthy man) and righteousness 義. Furthermore, great admiration for ai qin and zun xian in the Tang yu zhi dao text shows that they are the ideal of benevolence and righteousness: as long as both ai qin and zun xian are fulfilled, the virtues of benevolence and righteousness are completed. Finally, the text also emphasizes the political functions of ai qin and zun xian: that the rulers would cherish the people and the competent men would all be in the right positions.

From these analyses one general point becomes very clear. This emphasis in

122 The translation of gui gui as “honoring the honored” is from D. C. Lau’s work. See Mencius, 5B.3.225. 106

Tang yu zhi dao on both ai qin and zun xian indicates the importance of both for that particular time, confirming the Mencian idea of filial duty as unique and superior but challenging it as insufficient by itself to fulfill the needs of the times, thus requiring both aspects. The concept of zun xian implies that the wise ruler values competence above inheritance by blood relationship in statecraft roles. The deep meaning of zun xian seems to signify that a new bureaucratic system would accept competent persons, no matter which state they were from. A typical example: Mencius’ advice shocked the King Xuan of Qi. He said:

If the prince made serious mistakes, they would remonstrate with him, but if repeated remonstrations fell on deaf ears, they would depose him. (D. C. Lau, 5B.9)

Deposing the disqualified ruler manifests the sense of zun xian in this case.

However, Mencius did not theoretically solve the contradiction between ai qin and zun xian. The task to resolve this contradiction, therefore, remained with the writer of Tang yu zhi dao.

Wanzhang’s question for Mencius in quotation 5 reveals the fact that one of the Shanrang ideas suggested that a man could pass the throne to another, an idea with which Mencius strongly disagreed. Mencius’ criteria for deciding whether a man could accept the throne or not were twofold: acceptances by heaven and by people.

When he was put in charge of sacrifices, the hundred gods enjoyed them. This showed that Heaven accepted him. When he was put in charge of affairs, they were kept in order and the people were content. This showed that the people accepted him. Heaven gave it to him, and the people gave it to him. (D. C. Lau, 5A.5) 107

For the same reason, Mencius proclaimed that the King Kuai of Yan should not resign the throne to Zizhi and that Zizhi should not accept the throne from King

Kuai. (Mengzi Zhushu, 4b.2697c) The acceptances by both heaven and people are regarded as the sole legitimate basis for a man to ascend the throne. What is emphasized in Tang yu zhi dao is somehow different from that emphasized in

Mencius. Tang yu zhi dao lays stress on the successor’s virtues, including filial piety, fraternity, and loyalty, because the monarchical virtues would make a great difference for administration. The paragraph reads:

In the past, when Yao gave the world to Shun: he heard that the Shun had filial piety and then knew that Shun was able to nurture the world’s aged people; he heard that Shun had fraternity duty and then he knew that Shun was able to serve the world’s elders; he heard that Shun was kind to his brother [Xiang , and then he knew that he was able] to be the master of the people. (strips 22, 23, and 24)

It will be clear from this quotation that Yao’s concerns are that the successor’s virtues would cause substantial benefits for people. In addition, no sacrificial contents are mentioned within the text. Apparently, the distinctions between them suggest conclusively that Tang yu zhi dao does not follow the same vein as

Mencius.

The characteristics of Yao and Shun in Mencius are especially noteworthy.

Three emphases of Yao and Shun are observed. First, the way of Yao and Shun shares an identical feature with filial piety (Mengzi zhushu, 12a.2755c). Second, the monarchical way of Yao and the ministerial way of Shun, as the models of monarch and minister, are highly admired (Mengzi zhushu, 7a.2718a). Thirdly, 108

both Yao and Shun were eager to exalt the worthy and competent men (Mengzi zhushu, 5b.2706a). Generally, these three characteristics accord with Shun’s personality in Tang yu zhi dao,123 as can be seen in the following quotation.

In the past, Yu Shun lavishly served the blind Gu Mang, so he demonstrated his filial piety; he served Yao loyally, so he demonstrated being the official. Loving family members and respecting men of worth – Yu Shun was that very man. (strips 9 and 10)

The similarities between Mencius and Tang yu zhi dao imply that both of them cherish remote antiquity and that the two texts share thoughts from the same period of time.

From what has been said above, it can be concluded that the emergence of

Tang yu zhi dao parallels Mencius’ life. As seen in quotation 5, Tang yu zhi dao should be one of the Shanrang ideas contemporary with Mencius. Based on my preceding discussion, it is reasonable to infer that the Shanrang trend flourished in the latter half of the fourth century B.C., the cultural background where Tang yu zhi dao emerged. The resolution of ai qin and zun xian suggests that this unearthed text also probably appeared in the late fourth century B.C. or even a bit later than

Mencius. It is believed that the queries concerning Yao, Shun and Yu, which embarrassed Mencius, stimulated some Confucians to elaborate the learning theoretically.

Having addressed the date of the text, we now go on to discuss the authorship

123 The text does not refer to the monarchical way of Yao, but it does mention the ministerial way of Shun. Moreover, Shun is praised as “very lordly”. The protagonist of Tang yu zhi dao should not be Yao, but Shun, because the characteristics of Shun are completely presented in the text. However, as a giver, Yao lacks detailed description. 109

of Tang yu zhi dao. At present, there are five proposals regarding to the authorship of this unearthed text. Firstly, Li Xueqin associates Tang yu zhi dao with the

Shanrang case of King Kuai of Yan, reaching the conclusion that the text should belong to the school of political strategists.124 I would like to argue that the nostalgic favor for Yao, Shun, and Yu is the most important feature of

Confucianism since Confucius. Mencius, “Yaodian” and “Shundian” (in Shangshu), and “Wudi de” and “Diji xing” (in Dadai liji) gradually established the dynasties of

Tang, Yu, and Xia in the remote antiquity. Furthermore, the concepts presented in the text – for example, filial piety, fraternity, and loyalty – are all the ethical concepts of Confucianism.

Secondly, Liao Mingchun suggests that Qiongda yi shi, Tang yu zhi dao, and

Zun deyi are the writings of Confucius himself.125 I doubt that there was likelihood that such a theoretically philosophical text concerning Shanrang would appear in the latter half of the fifth century B.C. Also, there is a lack of solid textual evidence to support Liao’s suggestion.

Thirdly, Ding Sixin proposes that Tang yu zhi dao is probably a Confucian text that can be dated before Mencius.126 As stated above, the concept of ai qin and zun xian is aimed at the weakness of Mencian ideas. My argument proposes that the date of the text should not be earlier than Mencius, but there is room for argument on this point. However, I would like to point out that the primitive ideology presented in Tang yu zhi dao most likely had an early origin. This is a

124 See Li Xueqin, “Xianqin rujia zhuzuo de zhongda faxian”, p. 14.

125 See Liao Mingchun, “Jingmen guodian chujian yu xianqin ruxue”, p. 69.

126 See Ding Sixin (2000), p. 383. 110

question to be considered later.

Fourthly, Jiang Guanghui argues that Tang yu zhi dao was a text written by

Zisi himself. He uses Xunzi’s criticism of the school of Zisi – “(they) learn from the Kings of the past crudely and do not know the origin and development” (略法

先王而不知其統) – as the ground on which to determine the author. He interprets the word tong (統) as the succession of Yao, Shun, and Yu.127 A similar idea is raised by Li Jinglin. After his textual comparison of Tang yu zhi dao with

“Zhongyong” and Mencius, he attributes Tang yu zhi dao to the school of Zisi and

Mencius.128

Fifthly, Zhou Fengwu proposes that the text was likely to have been written by Mencius himself or his followers. His grounds rely on the philosophical similarities between Tang yu zhi dao and Mencius regarding the concepts of benevolence and righteousness, esteem of Yao and Shun, settling one’s destiny (an ming 安命), and the mind and the xing. The handwriting presented in the bamboo strips, which is similar to that of Qi, also supports the conclusion. It is worth noting that the differences between Tang yu zhi dao and Mencius indicate distinct views. I will discuss this issue in the following paragraphs.

Most researchers focus on the philosophical ideas in the text. However, some hints that may lead to revealing its quality are ignored. My suggestion here is that

Tang yu zhi dao is a treatise closely related to the ritual documents of the pre-Qin period, described in “Yiwen zhi” of Hanshu as one hundred and thirty one treatises of ji 記 (Li guwen ji; Hanshu, 30.1709). There are two clear traits for us to

127 See Jiang Guanghui, “Guodian chujian yu zisi zi”, p. 82.

128 Li Jinglin, “Guanyu guodianjian tangyu zhi dao de xuepai guishu wenti 關於郭店簡唐虞之道的 學派歸屬問題”, pp. 268-270. 111

consider regarding the attribution of this unearthed text. One paragraph states the ethical functions of a series of the religious ceremonies, suggesting that the text is probably associated with the documents of sacrificial rites. Let us consider the following quotation:

The sages above serve heaven to teach the people respect; below, they serve earth to teach the people love for family members. At the proper times they serve mountains and rivers to teach the people reverence; in person they serve the ancestral temples to teach the people filial piety. In the grand educational institution, the son of heaven in person arranges the order by age to teach the people fraternal duty. (strips 4 and 5)

If we investigate this paragraph carefully, we find that these four kinds of sacrifices

(to heaven, earth, mountains and rivers, and ancestral temples) occur several times in Liji.

The son of Heaven sacrifies (or presents oblations) to Heaven and Earth; to the (spirits presiding over the) four quarters; to (the spirits of) the hills and rivers; and offers the five sacrifices of the house, all in the course of the year. (Legge, BK. 1. Sect. 2. Pt.3. 4.6)

The son of Heaven sacrificed to Heaven and Earth; the princes of the states, to the (spirits of the) land and grain; Great officers offered the five sacrifices (of the house). The son of Heaven sacrificed to all the famous hills and great streams under the sky, the five mountains receiving (sacrificial) honors like the honors paid (at court) to the three ducal ministers, and the four rivers honors like those paid to the princes of states; the princes sacrificed to the famous hills and great streams which were in their own territories. (Legge, BK. 3. Sect. 3. 6) 112

In this way government is the means by which the ruler keeps and protects his person, and therefore it must have a fundamental connection with Heaven. This uses a variety of ways in sending down the intimations of Its will. As learned from the altars of the land, these are (receptivity and docility) imparted to the earth. As learned from the ancestral temple, they are benevolence and righteousness. As learned from the altars of the hills and streams, they are movement and activity. As learned from the five sacrifices of the house, they are the statutes (of their various spirits). (Legge, BK. 7, Sect. 2. 12)

Thus it was that the ancient kings were troubled lest the ceremonial usages should not be generally understood by all below them. They therefore sacrificed to God in the suburb (of the capital), and thus the place of heaven was established. They sacrificed at the altar of the earth inside the capital, and thus they intimated the benefits derived from the earth. Their sacrifices in the ancestral temple gave their fundamental place to the sentiments of humanity. Those at the altars of the hills and streams served to mark their intercourse with the spirits breathing (in nature). The five sacrifices (of the house) were a recognition of the various business which was to be done. (Legge, BK. 7. Sect. 4. 2)

The last two quotations excerpted from the chapter “Liyun” provide us with a regular set of five kinds of sacrifices. It is interesting to note that, except for the five sacrifices (wu si 五祀), the rest of the four sacrifices share the identical order of that in Tang yu zhi dao. The writer of Tang yu zhi dao obviously substituted tian zi qin chi 天子親齒 (the son of heaven arranged the order by age by himself) for wu si in order to maintain the contextual consistency. Furthermore, in the light of the chapter “Liqi”禮器, these four kinds of sacrifices can be divided into two categories: the sacrifices to heaven and earth, and ancestral temples; the sacrifices to earth, and to mountains and rivers. The former demonstrates the relationships 113

between monarch and minister, and between father and son. The latter demonstrates the appropriateness for sacrificial rituals:

The sacrifices to heaven and earth; the services of the ancestral temple; the courses for father and son; and the righteousness between ruler and minister – these are to be judged as natural duties.

The services at the altars of the land and grain and of the hills and streams; and the sacrifices to spirits – these are to be judged by the material substance of the offerings. (Legge, BK. 8, Sect. 1. 5)

All the quotations mentioned above are witness to the fact that the five kinds of sacrifices were in vogue since from the middle of the Warring States period. In

Tang yu zhi dao, it is likely that the concepts zun (respect), qin (love), and di

(fraternal duty) associated with sacrifices also came from the ritual documents, as evidenced in the following passage:

The earth supported all things, while heaven hung out its brilliant signs. They derived their material resources from the earth; they derived rules (for their courses of labor) from the heavens. Thus they were led to give honor to heaven and their affection to the earth, and therefore they taught the people to render a good return (to the earth). (Legge, BK. 9, Sect. 1. 21)

It will be clear from this quotation that the concepts zun and qin are probably derived from zun tian 尊天 and qin di 親地 (give honor to heaven and their affection to the earth) from the chapter “Jiao te sheng” 郊特牲 in Liji. Moreover, a statement presented in the chapter “Wenwang shizi” shares similarity with the idea of tian zi qin chi in Tang yu zhi dao: 114

It is only in the case of the crown prince that by the doing of one thing three excellent things are realized; and it is with reference to his taking his place in the schools according to his age that this is spoken. Thus it is that when he takes his place in them in this way, the people observing it, one will say, ‘He is to be our rulers, how is it that he gives place to us in the matter of years?’ and it will be replied, ‘While his father is alive, it is the rule that he should do so.’ Thus all will understand the right course as between father and son. A second will make the same remark, and put the same question; and it will be replied, ‘While the ruler is alive, it is the rule that he should do so;’ and thus all will understand the righteousness that should obtain between ruler and minister. To a third putting the same question it will be said, ‘He is giving to his elders what is due to their age;’ and thus all will understand the observances that should rule between young and old. (Legge, BK. 6. Sect. 2. 22)

Here, we notice that the prince “taking his place in the schools according to his age” functions to demonstrate the three kinds of human relationships: monarch and minister, father and son, elder and younger. The rule between young and old, in fact, is a matter of respect and fraternal duty.

The idea of “nourishment of the aged” 養老 (yang lao) presented in the Tang yu zhi dao also deserves to be investigated. The idea of yang lao can frequently be seen in Liji and Zhouli. Nevertheless, a detailed introduction of yang lao occurs in the chapters “Wangzhi”王制 and “Neize” 內則.129 Yang lao is believed to be a tradition practiced since the Western Zhou. Therefore, the regulations of yang lao are supposed to be preserved in the ritual documents. The emphasis of retirement

129 The chapter “Wangzhi”, which is dated to the early days of Han dynasty, shares the textual similarities with the chapter “Neize”. The date of “Neize” is questionable. However, Zheng Xuan and Zhu Xi consider that the chapter “Neize” is an ancient treatise. See Liji jijie, 27.724. We do not know exactly the textual relation between these two treatises. Even though these two chapters were edited in the early period of Han, their editors have probably referred to the ritual documents of the pre-Qin period concerning the regulations of yang lao. 115

at seventy years old in Tang yu zhi dao suggests that the text has close affinity with the ritual documents. It is important to bear in mind that the idea of “nourishment of the aged” is a part of Shanrang theory. The paragraph reads:

In the past, when the sage was twenty, he was capped; when he was thirty, he married; when he was fifty, he ruled the world; when he was seventy, he reached the endpoint of government. His four limbs were weary, and the sharpness of his ears and eyes was degenerated. He resigned the throne and bestowed the world to the man of worth. He retired and nurtured his life. (strips 25, 26, and 27)

A paragraph from the chapter “Neize” regarding “nourishment of the aged” associated with the five emperors, who nourished the elders’ breaths and bodies, provides more evidence of similarity to Tang yu zhi dao:

In all their nourishment of the aged, (the object of) the five Tis was to imitate (their virtue), while the kings of the three dynasties also begged them as models, sought to nourish their bodily vigor,130 and did not beg them to speak; but what good lessons they did speak were taken down by the faithful recorders. The three (lines of) kings also took them as models, and after nourishing their age begged them to speak. If they seemed to diminish the ceremonies (of entertainment), they all had their faithful recorders as well (to narrate their virtue). (Legge, BK. 10. Sect. 2. 3)

The emphasis of nourishment in “Neize” surprisingly shares similarity with a passage in Tang yu zhi dao. It says:

130 Kong Yingda interprets the compound qi ti 氣體 as qi xi 氣息 (breath) and shen ti身體 (body). I follow Kong Yingda’s interpretation. See Liji zhengyi, 28.1468a. 116

Now they compiled with the instrinsic nature of fat, flesh, blood, and vapor; they nurtured the regulation of human life; they were at ease with the fated life span and did not die prematurely; they nurtured life and did not cause harm. (strip 11)

He retired and nurtured his life. (strip 27)

The belief that the practice of “nourishment of the aged” can be dated from the five emperors in the remote antiquity reminds us of the protagonist, Shun in Tang yu zhi dao, who returned the sovereign power at seventy years old.131 Consequently, it is possible for us to link Tang yu zhi dao with the regulations of “nourishment of the aged” in ritual documents of the pre-Qin period. It seems convincing to say that

Shanrang presented in the text has a fundamental theory of “nourishment of the aged” behind it.

I would like to place special emphasis on the term the “six emperors” (liu di

六帝) in the text: this term has not been found in any received literature. We do not know exactly who the members of this combination would be. Deng Jianpeng suggests that the six emperors indicate Huangdi, Zhuanxu, Diku, Yao, Shun, and

Yu. 132 Based on Zheng Xuan’s commentary, Zhou Fengwu proposes that the six emperors should be Xuan Yuan 軒轅, Shaohao 少昊, Gaoyang 高陽, Gaoxin 高辛,

Taotang 陶唐, and Youyu 有虞.133 Zhou’s opinion agrees with mine. My suggestion

131 Traditionally, five emperors indicate Huangdi 黃帝, Zhuanxu 顓頊, Diku 帝嚳, Yao 堯, and Shun 舜. The key figures Yao and Shun in Tang yu zhi dao suggest that to some extent the text should associated with the ritual documents concerning the “nourishment of the aged”. The discussion of the practice of “nourishment of the aged” usually starts from the dynasty of Yu虞, the reign of Shun. See Liji zhengyi, 13.1345b-1346c; 28.1467b-c.

132 See Deng Jianpeng 鄧建鵬, “Tang yu zhi dao liudi xinshi 唐虞之道六帝新釋”, p. 279.

133 See Zhou Fengwu, “Guodian chumu zhujian tangyu zhi dao xinshi 郭店楚墓竹簡唐虞之道新 釋”, p. 747. 117

is that Shaohao has been added to the five emperors to make up the combination of six emperors. Belief in Shaohao was prevalent from the middle of the fifth century

B.C., as witnessed by abundant accounts that occur in Zuozhuan and Guoyu.134

Here, the important point is that the terminology of six emperors reveals that Tang yu zhi dao is related to the studies of remote antiquity and the genealogy of ancient emperors.

On these grounds I have come to the conclusion that Tang yu zhi dao can be attributed to a specific Confucian branch closely associated with the studies of remote antiquity or of the genealogy of ancient emperors as well as studies of the ritual treatises, rather than to the school of Zisi and Mencius. The affiliations between Tang yu zhi dao and historical matters are probably exemplified by a fragmentary sentence in the text of Tang yu zhi dao:

The termination of the principle of resigning from the throne and not transmitting it started with Xia. (strips 13)135

If Li Ling’s amendment is correct, the idea of Yu in Tang yu zhi dao shares similarity with that of the unearthed texts Zigao and Rongcheng shi, adding to the evidence for Tang yu zhi dao’s attribution. In the light of the richness of Shanrang thought during the middle of the Warring States period, the date of Tang yu zhi dao is also further defined by sharing similar topics for discussion with Mencius.

Therefore, it is reasonable to say that the text appeared around Mencius’ life and it was related to the Confucians in Qi.

134 See Wong Kwan Leung, “Guodian chumu zhujian tangyu zhi dao yinfa liudi yishuo 郭店楚墓竹 簡唐虞之道引發六帝臆說”, pp. 72-96.

135 Refer to footnote 274 of the translation of Tang yu zhi dao. 118

Pang Bangben’s idea136 that the text relates to the political circumstances in the early days of the Warring States period deserves further consideration. This is not to say that the unearthed text was created in that time in such a systematic and theoretical form, but that the essential ideas of Tang yu zhi dao probably had their origins in Qi. Generally, my assumption is that the original concepts of Tang yu zhi dao were propagandized by a group of Confucians during the middle of the fifth century B.C. in Qi. Highly inspired by the partition of Jin and the reformations of

Zhao and Wei, they cast a Utopian shadow on a state rich in natural resources located in the Shangdong peninsula. In fact, Confucius and Mencius once placed the highest expectations on the state of Qi.

A single change could bring Ch’i to the level of Lu; and a single change would bring Lu to the Way. (Waley, 6.22)

Even at the height of their power, Hsia, Yin, and Chou never exceeded a thousand li square in territory, yet Ch’i has the requisite territory. The sound of cocks crowing and dogs barking can be heard all the way to the four borders. Thus Ch’i has the requisite population. For Ch’i no further extension of its territory or increase of its population is necessary. The King of Ch’i can become a true King just by practising benevolent government, and no one will be able to stop him. (D. C. Lau, 2A.57)

Most likely, Confucians of Qi during the middle of the fourth century B.C. shared the same expectation as their later successor Mencius, that Qi had a good foundation on which to establish a benevolent government.

The hopeless circumstances in Qi during the early days of the Warring States

136 Refer to footnote 116. 119

period predicted her doom and a new ruler arose to substitute the old and decadent dominion. The foreseeable master of Qi, the Tian clan, actually originated from

Chen. A royal descendant of Chen, Chenwan 陳完, fled from Chen to Qi in 672

B.C. After almost two hundred years of service in Qi government, the Tian clan finally obtained sovereign power in 488 B.C, but it took almost one hundred years more for the Tian clan to ascend the throne. Tianhe dethroned King Kang of Qi in

386 B.C. and then was invested as the duke of Qi by the son of heaven of Zhou.

The usurpation of the Tian clan seems to embody some profound meanings for the intellectuals at that time. The unique characteristic of the Tian clan marked the predictable and legitimate successor for Qi throne as coming from its sage ancestor, sage King Shun. The founder of Chen, Guiman 媯滿, a descendant of sage King

Shun, was enfeoffed by the King Wu of Zhou in order to carry out the sacrifice to

Shun.137

Chu annexed Chen in the same year as Confucius died (479 B.C.); however, it was believed that the blood lineage of Chen would carry on in Qi instead. Much attention was paid by the elite regarding the fate of Qi during the late Spring and

Autumn period.

When the people suffered pains and diseases, the Tian clan then comforted them. The Tian clan took care of the people as their parents and the people submitted themselves to Tian like flowing water. If the Tian clan did not want to be supported by the people, how could Tian avoid? Jibo, Zhibing, Yushui, Boxi,138 had followed

137 See Shiji, 36.1575.

138 Duke Hu 胡公 is Guiman 媯滿, the founder of Chen. The King Wu of Zhou married Duke Hu his eldest daughter, Taiji 太姬. Jibo 伯箕, Zhibing 直柄, Yusui 虞遂, and Boxi 伯戲, who are the ancestors of Chen, would be sacrificed in Qi. This signifies that Tian clan would have the sovereign power in hand soon. 120

Duke Hu with his wife, Taiji in Qi. (Zuozhuan zhengyi, 42.2031b)

What I heard is that great virtue must enjoy sacrifices for one hundred generations. The number of Shun enjoying the sacrifices has not been completed yet. The sacrifices will continue in Qi and the omens have appeared. (Zuochuan zhengyi, 44.2053c)

It will be useful to keep two points in mind from these two quotations. The first point to notice is that granting favors to the people and winning the people’s loyalty are the essential prerequisites for establishment of a country. The Tian clan enjoyed this popular confidence in the early days of the fifth century B.C. The second point to notice is that King Shun, the sage king who had achieved great virtue and brilliant feats, left the bounty to posterity. Obviously, the blessing came to the Tian clan, who would continue the sacrifices to Shun.139 This was the legitimate basis for the Tian clan to ascend the throne of Qi. It is not too far from the truth to say that the trend of thought concerning the fate of Qi inspired a group of Confucians to actively respond to the rise of the Tian clan by advocating

Shanrang.

The question now arises: how did Shanrang thought come about? It may safely be assumed that Shanrang thought grew out of the study of remote antiquity.

A branch of historical writings concerning the lineage of ancient emperors and dukes called xishi 系世 (genealogy) or shi 世,140 an official learning, had

139 Sacrifice to the earliest ancestor in the temple symbolizes blood lineage and state power. The destruction of Chen implies that the sacrifice to Shun would be served. Therefore, that the Tian clan shouldered the responsibility of the sacrifice to Shun indicates that the Tian clan established their own country.

140 Shiben 世本, fifteen chapters, is recorded in the Chunqiu category in the “Yiwenzhi” of Hanshu. Ban Gu annotates: “The ancient official historians wrote down (the genealogies of) dukes and high 121

significance for the ruling class from the Western Zhou to the Spring and Autumn period. The importance of this subject can be seen in the following quotations.

(The official, Gu 瞽 and Meng 矇) read the poems and genealogies of ancient emperors, dukes, and the high ministers aloud with intonation. (Zhouli zhushu, 23.797b)

Teaching the prince with shi (世) is intended to carry forward the bright virtue and to abandon the licentiousness and stupidity in order to admonish about his behavior. (Guoyu, 17)

It will be clear from these examples that xishi or shi is not only genealogical knowledge: it is also the teaching materials for the royal education. Because the feudal system of Zhou gradually disintegrated, the strict hierarchical order, which stresses the high and low positions between son of heaven and ministers and between ministers and official servants, fell into a great confusion.141 Owing to the emphasis on the importance of hierarchy and blood lineage, the great powers were not willing to submit themselves to the feudal ranks, so their contempt for the genealogies resulted in a decay of this expertise. Thus, besides a small number of historians and intellectuals, no one paid serious attention to the learning of genealogy anymore.142

Confucius, who came from a declined noble family in Song and was a royal ministers from Yellow Emperor to the Spring and Autumn period.” See Hanshu, 30.1714. There are eight editions of Shiben compiled by Qing scholars. These eight editions of Shiben were published as a combined issue titled Shiben ba zhong 世本八種 by Shangwu yinshu guan in 1957.

141 Numerous usurpation and murderous events broke the feudal hierarchy during the late years of the Spring and Autumn period.

142 In the early days of Han, the intelligentsia seldom knew the genealogy of the ancient emperors. Sima Qian queries that some genealogies chronicled the events of ancient emperors differently from the texts written by guwen 古文. Basis on the texts of “Wudi de” 五帝德 and “Di ji xing” 帝繫姓, which are compiled in the ritual miscellany Dadai liji 大戴禮記, Sima Qian created the 122

descendant from Shang, devoted himself to study and spread the Zhou culture during his whole life. We believe that Confucius also passed the learning of genealogy of ancient emperors to his disciples. He was fascinated by the historical documents. His serious attitude to the literature handed down from the past reveals his great interests in the study of the antiquity. He said:

How can we talk about the ritual of the Hsia? The state of Ch’i supplies no adequate evidence. How can we talk about the ritual of Yin? The State of Sung supplies no adequate evidence. For there is a lack both of documents and of learned men. But for this lack we should be able to obtain evidence from these two States. (Waley, 3.9)

His enthusiasm was not only confined to the Xia and Yin dynasties: he was also interested in the deeds of ancient emperors. His great admiration for Yao, Shun, and Yu was preserved extensively in the chapter “Taibo”.

The Master said, Sublime were Shun and Yu! All that is under Heaven was theirs, yet they remained aloof from it. (Waley, 8.18)

The Master said, Greatest, as lord and ruler, was Yao. Sublime, indeed, was he. There is no greatness like the greatness of Heaven, yet Yao could copy it. So boundless was it that the people could find no name for it; yet Sublime were his achievements, dazzling the insignia of his culture. (Waley, 8.19)

Shun had five ministers and all that is under Heaven was well ruled. (Waley, 8.20)

The Master said, In Yu I can find no semblance of a flaw. Abstemious in his own food and drink, he displayed the utmost

“Biographies of Five Emperors” 五帝本紀. See Shiji, 1.46. 123

devotion in his offerings to spirits and divinities. Content with the plainest clothes for common wear, he saw to it that his sacrificial apron and ceremonial head-dress were of the utmost magnificence. His place of habitation was of the humblest, and all his energy went into draining and ditching. In him I can find no semblance of a flaw. (Waley, 8.21)

Here, we notice that the compound bu yu (不與) from the first quotation can be interpreted to mean that Shun and Yu gained the land under the heaven without pursuit of it (Lunyu zhushu, 8.2487c). A Tang scholar, Yan Shigu, provides another interpretation that the way Shun and Yu dominated was to appoint worthy men for management, rather than participate in it themselves (Lunyu jishi, 16.547). In spite of the differences between them, the sense of yielding to the worthy men (rang xian 讓賢) permeates through the context. The third quotation presenting Shun as appointing five virtuous persons also accords with the thought of rang xian. In addition to the examples mentioned above, there is one more account concerning the exaltation of the worthy men. Confucius said:

Get as much as possible done first by your subordinates. Pardon small offences. Promote men of superior capacity. (Waley, 8.2)

To sum up, it is important to notice that Confucius’ thought had already contained both elements: the admiration of Yao, Shun, and Yu as well as the exaltation of worthy men. Therefore, it is reasonable to say that Confucianism has its own tradition of Shanrang thought, but this is not to say that Confucius himself created it. After Confucius’ death, there was a critical step accelerating his later followers to develop his ideas into the intricate philosophy. The task of synthesizing the concepts of respect for worthy men and yielding to others fell to one person, Modi, 124

who was once a Confucian disciple. The well-known scholar, Gu Jiegang, points out that Shanrang thought, including the concepts respect for the worthy men and appointment to the able persons, was advanced by Moists. Furthermore, the

Confucian circle and even its celebrated figures Mencuis and Xunzi were deeply influenced by Moists in this field.143 Mozi includes three chapters Shangxian 尚賢, which are the earliest and most well-organized writings on this subject. This is sound evidence to support that Gu’s ideas are reliable.

In this chapter I argue that Shanrang theory was derived from the study of remote antiquity, including the genealogy of ancient emperors. In addition to

“Wudi de” and “Di xi xing” from Dadai liji, the unearthed texts Zigao and

Rongcheng shi, which present the deeds of ancient emperors and express the admiration of the golden age, also support my hypothesis. If my hypothesis is tenable, it is most likely that Shanrang theory was once the propaganda which upheld the Tian clan as the rightful heir of Qi. There are three reasons for this explanation. First, tracing back the Tian clan’s ancestor from the founder of Chen,

Hugong, to the sage king Shun is based on the genealogy of Chen in regard to xishi

系世. Secondly, Shun is a key figure of Shanrang theory in Tang yu zhi dao. Shun unfolding his selflessness and high morality is regarded as a virtuous man, a filial son, a loyal subject, and a kind monarch. Thirdly, the Tian clan carried out a series of good conduct events and generosity to people, which fully displayed their worthy and beneficent features. The purposes of Tian’s efforts are to meet the

Shanrang requirements in order to ascend the throne legitimately.

143 See Gu Jiegang, “Chanrang chuanshuo qi yu mojia kao 禪讓傳說起於墨家考”, pp. 68-78. 125

CHAPTER 4144 ZHONGXIN ZHI DAO (THE WAY OF LOYALTY AND TRUSTWORTHINESS): MORAL STANDARD AND THEIR RELATION TO RITUAL THEORY IN EARLY CONFUCIANISM

The ideas of loyalty and trustworthiness presented in Zhongxin zhi dao tally with the trend of ritual theory that flourished during the middle of the Warring

States period. These two moral concepts representing sincerity were applied to interpret the spirit of the rituals. Therefore, the merger between moral concepts and ritual theory suggests that Zhongxin zhi dao was a text closely related to the ritual documents at that time. Later I will offer a more precise account of this issue.

Zhongxin zhi dao, a text concentrated on the discussions of the two moral concepts loyalty and trustworthiness, lays emphasis on the idea that the rulers and the persons who were in office should be loyal and trustworthy to the people.145

Loyalty and trustworthiness are highly praised in the text as the supreme doctrine analogous with heaven and earth. As the guiding principles for the government, the practice of loyalty and trustworthiness can obtain the ardent support of the people.

There is no great controversy on the Confucian figure behind Zhongxin zhi dao because most of us would accept that loyalty and trustworthiness are the pivotal characteristics of the learning of Zizhang, one of Confucius’ disciples, as attested in Lunyu. Nevertheless, there are three suggestions concerning the

144 This chapter is based on my “Zhongxin zhi dao yu zhanguo shiqi de zhongxin sichao 忠信之道 與戰國時期的忠信思潮”, Guanzi Xuekan, Vol.3, 2003, pp. 35-41.

145 Li Cunshan argues that the text advanced the moral demands to the persons who were in power. He further suggests that in the text loyalty and trustworthiness were not the moral teachings for people; on the contrary, they were the moral requirements for the ruling class. See “Du chujian zhongxin zhi dao ji qita”, p. 265. 126

authorship of the text. First of all, Liao Mingchun proposes that Zhongxin zhi dao was a text written by Zizhang himself, expounding the teaching of loyalty and trustworthiness from Confucius.146 Secondly, Zhou Fengwu considers that the text is the full exposition of Confucius’ words,147 saying: “Be loyal and true to your every word, serious and careful in all you do; and you will get on well enough, even though you find yourself among barbarians” (Waley, 15.5). His conclusion is mainly based on a line at the end of a text similar to the preceding quotation, which says: “Therefore, this is the reason they were adopted by barbarian tribes in ancient times” (strips 8 and 9). Thirdly, Li Cunshan proposes that Chen Liang, a Confucian master in the south (probably Mencius’ senior), was the author of Zhongxin zhi dao.148

The third suggestion will be excluded from my consideration both because it lacks convincing textual evidence and because we know nothing about Chen

Liang’s life. The first suggestion makes a sweeping generalization. Zhou’s statement needs to be elaborated precisely. In the text, loyalty and trustworthiness had been well developed from the thought of Confucius. Two features mark their ideological tendency: loyalty and trustworthiness are raised to a level of supremacy; and loyalty and trustworthiness as self-cultivation are extended to the management of state affairs. Two moral concepts had evolved into a new political philosophy different from the original thought of Confucius. In the light of the unearthed text

146 See “Jingmen guodian chujian yu xianqin ruxue”, pp. 50-51.

147 See Zhou Fengwu, “Guodian zhujian de xingshi tezheng jiqi fenlei yiyi”, p. 55, 61; “Guodian chujian zhongxin zhi dao kaoshi 郭店楚簡忠信之道考釋”, p. 143.

148 Li Cunshan supports Liang Qichao’s argument that Chen Liang, in fact, is Zhongliang shi 仲良 氏, one of the eight Confucian schools, mentioned by Hanfei zi. See “Du chujian zhongxin zhi dao ji qita”, pp. 275-277. 127

itself, it seems that the school of Zizhang had established a complete theory of loyalty and trustworthiness which includes the theoretical basis for morality and administration – the supremacy of heaven and earth, moral cultivation and the ways to manage the country. Zhou Fengwu’s suggestion is possible, but it is unnecessary to attribute the text to Zizhang himself. Instead, however, the text was probably created by one of Zizhang’s disciples or his later followers.

On the basis of the “Biography of Confucius’ Disciples” in Shiji, Zhuansun shi’s 顓孫師 personal name was Zizhang. He came from Chen and was forty-eight years younger than his master, Confucius.149 Although few in number, the recorded episodes of Zizhang’s life can be found in Lunyu and Liji.150 In view of the frequency of fragmentary occurrences in Lunyu and Liji, it is reasonable to believe that Zizhang became a celebrated figure after Confucius’ death. Zizhang was proficient in the expertise of rituals according to Guo Zhaozi 國昭子, a daifu of Qi who consulted him once about the funeral ritual when Guo’s mother died (Liji zhengyi, 9.1304a). We also know that Zengzi had a close relationship with Zizhang.

An account preserved in Liji witnesses their friendship: when Zizhang died, although Zengzi was still observing mourning for his mother, he offered condolence at Zizhang’s funeral (Liji Zhengyi, 9.1300a).151 Another account records

149 See Shiji, 67.2203-2204. Qian Mu determines that Zizhang originated from Lu and that he lived roughly from 503B.C. to 450 B.C. See Qian Mu (1985), p. 63, 616.

150 The name Zizhang occurs eighteen times in Lunyu, 2.2462c; 2.2463b; 5.2474c; 11.2499c; 12.2503a; 12.2503c; 12.2504a; 12.2504b; 14.2513b; 15.2517a; 15.2519a; 17.2524c; 19.2531c; 19.2532b; 20.2535c. Zizhang occurs eight times in Liji, 7.1281c; 7.1284c; 9.1300a; 9.1304a; 9.1305b; 50.1613a; 50.1615a.

151 A person who observed mourning for a parent could not offer condolence at a funeral. Zengzi answers that I am not going to offer condolences to the living. In other words, Zengzi desired to express his deep sorrow to Zizhang instead. He argued that therefore, he did not violate the ritual in this case. 128

that Gongming Yi 公明儀,152 one of Zizhang’s disciples, buried Zizhang as shi status of Shang dynasty yin shi 殷士 (Liji zhengyi, 7.1284c). In addition, it is interesting to note that both Ziyou and Zengzi criticized Zizhang for not achieving benevolence because of his over-emphasis on deportment.153 It seems fair to say, from what has been stated above, that Zizhang should be an influential figure within the Confucian circle; this is also evidenced by Hanfei zi, which places the school of Zizhang first, ahead of the other seven Confucian schools.154 On the contrary, Xunzi criticized Zizhang bitterly as a despicable Confucian (Xunzi,

3.6.66). This criticism of Xunzi suggests that the school of Zizhang was still active and influential during the late Warring States period.

Of course, Zizhang’s learning of loyalty and trustworthiness was handed down from Confucius, who took these two moral ideas as the code of conduct. In Lunyu,

Confucius refers to loyalty sixteen times, trustworthiness thirty-six times and the compound of loyalty and trustworthiness six times. The frequency of application reveals their importance to Confucius, making them next to benevolence in order.

Here are two examples:

If a gentleman is frivolous, he will lose the respect of his inferiors and lack firm ground upon which to build up his education. First and foremost he must learn to be faithful to his superiors, to keep promises, to refuse the friendship of all who are not like him. And if

152 Gongming Yi was also a disciple of Zengzi, see Dadai liji, 52.82; Liji zhengyi, 48.1598b. I do not know if the Gongming Yi in these two accounts is the same person.

153 Zheng Xuan in his commentary says: “Zizhang pays attention to the splendor of the deportment and then he falls into insufficiency in the way of benevolence.” See Lunyu zhushu, 19.2532.b.

154 Confucian circle spilt into eight schools after Confucius’ death. They are the school of Zizhang, the school of Zisi, the school of Yan shi, the school of Meng shi, the school of Qidiao shi, the school of Zhongliang shi, the school of Yuezheng shi, and the school of Sun shi. See Hanfei zi jijie, 19.50.351. 129

he finds he has made a mistake, then he must not be afraid of admitting the fact and amending his ways.155 (Waley, 1.8)

In an hamlet of ten houses you may be sure of finding someone quite as loyal and true to his word as I. But I doubt if you would find anyone with such a love of learning. (Waley, 5.27)

We should notice that the usage of loyalty in Lunyu is not only for superiors or ruler,156 but it also indicates one’s sincerity to others.157 One account witnesses that loyalty also means to be honest to one’s words.158 Close to loyalty, trustworthiness means honesty, indicating that rulers should be honest with the people;159 one should be honest to others;160 one should be honest to one’s words;161 and one should be honest to private and public businesses.162 Confucius paid high attention to trustworthiness because he believed that it is a spiritual foundation for the country. In conversations between Confucius and Zizhang preserved in Lunyu,

Confucius referred to the compound of loyalty and trustworthiness twice. In addition, loyalty and trustworthiness appear once in each dialog. The accounts mentioned above strengthen our impression of the characteristics of Zizhang’s learning. It is useful to quote the following accounts from Lunyu:

155 The sentence “主忠信，毋友不如己者，過則勿憚改” also occurs in Lunyu zhushu, 9.2491b.

156 “A ruler in employing his ministers should be guided solely by the prescriptions of ritual. Ministers in serving their ruler, solely by devotion to his cause” 君使臣以禮，臣事君以忠 (Waley, 3.19); Lunyu zhushu, 3.2468a.

157 See Lunyu zhushu, 1.2457b; 4.2471c; 13.2507c.

158“In his words to be loyal” 言思忠 (Waly, 16.10); Lunyu zhushu, 16.2522b.

159 See 12.2503b; 13.2506c; 17.2524c; 19.2532a; 20.2535a.

160 See Lunyu zhushu, 1.2457b; 1.2458a; 2.2463a; 5.2475b.

161 See Lunyu zhushu, 1.2458a; 15.2517a; 13.2508a.

162 See Lunyu zhushu, 1.2457b; 15.2518a. 130

Tzu-chang asked what was meant by “piling up moral force” and “deciding when in two minds.” The master said, “by piling up moral force” is meant taking loyalty and good faith as one’s guiding principles, and migrating to places where right prevails. Again, to love a thing means wanting it to live, to hate a thing means wanting it to perish. But suppose I want something to live and at the same time want it to perish; that is “being in two minds.” (Waley, 12.10)

Tzu-chang asked about getting on with people. The master said, Be loyal and true to your every word, serious and careful in all you do; and you will get on well enough, even though you find yourself among barbarians. But if you are disloyal and untrustworthy in your speech, frivolous and careless in your acts, even though you are among your own neighbors, how can you hope to get on well? (Waley, 15.5)

Tzu-chang asked about public business. The Master said, Ponder over it untiringly at home; carry it out loyally when the time comes. (Waley, 12.14)

Tzu-chang asked Master K’ung about Goodness. Master K’ung said, He who could put the Five into practice everywhere under Heaven would be Good. Tzu-chang begged to hear what these were. The Master said, Courtesy, breadth, good faith, diligence and clemency. “He who is courteous is not scorned, he who is broad wins the multitude, he who is of good faith is trusted by the people, he who diligent succeeds in all he undertakes, he who is clement can get service from the people.” (Waley, 17.6)

As self-cultivation, quotations 1, 2 and 3 above emphasize the practice of loyalty and trustworthiness. Quotation 4 mentions five kinds of virtues, one of which is trustworthiness, particularly its administrative effect. From the context in quotation

2, after Confucius completed his statement, Zizhang “inscribed the maxim upon his 131

sash”, which reveals Zizhang’s serious attitude to Confucius’ teachings.

Furthermore, it is likely that the statement of loyalty and trustworthiness became the guidelines for his whole life. To sum up, loyalty and trustworthiness and the administrative effect are the two main ideas Zizhang learned from his master, as illustrated in these quotations. The point I wish to stress is that these two main ideas are also in accordance with the central gist of Zhongxin zhi dao.

Han Fei realized that the school of Zizhang was an influential branch within the Confucian circle in the Warring States period. But Zizhang’s learning, which did not survive under the tyrannical dominion of Qin, was lost. Thus, we do not know what the exact learning of Zizhang was. However, we can still get a hint of his academic propositions, drawn from his remarks in Lunyu.

A knight who confronted with danger is ready to lay down his life, who confronted with the chance of gain thinks first of right, who judges sacrifice by the degree of reverences shown and mourning by the degree of grief – such a one is all that can be desired. (Waley, 19.1)

A gentleman reverences those that excel, but ‘finds room’ for all; he commends the good and pities the incapable. (Waley, 19.3)

From these quotations, Zizhang’s learning divides into three points: to die for righteousness; emphasis of true feelings inward; esteem of the worthy men and forbearance in dealing with the multitude. Liu Baonan 劉寶楠, a Qing scholar, quotes from Zhen Dexiu’s 真德秀 commentary, Sishu jibian 四書集編, saying:

“between life and death, one is able to die only following righteousness.”163 Zhen’s

163 See Liu Baonan, Lunyu zhengyi, 22.19.737. 132

explanation, which helps us understand the first point, is convincing because it corresponds with Confucius’ idea that one “has to give his life in order to achieve

Goodness” (Waley, 15.8). The question now arises: what are the relationships among benevolence, righteousness and trustworthiness? Some clues may come from Zuozhuan to inspire our thinking. Let us consider the following quotations.

Exhausting oneself in practice of benevolence is called trustworthiness. (Zuozhuan zhengyi, 60.2178a)

Trustworthiness carried out with righteousness is benefit.164 (Zuozhuan zhengyi, 24.1887b)

There is a suggestion here that trustworthiness indicates that one should make any efforts faithfully to put benevolence into practice. This single-minded devotion to maintain and carry out benevolence is absolute sincerity. But, righteousness is just like a lamp in the dark to show people the way to walk. Therefore, benevolence and trustworthiness should be guided by righteousness. That is the reason why they should match with righteousness. On the basis of the understanding above, we assume that righteousness has to be maintained even though one would lose one’s life. Consequently, it is reasonable to say that the statement, “A knight who confronted with danger is ready to lay down his life”, corresponds with the moral idea of trustworthiness. From this viewpoint one may say that Zizhang’s learning advocates trustworthiness, righteousness and courage. The second point recalls for

164 Youzi says: “Trustworthiness is close to righteousness and the words can be carried out” (Lunyu zhushu, 1.2458b). Zheng Xuan in his commentary annotates that the character 復 (fu) means changeable, indicating that promise is unnecessary to be fulfilled. Evidence preserved in Zuozhuan supports Zheng Xuan’s suggestion, saying: “Fulfillment of the words is not righteousness” (Zuozhuan zhengyi, 60.2178a). Thus Zheng Xuan’s suggestion is reliable. 133

us Confucius’ teaching that emphasized genuine feelings on funeral and sacrifice.165 What Zizhang stated seems to pursue proper and genuine feelings in different situations, which is equivalent to the meanings of sincerity and honesty.

The third point shows Zizhang’s generous and forgiving characteristics, which marked the special traits of his learning. An account preserved in the chapter “Wei jiangjun wenzi” 衛將軍文子 in Dadai liji strongly supports my statement above, saying:

The conduct of Zhuansun is that he does not boast of his contributions; he does not show a happy expression for a high official position; he does not humiliate the people who can be humiliated; he does not enjoy what are given to pleasures; and he does not disgrace the people who are hopeless.166

Following this paragraph, regarding his conduct, Confucius praises him highly, saying that his benevolence is the greatest.167 We can place the preceding quotation as a reference note for his learning. I would like to point out that Zizhang’s political thought (esteem of the worthy men and forbearance in dealing with the multitude) corresponds with the ideas of paying loyalty and trustworthiness to the people that prevailed during the Spring and Autumn period. We shall return to this

165 Confucius pays great attention to the essence of ritual, inward feelings. For instance, Confucius says: “In ritual, it is better to be frugal rather than luxurious; in funeral rites, it is better to be sorrowful rather than negligent” (Lunyu zhushu, 3.2466a). Another example is: “If I am not present at the sacrifice, it is as thought there were no sacrifice” (Waley, 3.12; Lunyu zhushu, 3.2467a). It means that if one does not show reverence to sacrifice, it equates with not participating in the sacrifice.

166See Dadai liji jiegu, 6.110.

167 This account in which Confucius praises him as having the greatest benevolence because he does not oppress the people contradicts Ziyou and Zengzi’s criticisms of Zizhang, that he did not achieve benevolence. Liu Baonan argues that Zizhang did achieve benevolence but he could not assist others to achieve benevolence, which equates with not achieving benevolence. See Lunyu zhengyi, 22.746. 134

subject later. In short, based on my analyses, we can say that Zizhang’s learning tallies with the ideas of loyalty and trustworthiness.

If the account preserved in Shiji is correct, Zizhang was a very young disciple during Confucius’ old age; when Confucius died, Zizhang was only twenty-four years old. Therefore, if we assume that Zizhang died aged seventy years around

433 B.C., Zhongxin zhi dao was probably written during the late fifth century B.C. to the first half of the fourth century B.C. There is one further question that we must not ignore. Among the accounts in Lunyu and Liji, the contents regarding

Zizhang asking to go into politics occur four times. In addition, it is worth noting that a chapter in Dadai liji titled “Zizhang wen ruguan” 子張問入官 discusses fully statecraft in the style of a dialog between Confucius and Zizhang. All these instances shown above reveal that Zizhang was a person who was eager to join the government service. Undoubtedly, his emphasis of loyalty and trustworthiness and his ambition in politics were well developed by his disciples or later followers into the kind of political thought presented in Zhongxin zhi dao.

In the following paragraphs, I aim to determine the date of Zhongxin zhi dao.

To further my discussion, an important early step is to establish the upper and lower limits of time span for this. Therefore, we should first analyze the concepts of loyalty and trustworthiness in the Spring and Autumn period in order to confirm the upper limit. My discussion relies on the sources cited from Zuozhuan. Our difficulties are that there is limited reliable evidence concerning these two moral ideas in the Spring and Autumn period. On the basis of Karlgren’s research,

Zuozhuan is dated roughly from 468 B.C. to 213 B.C.168 Burton Watson argues that

168 See Bernhard Karlgren, “The Authenticity of Ancient Chinese Texts”, pp. 165-183. 135

Zuozhuan should have existed in the latter part of the third centruy B.C. because both Hanfei zi and Lüshi chunqiu have quoted directly from Zuozhuan.169 Chinese researchers generally agree that Zuozhuan was compiled in the early part of the

Warring States period, which does not contradict Karlgren’s result. Zuozhuan’s style of writing and grammar structure show clear differences with the writings from the middle of the Warring States period. This seems to suggest that the compilation of Zuozhuan occurred around the late fifth century B.C. or the early days of the fourth century B.C. The texts preserved in Zuozhuan are mostly authentic, but it is probable that adulteration happened during the process of compilation. There is fairly general agreement that Guoyu belonged to the period contemporary with Zuozhuan, but we find that the sources concerning loyalty and trustworthiness reflect the ideologies of the middle of the Warring States period.

Thus, I prefer to take them as evidence to determine the lower limit instead. Lunyu is a reliable resource reflecting the age when Confucius lived and his ideas of loyalty and trustworthiness previously outlined.

The elite of the Spring and Autumn period often referred to the moral concepts of loyalty and trustworthiness, using them to discuss social and political issues. More than that, loyalty and trustworthiness as public morality and self- cultivation were highly praised as the foundation of all virtues.

Attention to the services which are due to other states, in order to defend one’s own altars, is the course of leal-heartedness (zhong), good faith, and humble complaisance. Leal-heartedness (zhong) is the correct manifestation of virtue. Good faith is the bond of virtue. Humble complaisance is the foundation of virtue. (Legge, BK. 6, 230; Zuozhuan zhengyi, 18.1837c)

169 See Burton Watson (1989), the introduction. 136

The people also called these moral concepts “auspicious virtues” 吉德 (Zuozhuan zhengyi, 20.1861c), combined with two other moral concepts, filial piety and reverence. The evidence comes from the frequent occurrences of loyalty and trustworthiness found in Zuozhuan. Loyalty and trustworthiness, a pair of intimate concepts, possess wide-ranging meanings. First of all, both loyalty and trustworthiness express the moral duty requiring a vassal to be loyal to his ruler.

1 If the prince disobey his father’s command, he will be unfilial; if he abandon the business entrusted to him, he will be unfaithful. (Legge, BK. 4, 130; Zuozhuan zhengyi, 11.1789a)

2 With the ruler thus intelligent and his servants thus loyal, his high officers thus ready to yield their places. (Legge, BK. 9, 440; Zuozhuan zhengyi, 30.1942c)

3 If an officer with a charge neglect the command given to him, he fails in respect; if he make strong a place to be held by enemies, he fails in fidelity. Failing in respect and fidelity, how can he serve his lord? (Legge, BK. 5, 144; Zuozhuan zhengyi, 12.1794c)

4 To murder the people’s lord would be disloyalty, and to cast away from me the marquis’s command will be unfaithfulness. (Legge, BK. 7, 290; Zuozhuan zhengyi, 21.1867a)

5 When a prince gives out his command, it is a righteous act which he discharges, and when a minister receives that command, he is bound in fidelity to fulfil it. The fulfillment of the righteous command is beneficial to the state… (Legge, BK. 7, 328; Zuozhuan zhengyi, 24.1887b) 137

6 A faithful man will not revolt against his ruler; a wise man will not injure the people; a valiant man will not raise disorder. (Legge, BK. 7.405; Zuozhuan zhengyi, 28.1922b)

It will be clear from these examples that loyalty and trustworthiness share very close meanings with each other in this case. Moreover, loyalty in quotation 1 as well as trustworthiness in quotations 4 and 5 can be exchanged. However, loyalty and trustworthiness were not only the moral requirements for a vassal, they were also the moral duty imposed on the ruler or the persons who are in power. Let us consider the following quotations.

1 What I mean by being ruled according to reason, is showing a loyal love for the people, and a faithful worship of the spirits. When the ruler thinks only of benefiting the people, that is loyal loving of them; when the priests’ words are all correct, that is faithful worship. (Legge, BK. 2, 48; Zuozhuan zhengyi, 6.1749c)

2 When men in high positions cleanse their hearts, treating their with an uniform consistency, and regulating their good faith by such laws that it is clearly demonstrated, then men can be properly ruled by them. (Legge, BK. 9, 490; Zuozhuan zhengyi, 34.1970b)

3 Rulers should hold fast good faith, and their subjects reverent obedience. (Legge, BK. 22, 495; Zuozhuan zhengyi, 35.1974c)

Quotations 1 and 2 demonstrate that the ruling class should care about the wellbeing of the people because they are the key to maintaining the stability of the country. In brief those to whom the ruling class pays loyalty and trustworthiness are the subordinates and the people. In addition, there is one more similarity between 138

loyalty and trustworthiness that we must not ignore: both concepts also indicate not to desert the native country.

1 His not being ashamed of his origin shows the man’s virtue; his not forgetting his old associations, his good faith (xin); his freedom from mercenariness, his loyalty; and his honoring your lordship, his intelligence. (Legge, BK. 8, 371; Zuozhuan zhengyi, 26.1906a)

2 In misfortune, not forgetting his state, he is loyal; in prospect of difficulties not (wishing) to overstep his office, he is faithful. (Legge, BK. 10, 577; Zuozhuan zhengyi, 41.2020c)

Trustworthiness here seems to mean to cherish the memory of native country, but if we take quotation 2 into account, it more likely implies not to do any harm to one’s country. One thing is clear: unlike loyalty, trustworthiness does not necessarily have the meaning of unselfishness.

In spite of the similarities between loyalty and trustworthiness mentioned above, they also have their own meanings. Loyalty also means not to harm the public or country interests out of private interests, as shown here:

Doing to the extent of my knowledge whatever will be advantageous to your house is loyalty. (Legge, BK. 5, 154; Zuozhuan zhengyi, 13.1801a)

To injure the public service for my private ends would not show loyalty. (Legge, BK. 7, 245; Zuozhuan zhengyi, 19a.1845a)

One further idea concerning the concept of loyalty is attested in Zuozhuan. 139

I have heard that it is contained in an old book, that neither kindness nor wrong can be repaid in the persons of a man’s children; and that is a principle with leal-hearted people. (Legge, BK. 7, 245; Zuozhuan zhengyi, 19a.1845a)

In this case, loyalty means that pursuit of reward or revenge should not be carried over to the next generation. Kong Yingda in his commentary explains that this is the way of loyalty and forgiveness 忠恕之道. Trustworthiness also has two other meanings. Firstly, it also means to be honest to gods.

When the priests’ words are all correct, that is faithful worship. (Legge, BK. 2, 48; Zuozhuan zhengyi, 6.1749c)

…his offices of prayers set forth the truth before the spirits, and used no speeches he could be ashamed of. (Legge, BK. 27, 533; Zuozhuan zhengyi, 38.1996c)

Secondly, it implies a moral conduct, requiring people to cultivate themselves and to treat people sincerely.

This tells us how result must come from one’s own uniform endeavor. Let one’s sincerity be uniform and undivided, and then successful results may be anticipated. (Legge, BK. 9, 490; Zuozhuan zhengyi, 34.1970c)

It is from the purpose in the mind that words come forth; it is by words that good faith is declared; and it is by good faith that the purpose in the mind is realized. (Legge, BK. 27, 533; Zuozhuan zhengyi, 38.1996a)

We arrive at the conclusion that the definition of loyalty contains five aspects: 140

a moral duty from vassal to ruler; a moral duty from ruler or ruling class to the people; not to betray the country; maintenance of public interests; and kindness and forgiveness. The definition of trustworthiness contains six: a moral duty from vassal to ruler; a moral duty from ruler or ruling class to subordinates and the people; keeping native country in mind; standing fast at one’s post; to be honest to gods; and self-cultivation. Having compared the preceding analysis with

Confucius’ thought, we find that Confucius’ ideas of loyalty and trustworthiness basically accord with those in Zuozhuan. The identical meanings of loyalty and trustworthiness presented in Lunyu and Zuozhuan suggest that they belong to the ethical ideologies in the same age. To clarify their traits will be helpful to determine the date of Zhongxin zhi dao.

On the basis of Li Ling’s study, he divides the text of Zhongxin zhi dao into four paragraphs.170

The first paragraph offers a detailed explanation of loyalty and trustworthiness.

Loyalty is defined as “not to cheat and not to go back on one’s words”, while trustworthiness is defined as “not to deceive and not to be intelligent”. The writer draws the analogies between loyalty and earth; between trustworthiness and seasons.

The second paragraph describes the features of loyalty and trustworthiness. Loyalty is characterized by long-lasting and unchanging status, while trustworthiness is marked by a trait of changing, within which constancy is observed. The writer gives them the supreme positions, drawing analogy with heaven and earth.

The third paragraph gives a concrete description of the practice of loyalty and trustworthiness, including that one’s deeds should match with one’s words, one’s 141

facial expressions should match with one’s true feelings, and one does not please the people.

The fourth paragraph emphasizes the political effects of loyalty and trustworthiness.

The list includes sufficiency of goods and materials nurtures the people; the mass of creatures obtain satisfaction of their lives; numerous merits are established; the people submit themselves to the government and the ruler’s words are trusted by the people.

In the context, loyalty and trustworthiness as the moral ideas link a gentleman’s honesty to his words, to his feelings, and to the people, which corresponds with that in Zuozhuan and Lunyu. They are all plain moral concepts not yet merged with the philosophical ideas of internal and external. It suggests that the date of Zhongxin zhi dao should not be too much later than Confucius, but it should not be later than the middle of the Warring States period.

I would like to show that if we link up the sources chronologically from

Zuozhuan, Lunyu, Zhongxin zhi dao, Liji, to Daida liji, a clear philosophical line of the development of loyalty and trustworthiness during the pre-Qin period becomes manifest. We may say that Zhongxin zhi dao is an intermediate form elaborating the original ideas from Confucius towards the subtle theory preserved in Liji and

Dadai liji. Two developing directions can be observed. As mentioned before, on one hand, the political thought of loyalty and trustworthiness merged into the philosophical concept, forming a complicated and meticulous ideological system from the middle of the Warring States period. On the other hand, the ideas of loyalty and trustworthiness became well integrated with the ritual theory, enriching ritual theory: they were an explanatory tool to re-interpret the spirit of ritual, the

170 See Li Ling (2002), p. 100. 142

new blood to revitalize the rigid ritual.

Let us, for the moment, consider the lower limit of the time frame for

Zhongxin zhi dao. My discussion in this part mainly rests on the chapters “Liqi” 禮

器, “Jiyi” 祭義, and “Jitong” 祭統 in Liji and the chapters “Zizhang wenruguan”

子張問入官 and “Xiaobian” 小辨 in Dadai liji. The date and authenticity of Liji and Dadai liji are the most complicated and controversial issues. In Takeuchi

Yoshio’s study, he determines that the chapters of “Liyun” 禮運, “Liqi” and “Jiao te sheng” 郊特牲 were compiled by Meng Qing 孟卿 or Hou Cang’s 后蒼 son.171

His conclusion is based on his associating these ritual texts with Xunzi’s ritual thought. However, his argument is not convincing enough to me. A Qing scholar,

Chen Li 陳澧, suggests that “Jiao te sheng”, “Jiyi”, “Jifa” 祭法, and “Jitong” are the oldest texts among forty-nine chapters in Liji. He points out that both “Jiao te sheng” and “Jiyi” preserve the suburban sacrifice 郊祭; “Jiao te sheng” preserves the sacrifice to the god of land 社祭 and the sacrifice to hundred gods in the twelfth month 大蜡; “Jifa” preserves the sacrifices to the ancestor 廟 and to the remote ancestor 祧, sacrifice in altar 壇 and sacrifice in a clean floor 墠.172 These sacrificial writings had been lost during Han time, so these documents preserved many long-lost sources indeed. Chen Li’s opinions deserve our consideration. A modern scholar, Shen Wenzhuo 沈文倬, after detailed textual criticism, has determined that the dates of “Jitong” and “Liqi” are earlier than Mencius, while

“Jiyi” is dated around the middle of the fourth century B.C.173 Shen’s

171 Takeuchi Yoshio suggests that Meng Qing handed down the ritual learning from Xunzi. One of Meng Qing’s disciples was Hou Cang, who handed down the ritual learning to Dai De and Dai Sheng (Hanshu, 88.3615). See Takeuchi, Yoshio, “Liyun kao 禮運考”.

172 See Chen Li, Dongsu dushu ji 東塾讀書記, 9.6.

173 “Jiyi” is dated between Duke Gong (376 B.C. to 353 B.C.) and Duke Kang of Lu (352 B.C. to 143

demonstration has ample evidence and the conclusion is convincing.

“Xiaobian” is one of the texts in a collection titled Kongzi san zhao ji attested in “Yiwenzhi” of Hanshu.174 Takeuchi Yoshio points out that the date of Kongzi san chao ji is roughly between Mencius and Xunzi and that the authors should be

Zengzi’s disciples. He argues that the writer of “Xiaobian” adopted the compound zhong and xin in the text rather than the term cheng,175 so he reaches the conclusion that the date of “Xiaobian” should be earlier than Xunzi. I would like to point out that even without the term cheng, we can also come to this conclusion. This probably hints that “Xiaobian” is a text earlier than Mencius. In fact, the spread of the ritual documents in the pre-Qin period is a very puzzling problem. The editors or compilers in the Warring States period probably transcribed from different sources and then organized them into a fresh work.176 Although the documents, handed down from generation to generation, were likely amended, supplemented and even altered later on, we must not lightly deny their authenticity completely.

An unearthed text, Min zhi fumu 民之父母 is a striking example. A paragraph in this unearthed text can also be found in the chapter “Kongzi xian ju” in Liji and the chapter “Lunli” in Kongzi jiayu.177 This suggests that “Kongzi xianju” is a ritual text that existed in the Warring States period.178 Regarding the textual transmission,

344 B.C.). See Shen Wenzhuo (1999), p. 44, 52.

174 Kongzi san chao ji belongs to the category of Lunyu, totally seven chapters collected in Dadai liji. They are “Qiansheng” 千乘, “Sidai” 四代, “Yu daide” 虞戴德, “Gaozhi” 誥志, “Xiaobian” 小辨, “Yongbing” 用兵 and “Xiaoxian” 小閒. See Hanshu, 30.1717.

175 See Takeuchi, Yoshio, “Liangdai ji kao 兩戴記考”, p. 179.

176 See Li Ling (2004), pp. 25-28.

177 See Shanghai bowuguan zang zhanguo chu zhushu, p. 151.

178 For example, Takeuchi, Yoshio regards “Kongzi xianju” as a text written in the early days of Han. See “Liangdai ji kao”, p. 182. 144

there are two possibilities. One is that the compiler of Min zhi fumu transcribed the paragraph from “Kongzi xianju” or vice versa. The other is that both “Kongzi xian ju” and Min zhi fumu were transcribed from the identical source.

In brief, these texts are dated in the second half of the fourth century B.C. In other words, the lower limit of the period in which Zhongxin zhi dao was composed should be no more recent than this time boundary. In the following section I will discuss the integration of the moral ideas of loyalty and trustworthiness shown in these texts; firstly, into the philosophical concepts of “internal” and “external”; secondly, into the ritual theory.

During the middle of the Warring States period, the moral ideas of loyalty and trustworthiness began to be combined with a pair of concepts, “internal” and

“external”, generating a fresh political theory, which is attested by two writings,

“Zizhang wen ruguan” and “Xiaobian”, collected in Dadai liji. Comparison of these texts with Zhongxin zhi dao reveals interesting differences. Two paragraphs are given below.

Therefore, a gentleman desires his words to be trusted. There is nothing better than to empty his internal first. (A gentleman) desires the governmental affairs to be put into practice fast. There is nothing better than to take charge at the head of his people. (A gentleman) desires the people to submit themselves (to the government) fast. There is nothing better than to administer them by Tao. Thus (if he) does not take charge at the head of his people, although (the governmental affairs are put into practice, the effects can not be far-reaching. (If he) does not administer the people by Tao, although the people submit themselves (to the government), they must be forced to do so. Thus if he lacks loyalty and trustworthiness, then he is unable to get on intimate terms with the people. If external and 145

internal can not accord each other, then he is unable to obtain the trust from the people. These four items are the principles to govern the people. (“Zizhang wen ruguan”, Dadai liji jiegu, 8.141-142)

Qiu heard that there are nine kinds of understanding of loyalty. To know loyalty should know internal. To know internal one should know forgiving. To know forgiving one should know external. To know external one should know virtues. To know virtues one should know administration. To know administration one should know official duties. To know official duties one should know handling affairs. To know handling affairs one should know troubles. To know troubles one should know making preparation. If (one) acts without preparation; (if) there are troubles but lack of awareness; (if one) is not aware of the deaths of people and the loss of country, how could one know the loyalty and trustworthiness. The completion of the self-reflection is called understanding of internal. The correspondence between internal and sincerity is called understanding of forgiving. The forgiving inward to weigh outward is called understanding of external. Thorough understanding the meanings of external and internal is called understanding of virtues. The virtues harmonized with the administration is called understanding of government. To rectify oneself in accord with righteousness in order to know the unchanging principle of the administration is called understanding of official duties. That the officials are under good management and the things have their own rules is called understanding of handling affairs. To be on the alert to the unpredictable events is called understanding of making preparation. Without troubles is called joy. To enjoy the righteousness is called the satisfactory completion. (“Xiaobian”, Dadai liji jiegu, 11.208)

In the first quotation two of four principles actually present the ideas of loyalty and trustworthiness from the political point of view. These two principles 146

emphasize the results: “to get on intimate terms with the people” 親民 and “to obtain the trust from the people” 信民. The fourth principle, which refers to the concepts of internal and external, considers the correspondence between one’s inside and outside. As suggested earlier, internal means honesty and sincerity; while external means one’s words, facial expressions and behaviors. From this perspective, the principles do not have any differences from that in Zhongxin zhi dao. However, it is important to bear in mind that these philosophical concepts of internal and external were integrated into the moral ideas of loyalty and trustworthiness, theoretically splitting them up as two parts: human inside and outside. This philosophical tendency is attested in Guoyu.

The reason why loyalty can divide (things) equally. (Guoyu, 1.11) If one’s mind possesses loyalty, then one shall not be partial. (Wei Zhao’s annotation)

That internal is able to correspond with external is called loyalty. (Guoyu, 1.11)

To remove the darkness (in mind) in order to correspond with external is called loyalty. (Guoyu, 8.70) Chu 除 means “remove”. To remove the darkness in mind in order to correspond with external is called loyalty. Loyalty is forgiving. (Wei Zhao’s annotation)

It will be clear from these examples that the concepts of internal and external presented in Guoyu correspond with that in “Zizhang wen ruguan”. The phrase xu qi nei 虛其內 (empty one’s internal), in fact, equates with what Wei Zhao says: bu pian 不偏 “not partial” shares the exact meaning of Chu an 除暗 (remove the darkness). The objects that need to be removed include desires, selfishness, 147

violence, anger, favoritism and so on. At any rate, the purpose of xu qi nei is wainei xiang ying 外內相應 (external corresponds with internal).

We can see a much more subtle theory relevant to loyalty and trustworthiness in the chapter “Xiaobian”, which was written as a dialog between

Duke Ai of Lu and Confucius. Duke Ai of Lu asked Confucius about the learning of loyalty and trustworthiness. The response from Confucius, in fact, is a meticulous writing showing that understanding of loyalty falls into nine kinds, tightly divided into internal and external. Internal includes understanding of internal (loyalty) and understanding of forgiving, forming a pair of philosophical concepts, loyalty and forgiving. External contains virtues, administration, official duties, handling affairs, troubles, and making preparation.

We must draw attention to three points. The first is that these two quotations reveal a tendency for the two terms, loyalty and trustworthiness, to combine together rather than separate into two concepts individual. In this case, both loyalty and trustworthiness to some extent simply means honesty. In

“Xiaobian”, although Duke Ai of Lu asked about the learning of loyalty and trustworthiness, Confucius responds with loyalty only. Obviously, loyalty includes trustworthiness. The second point is that the date of the chapter “Xiaobian” should be a bit earlier than Mencius. The evidence comes from two statements in the text.

Loyalty is full of internal and then spills out external. (“Xiaobian”, Dadai liji jiegu, 11.207)

The correspondence between internal and sincerity is called understanding of forgiving. (“Xiaobian”, Dadai liji jiegu, 11.208) 148

The characters of zhong 忠 and shi 實 actually indicate sincerity ,179 but the text does not refer to the term of cheng 誠, which occurs frequently in Mencius. It seems to suggest that the text had not been influenced by Mencian philosophy.

However, “Xiaobian” probably did not appear too early because the concepts of internal and external would not yet have existed. The third point is that, regarding the application of internal and external, there are three accounts which refer to this pair of concepts in the Guodian Confucian manuscripts.

(The trustworthiness) forms within internal and is expressed on the face. (Cheng zhi wen zhi, strip 24)

Benevolence is internal and righteousness is external. (Liude, strip 26)

What comes from internal is benevolence, loyalty and trustworthiness. What enters from external is ritual, music and punishment. (Yucong A, strip 21)

These unearthed texts share this identical feature with “Zizhang wen ruguan” and

“Xiaobian”, suggesting that they probably belong to the same age. However, the date of Zhongxin zhi dao seems to be earlier than other Guodian Confucian manuscripts because it does not possesses this trait at all.

Another trend of the development of these moral ideas, paralleled with that of the political theory, is the integration into ritual theory. Loyalty and trustworthiness, which stress one’s true feelings and sincerity, united with formalistic ritual actually is a very good match. Ritual originated from human emotions that became

179 Wang Pinzhen 王聘珍 annotates shi as cheng. See Dadai liji jiegu, p. 208. 149

gradually externalized. However, the later generations lost the essence of these rituals. Although the people practiced ritual performances, they lacked proper respect and sincerity. Confucius had attempted to solve this problem.180 In

Confucius’ mind, ritual includes form and content, which seems to be a symptom of a trend that led to a pair of concepts of internal and external in the middle of

Warring States period. The former (form) indicates ritual, while the latter (content) indicates human emotions. Confucius advocated the balance between formalistic ritual and the emotions.181 The spiritual offspring of Confucius followed their great master’s vein and went a step further to carry forward the spirit of ritual by means of explanation of canonical ritual works.

The political theory of loyalty and trustworthiness had been suppressed from the middle of the Warring States period. In addition to the loss of trust because of the frequency of warfare, two other reasons limit this development. Firstly, the political strategists went around various states to sell their political proposals. Their emphases of tactics and political trickery destroyed the basic trust between monarchs and vassals and between states and states. A celebrated political strategist, Su Qin 蘇秦, suggested that the loyalty and trustworthiness would offend the monarch.182 He argues that filial piety, honesty, and trustworthiness are the ways

180 Confucius pays high attention to internal cultivation rather than to formalistic rituals. He says: “A man who is not Good, what can he have to do with ritual? A man who is not Good, what can he have to do with music?” (Waley, 3.3; Lunyu zhengyi, 3.2466a). Refer to footnote 165.

181 “When natural substance prevails over ornamentation, you get the boorishness of the rustic. When ornament prevails over natural substance, you get the pedantry of the scribe. Only when ornament and substance are duly blended do you get the true gentlemen” (Waley, 6.16; Lunyu zhushu, 6.2479a). Confucius here discusses the ritual performance where he requires the proper balance between one’s sincerity and ornament.

182 Su Qin tells a story to explain his argument. Su Qin’s neighbor is an officer who is always away on official business. The officer’s wife commits adultery. When her husband is soon to return, the adulterer worries about it. The officer’s wife, therefore, plans to poison her husband. Having added poison in a cup of wine, she let her husband’s concubine deliver the poisonous wine to him. The 150

to destruction. His argument is based on two grounds, that moral practice as self- cultivation does not benefit monarch or country at all; and that moral cultivation, which lacks a progressive and aggressive attitude, would lead to the destruction of the country.183 Regardless whether what Su Qin said was right or wrong, the criticism of loyalty and trustworthiness is believed to have caused a bad influence at that time. Secondly, this development was limited because the threat to the political theory of loyalty and trustworthiness came from the legalist school, especially Han Fei who criticized Confucianism bitterly. He suggests that a complete law should be established to run the country instead of the emphases on self-cultivation such as benevolence, righteousness, loyalty and trustworthiness. He even says that the ideas of loyalty and trustworthiness are a confused method with which to govern the country. His basis is simply that persons who possess loyalty and sincerity are rare, but the bureaucracy requires a great manpower. A sound government should count on law rather than on well-cultivated persons.184 Unlike the political theory of loyalty and trustworthiness, the ritual theory seems to have vast room to develop during the Warring States period. Although the rituals issued by the Zhou government to maintain the relationship between superiors and inferiors and between senior and junior had completely collapsed, the sacrifices to ancestors, mountains, rivers, land, god of grain and so on were still very important

concubine knew her plan. Thus she is in a dilemma now. If she let her husband drink the wine, the wine will kill him. If she exposes the plot, the officer’s wife will be banished. Finally, the concubine pretends spilling all the wine. Her husband becomes angry about her negligence and lashes his concubine. The concubine shows loyalty and trustworthiness, but she does not avoid punishment. See Zhanguo ce jiaozhu, 9.229-230.

183 Su Qin’s younger brother, Su Dai advanced an identical argument. Benevolence and righteousness are the morality to complete one’s cultivation, but they are not the aggressive way to compete against other states. Su Dai also takes an identical example to explain that “loyalty and trustworthiness would offend the monarch”. See Zhanguo ce jiaozhu, 9.237-238.

184 See Hanfei zi jijie, 19.49.346; 20.51.360. 151

to the people’s daily lives. This is the reason why the sacrificial rituals still flourished at that time.

1 The rules as instituted by the ancient kings had their radical element and their outward and elegant form. A true heart and good faith (zhong and xin) are their radical element. The characteristics of each according to the idea of what is right in it are its outward and elegant form. (Legge, BK. 8, Sect. 1, 2.394; Liji zhengyi, 23.1430c)

2 So the man who is right in heart and sincere (zhong and xin) can learn the (meaning of the) rites. The rites should not be perfunctorily performed by the man who is not right in heart and sincere. Hence it is all important (in the performance of them) to get the proper men. (Legge, BK. 8, Sect. 2, 19.414; Liji zhengyi, 24.1442c)

3 King Wan, in sacrificing, served the dead as if he were serving the living. He thought of them dead as if he did not wish to live (any longer himself). On the recurrence of their death-day, he was sad; in calling his father by the name elsewhere forbidden, he looked as if he saw him. So sincere (zhong) was he in sacrificing that he looked as if he saw the things which his father loved, and pleased expression of his face: —such was King Wan! (Legge, BK. 21, Sect. 1, 7.213-214; Liji zhengyi, 47.1593a)

4 The superior man, going back to his ancient fathers, and returning to the authors of his being, does not forget those to whom he owes his life, and therefore he calls forth all his reverence, gives free vent to his feelings, and exhausts his strength in discharging the above service; – as a tribute of gratitude to his parents he dares not but do his utmost. (Legge, BK. 21, Sect. 2, 4.222; Liji zhengyi, 48.1597c) 152

5 Sacrifice is not a thing coming to a man from without; it issues from within him, and has its birth in his heart. When the heart is deeply moved, expressed is given to it by ceremonies; and hence, only men of ability and virtue can give complete exhibition to the idea of sacrifice. (Legge, BK. 22, 1.236; Liji zhengyi, 49.1602c)

6 It is only the able and virtuous man who can attain to this perfection; and can sacrifice when he has attained to it. Hence in the sacrifices of such a man he brings into exercise all sincerity and good faith (cheng and xin), with all right-heartedness and reverence (zhong and jing); he offers the (proper) things; accompanies them with the (proper) rites; employs the soothing of music; does everything suitably to the season. Thus intelligently does he offer his sacrifices, without seeking for anything to be gained by them: – such is the heart and mind of a filial son. (Legge, BK. 22, 2.237; Liji zhengyi, 49.1602c)

7 Such sincerity (cheng and xin) was what is called doing their utmost; and such doing of their utmost was what is called reverence. When they had reverently done their utmost, they could serve the spiritual Intelligences – such was the way of sacrificing. (Legge, BK. 22, 5.239; Liji zhengyi, 1603b)

Practice of the ritual performance requires pursuing true feelings in the mind.

The terms loyalty and trustworthiness sometimes occur as a compound form.185

Sometimes they appear individually. For instance, in quotation 3, the passage states that offering sacrifice to the ancestor with sad heart is called loyalty.186 However, in

185 The compound of loyalty and trustworthiness occurs three times in “Liqi”. See Liji zhengyi, 23.1430c; 24.1442c.

186 There is one more account in “Liqi”, saying: “In the rites of mourning, we have the utmost expression of leal-heartedness.” (Legge, BK. 8, Sect. 2, 18.413) See Liji zhengyi, 24.1442b. Zhong 忠 (loyalty) is translated as “leal-heartedness” here. 153

quotation 7, the passage states that the way of sacrifice requires a person’s sincerity and trustworthiness. In the view of these two examples, it seems to suggest that both loyalty and trustworthiness mean sincerity and honesty and they can be interchanged. A merger between the meanings of two terms recalls for us the earlier discussion that this usage also happens in “Zizhang wen ruguan” and

“Xiaobian”.

In the chapter “Liqi” 禮器 in Liji, the statement makes it evident that loyalty and trustworthiness are the foundation of ritual. The importance of sincerity is attested by quotations 4 and 5, with the former’s fa qi qing 發其情 (express his emotions) and the latter’s zi zhong chu sheng yu xin 自中出生於心 (originate from internal and are generated in mind). The emotions 情 which originated from the mind here seems to be neutral, without judgment of good or bad. Moreover, the position of emotions is promoted as a priority. On the basis of these two traits of emotions presented in “Jiyi” 祭義 and “Jitong” 祭統 in Liji, my assumption is that the ideological trend of loyalty and trustworthiness led to the emergence of a branch whose focus was emphasis on and high praise of the human emotions. The unearthed text, Xing zi ming chu, found in the Guodian manuscripts and Xingqing lun in the Shanghai Museum collection are the writings which supposedly belong to this branch.

The philosophical concepts of internal and external are proficiently applied in those chapters in Liji. A striking account preserved in the chapter “Liqi” refers to two terms, wai xin 外心 (externalize what is in mind) and nei xin 內心

(concentrate on mind). According to Sun Xidan’s commentary, wai xin signifies to externalize the emotions from the mind, while nei xin means to concentrate on 154

one’s emotions in the mind.187 This account also recalls to us the well-known argument posed by Gaozi and the relevant statements presented in the Guodian texts Liude and Yucong A.

It should also be added that a phrase, xu zhong yi zhi zhi 虛中以治之 (empty one’s mind to serve it) is preserved in “Jiyi”. Sun Xidan explains that the term

“empty one’s mind” means there are no distracting thoughts in the mind.188 This phrase is similar to xu qi nei 虛其內 (empty one’s internal) in “Zizhang wen ruguan”. The similarity between them suggests that they probably share the identical feature of the age.

In conclusion, Zhongxin zhi dao is a text from the school of Zizhang. It is appropriate to say that the writer should be a disciple of Zizhang or Zizhang’s follower. The ideas of loyalty and trustworthiness in Zhongxin zhi dao share identical traits with those presented in Zuozhuan and Lunyu. However, if we compare the text with the accounts quoted from Guoyu, Liji and Dadai liji, the differences between them are evident. Therefore, it is safe to say that the date of

Zhongxin zhi dao is determined roughly from the late fifth century B.C. to the first half of the fourth century B.C.

In this chapter, I have attempted to draw the outline of the development of loyalty and trustworthiness in the Warring States period. We can observe that these two moral ideas evolved into a more complicated form. Their development occurred in two ways: in political theory deeply integrated with philosophical concepts, such as internal, external and mind; and in the ideas of loyalty and

187 See Liji jijie, 23.644.

188 See Liji jijie, 46.1212. 155

trustworthiness taken to interpret the spirit of ritual. The chapter “Ruxing” 儒行 in

Liji emphasizes a gentleman who should have the cultivation of loyalty and trustworthiness.189 The text, dated around the late Warring States period, symbolizes the end of the development. I would like to stress that the trend of loyalty and trustworthiness probably generated a kind of thought that emphasized the qing 情 (emotions). Nevertheless, to inquire further into the matter would lead us into that specialized area of the investigation of qing in the Warring States period. We may leave the details to further study of this subject.

189 The compound of zhong and xin occurs four times in the text. 156

CHAPTER 5 ZISI AND THE ZISI ZI: ANALYSIS OF LU MUGONG WEN ZISI (CONSULTATION WITH ZISI BY DUKE MU OF LU) AND QIONGDA YI SHI (ADVERSITY AND PROMINENCE DEPEND ON THE OPPORTUNITIES OF TIME)

On the basis of Li Ling’s study, he proposes that Lu Mugong wen zisi and

Qiongda yi shi were probably transcribed on one roll (juan). Furthermore, Li

Xueqin suggests that these two texts are two pieces of writings in one chapter. If this is the real case, questions immediately arise. Why were these two texts compiled together? Are there any ethical connotations? We must draw attention to the fact that Lu Mugong wen zisi and Qiongda yi shi do not belong to an identical attribution. The former undoubtedly is a text attributed to Zisi zi, but the latter is unknown. Before we possess sufficient evidence, it is better not to label this latter text as an example of the writings of Zisi zi. I suggest that these two texts functioned as ethical guidance for the tomb owner. In other words, the tomb owner compiled them as one roll for his own purpose.

Zisi in Lu Mugong wen zisi was a model vassal who was characterized by his bravery, honesty and moral integration. His uprightness and frank words even irritated Lu Mugong in court. Indeed, Zisi demonstrates what an upright vassal ought to be. Qiongda yi shi presents the ideas that a worthy man does not blame whether his worth is recognized or not; whether he is promoted as a high ranked officer or not. The key role for a worthy man is to have moral cultivation and introspection. Therefore, it seems reasonable to suppose that these two texts provide a strategy for life: if an opportunity comes, a man, being an upright vassal, 157

should act as Zisi; on the contrary, if the opportunity does not come, a man should cultivate himself without any resentment. The ideas presented clearly in these two texts can be summarized as Mencius’ well-known saying: “In obscurity a man makes perfect his own person, but in prominence he makes perfect the whole

Empire as well.” (DC. Lau, 7A.9)

Lu Mugong wen zisi, written in a dialog style, preserves two conversations: between Duke Mu of Lu and Zisi and between Duke Mu of Lu and Cheng Sunyi.

The text is generally accepted to be a piece of writing in a collection of Zisi zi. Zisi, whose personal name was Ji, was a grandson of Confucius. Zisi’s father, Kong Li, died a few years earlier than Confucius’ death and Zisi was only a four-year-old child when Confucius died. Zengzi was traditionally regarded as Zisi’s master, but modern research throws doubt on the authenticity of this tradition. On the basis of

Ban Gu’s note in “Yiwen zhi” and the accounts that preserved his dialogs with

Duke Mu of Lu in the received literature, it is reasonable to believe that Zisi was once the tutor of Duke Mu of Lu. Sima Qian says: “Zisi once fell into dire straits in

Song and then he created Zhongyong.”190 Sima Qian’s statement is the earliest evidence to demonstrate that the authorship of “Zhongyong” is attributed to Zisi.191

An account preserved in Kong Congzi mentions the forty-nine chapters of

“Zhongyong” written by Zisi.192 The later sources, however, refer to forty-seven chapters of “Zhongyong”. Takeuchi Yoshio points out that as “Yiwen zhi” records twenty-three chapters of Zisi, each chapter can be divided into two sections and so

190 See Shiji, 47.1946.

191 Zheng Xuan also suggests that the authorship of “Zhongyong” is Zisi, saying: “The grandson of Confucius, Zisi, created it (“Zhongyong”) in order to commend the virtues of his sage ancestor.” See Liji zhengyi, 52.1625b.

192 Kongcong zi, 2.23. 158

the total, in fact, is forty-six chapters, with a foreword chapter making forty-seven.

He suggests that the section from the second chapter to the nineteenth chapter made up the original section of “Zhongyong” written by Zisi and that the rest was created by Zisi’s followers.193 Fung Yulan argues that the central section seems to be the original part of “Zhongyong” and that the opening and closing sections, two chapters of Zhongyong shuo later recorded in “Yiwen zhi”, were added by later

Confucians.194 Liang Tao 梁濤 argues that “Zhongyong” is composed of two individual sections; Zhongyong and Chengming,195 both written by Zisi and combined as a unit by later Confucians. The differences between the two sections reflect the development of Zisi’s thought. Takeuchi Yoshio’s suggestion is to equate “Zhongyong” to the twenty-three chapters of Zisi. Fung Yulan’s ideas were inspired by a Song scholar, Wang Bo, who proposed that Ban Gu witnessed the existence of two chapters of “Zhongyong” and but that the present “Zhongyong” was a conflation of these two chapters compiled by the younger Dai.196 Therefore,

Wang Bo regards “Zhongyong” as Zhongyong shuo. “Yiwen zhi” of Hanshu refers to the work Zisi, not to the work “Zhongyong”. Zhongyong shuo, potentially a commentary on “Zhongyong” written during the early days of Han period, was placed in the ritual category in “Yiwen zhi” (Hanshu, 30.1709).197 Consequently,

193 See Takeuchi, Yoshio, “Zisi zi kao”.

194 See Fung Yulan (1952), p. 371.

195 See Liang Tao 梁濤, “Guodian chujian yu zhongyong gongan 郭店楚簡與中庸公案”, pp. 96- 105.

196 See Fung Yulan (1952), p. 370.

197 Gu Shi thinks that Zhongyong shuo is the “Zhongyong” preserved in Liji. His ground is that Mingtang Yinyang and Mingtang Yingyang shuo are in “Yiwen zhi”. See Gu Shi 顧實, Hanshu Yiwen zhi jiangshu 漢書藝文志講疏, p. 49. 159

this classification in “Yiwen zhi” suggests that “Zhongyong” was one of the treatises in the one hundred and thirty-one chapters of Guwen ji.198 Thus, it is proper that shuo as the commentary of “Zhongyong” should be arranged in the ritual category. To conclude, “Zhongyong” and Zhongyong shuo should be two separate works. Nevertheless, the work in two chapters of Zhongyong shuo suggests that there were also two chapters of “Zhongyong” in Han time. However, as Takeuchi Yoshio and Fung Yulan argued, the central part of “Zhongyong” is the original, probably written by Zisi, but the opening and closing parts are a continuation by the later Confucians.199

As discussed above, two points can be confirmed. One is that the twenty-three chapters of Zisi presented in “Yiwen zhi” were a collection of writings under Zisi’s name and that Zisi’s final collation was completed by Liu Xiang. Another point is that “Zhongyong” belonged to Guwen ji. However, we do not know whether the chapter of “Zhongyong” was included in Zisi. Huang Yizhou 黃以周, a Qing scholar, reaches the conclusion, based on the sequence of quotations from a work,

Yilin 意林, that the chapter “Leide” should be arranged before “Biaoji” and

“Ziyi”.200 Alongside the in-depth investigation of the Guodian Confucian manuscripts, an attempt to recover the outline of the collection of Zisi arises. Guo

Yi, one of the active researchers, divides the collection of Zisi into four kinds of

198 Liu Xiang collated Guwen ji and divided them into nine categories: 1 general introduction; 2 mourning apparel; 3 auspicious events; 4 regulations; 5 sacrifices; 6 Mingtang yingyang; 7 the regulations of princes; 8 the regulations of sons; 9 the records of music. He classified “Zhongyong” as the general introduction (通論).

199 The original part probably starts with “仲尼曰” and ends with “子曰好學近乎知”.

200 See Huang Yizhou, Zisi zi, Guangwen shuju, 1975, pp. 101-102. The sequence of Zisi’s works in Liji is as “Fangji” (chapter 30), “Zhongyong” (chapter 31), “Biaoji” (chapter 32), and “Ziyi” (chapter 33). 160

writings: the records of Confucius’ speeches including original sections of

“Zhongyong”, “Biaoji”, “Fangji”, and “Ziyi”; Zisi’s works include Wuxing and

Tianming (probably also including Tang yu zhi dao, Qiongda yi shi, and Zhongxin zhi dao); the record of Zisi’s speeches including Lu Mugong wen zisi; the works written by Zisi’s disciples including Dachang, Zun deyi, Youxing, Qiuxin, and

Liude.201

On the basis of Huang Yizhou’s research, Guo Yi summarizes twelve quotations of “Leide”累德 cited from “Miu cheng xun” 繆稱訓 in Huianan zi.

Consequently, he suggests that besides the paragraphs filled with Taoist favor, the main part of “Miu cheng xun” is in fact the long-lost text of “Leide”.202 One of the quotations cited in “Miu cheng xun” is worth noting. Huang states that the lines in

“Miu cheng xun”, which fully extend the meanings from the quotation of Zisi zi, are probably the lost paragraphs of “Leide”.203 However, Huang claims that he does not have any evidence to prove it. The quotation in Huang’s reconstruction says:

同言而信，則信在言前；同令而行，則誠在令外。聖人在上，民遷如化。204 If the identical words are spoken and yet (in one case) they are trusted, then trustworthiness precedes the words.

201 Guo Yi in his footnote points out that Huang Yizhou enumerated all twelve quotations in his work. See Guo Yi, “Zhongyong, zisi, Zisi zi – zisi shu yuanliu kao 中庸子思子思子—子思書源流 考”, pp. 80-81.

202 See Guo Yi, “Huainan zi miu cheng xun suo jian zisi leide pian kao 淮南子繆稱訓所見子思累 德篇考”, pp. 30-42.

203 According to the context in “Miu cheng xun”, these three paragraphs, “故舜不降席而天下治， 桀不下陛而天下亂，蓋情甚乎叫呼也”, “情以先之也。動於上不應於下者，情與令殊也” and “忠 信形於內，感動應於外，故禹執干戚，舞於兩階之間，而三苗服” probably are the lost paragraphs of “Leide”.

204 The whole line can be found in “Miu cheng xun”. The first four phrases are quoted by Hou han shu, while the last two phrases are quoted by both Yilin and Taiping yulan. See Huang Yizhou, Zisi zi, p. 101. 161

If the identical command is given and yet (in one case) it is carried out, then sincerity lay outside the command. If the sage is in office, the people will change over like transformation.

If we look more closely at this passage as quoted in Hou han shu, we find that this quotation comes from a work called Yu (sayings). A Tang scholar, Li Xian, points out in his commentary that the quotation originates from the chapter “Leide” in Zisi zi (Hou han shu, 27.934). There are two possibilities regarding this passage.

One is that the passage was simply misplaced under Zisi’s name from a miscellaneous collection of sayings. Another is that this passage did belong to

Zisi’s words, but the writer of Hou hanshu marked the work’s name rather than the speaker’s name. Owing to lack of textual evidence, we cannot develop this discussion. However, based on the research of Huang Yizhou, it is reliable that

“Leide” has a close association with “Miu cheng xun”, but whether the main part of

“Miu cheng xun” is equivalent to “Leide” remains to be proved. Finally, it is certain that “Leide” is one of the twenty-three chapters of Zisi, because Xu Gan, a literati in the late Han period, includes in his work Zhonglun a reference to the above-mentioned account from “Leide”, calling it Zisi.205 Therefore we know that twenty-three chapters of Zisi still survived at that time.

There is one further point that we must not ignore. If we investigate the text of

“Miu cheng xun”, three things draw our attention. Firstly, the text places emphasis on the human qing (emotion). Secondly, loyalty and trustworthiness are advocated.

Thirdly, the text refers to the terms, Tang 唐 and Yu 虞 and three emperors 三

205 Besides this account, Xu Gan also cited two quotations from Zisi. See Huang Yizhou, Zisi zi, p. 242, p. 250 and p. 252. 162

王.206 These three characteristics of “Miu cheng xun” suggest an association with the Guodian Confucian manuscripts, especially Xing zi ming chu.207

A doubtful point that must be considered regarding the Zisi zi is whether the

Zisi zi cited by Tang and Song scholars was actually a re-compiled collection whose compiler and compiling situation are completely unknown. The “Jingji zhi” in Suishu, records a Zisi zi in seven juan. It is believed that twenty-three chapters of

Zisi collated by Liu Xiang were lost and the seven juan version of Zisi, a re- compiled work named Zisi zi appeared. The question consequently arises: when was Zisi lost and what were the Zisi zi’s contents? The sources used to compile the

“Jingji zhi” in Suishu were based on the Qizhi 七志 edited by Wang Jian 王儉 in the Eastern Jin period and the Qilu 七錄 written by Ruan Xiaoxu 阮孝緒 in the

Liang dynasty.208 Thus it is reasonable to determine that Zisi zi in seven juan had existed in the Liu Song dynasty. The twenty-three chapters of Zisi were probably destroyed during the warfare in the Wei and Jin dynasties. However, the Zisi zi in seven juan was unfortunately lost in the Song period. A scholar, Wang Zhuo 汪晫, compiled a version of Zisi zi with nine chapters.209 Because of Wang Zhuo’s unsatisfactory compilation, Huang Yizhou compiled a new seven juan version of

206 In Miu cheng xun, the term qing occurs nine times; Tang and Yu four times; Yao and Shun three times; three emperors two times and the compound of loyalty and trustworthiness two times.

207 For further details, see Liu Lexian, “Xing zi ming chu yu huainan zi miu cheng lun qing 性自命 出與淮南子繆稱論情.”

208 Ruan Xiaoxu referred to royal and aristocratic collections of books and official categories from Liu Song and Qi dynasties to create Qilu. See “Jingji zhi” of Suishu, 32.906-908.

209 Wang Zhuo compiled Zisi zi in seven juan and divided it into inner chapter and outer chapter, including nine treatises. Inner chapter consists of: 1 Tianming 天命; 2 Yiyu 鳶魚 and 3 Chengming 誠明. Outer chapter consists of: 4 Wuyou 無憂; 5 Humu pao 胡母豹; 6 Sangfu 喪服; 7 Lu Mugong 魯穆公; 8 Renxian 任賢; and 9 Guoqi 過齊. Wang Zhuo was criticized for cutting “Zhongyong” apart and giving them new names. 163

Zisi zi in the Qing dynasty.210

It follows from our preceding discussion that the encyclopedic works, for example, Yilin and Taiping yulan, probably all quoted from the re-compiled work,

Zisi zi in seven juan. Moreover, Shen Yue’s statement, that “Zhongyong”, “Biaoji”,

“Fangji” and “Ziyi” in Liji are all from Zisi zi, was likely to have been based on the

Zisi zi in seven juan. However, “Zhongyong”, “Biaoji”, “Fangji” and “Ziyi” originally belonged to Guwen ji. We do not have any idea whether the twenty-three chapters of Zisi consisted of these four writings. But I think the case is probably just like the ten chapters “Zengzi” preserved in Dadai liji, and the eighteen chapters of Zengzi recorded in “Yiwen zhi” of Hanshu. However, this hypothesis still needs textual evidence to support it. If Shen Yue’s statement was in fact based on the re-compiled Zisi zi in seven juan, it deserves to be questioned. Liu Xian’s statement that “Ziyi” was written by Gongsun nizi (and not by Zisi), may be because he was not using the re-compiled Zisi zi in seven juan (whereas Shen Yue was using the re-compiled Zisi zi).

A Song scholar, Chao Gongwu, who had seen Zisi zi in seven juan, referred to a dialog between Mencius and Zisi in Zisi zi.211 It was impossible for Mencius to be the contemporary of Zisi. Therefore this account is unreliable and was probably made up by later Confucians. The testimony of Chao Gongwu once again raises our suspicion about the reliability of Zisi zi in seven juan. The compilation and editorial processes of Zisi zi are probably similar to those of Kongzi jiayu and

Kongcong zi. We must acknowledge that if our knowledge of Zisi completely relies

210 See Huang Yizhou, the foreword of Zisi zi, pp. 1-6.

211 See Huang Yizhou, Zisi zi, pp.280-281. This account reminds us of a dialog between Confucius and Zisi preserved in Kong congzi, which is also unreliable. See Kong cong zi, 5.31. 164

upon the re-compiled work, that this Zisi zi was edited by an unknown compiler before the Liu Song dynasty.

Zisi’s personality in Lu Mugong wen zisi is characterized by uprightness and impartiality, symbolizing the stern and unyielding spirit of Confucianism. Mencius refers to Zisi six times in his work: he admired Zisi highly. Zisi’s personality probably deeply affected Mencius, who sought to be a great man with vast and unyielding flood-like vigor.212 Two accounts preserved in Mencius accord with the view of Zisi’s personality presented in Lu Mugong wen zisi.

Duke Mu frequently sent messengers to ask Tzu-ssu, every time making gifts of meat for the tripod. Tzu-ssu was displeased and in the end ejected the messenger from the front door, faced north, knocked his head twice on the ground and refused, saying, “Only now do I realize that the prince treats me in the way he treats his horses and hounds.” (D. C. Lau, 5b.6)

Duke Mu frequently went to see Tzu-ssu. “How did kings of states with a thousand chariots in antiquity make friends with Gentlemen?” he asked. Tzu- ssu was displeased. “What the ancients talked about,” said he, “was serving them, not making friends with them.” The reason for Tzu-ssu’s displeased was surely this. (D. C. Lau, 5b.7)

Zisi’s upright and impartial character is manifested by his displeasure, expressed on his face, with the ruler’s misbehavior or indiscretion and by his having the courage to refute the ruler’s opinion. In the text of Lu Mugong wen zisi,

Zisi’s blunt speech displeased Duke Mu of Lu, which caused Zisi to be dismissed from the court. It seems to me that Lu Mugong wen zisi emphasizes Zisi’s courage

212 Mencius says: “I have an insight into words. I am good at cultivating my ‘flood-like ch’i’” (D. C. Lau, 2a.2.61; Menzi zhushu, 3a.2685c). 165

and impartiality.

In addition to Mencius, there are seven accounts preserved in the chapter

“Tangong” in Liji, all of which are associated with ritual practices. Some accounts are preserved in Kong congzi. The accounts preserved in the chapter “Tangong” are reliable because they were probably recorded by his disciples, maintaining perhaps their original appearance. The dialogs between Duke Mu of Lu and Zisi in Mencius look like those in Lu Mugong wen zisi, but the latter is a more complete and well- organized story. At the beginning, the text relates the displeasure felt by Duke Mu of Lu at Zisi’s words. Finally, the text uses Chengsun Yi’s mouth to express Zisi’s high morality. Compared with Mencius, Lu Mugong wen zisi is neat and well embellished. It is safe to say that Lu Mugong wen zisi can be dated roughly from

Mencius’ time.213

The ancient Chinese paid high attention to speech. Not only is what men of virtue say important, the spirit or essence of the words transmitted from the men of virtue is also equally important. This is why documents in dialog form flourished during the pre-Qin period. Undoubtedly, some of the words or dialogs are authentic records, but most of them were compiled from combination of facts, hearsay, or even fabrication. An example of dialog between Duke Mu and Zisi preserved in

Kong Congzi explains the importance of speech to the people.

213 Huang Rener suggests that Lu Mugong wen zisi is a historical record that Duke Mu of Lu consulted with Zisi before he ascended the throne. See Huang Rener, “Guodian chujian lu mugong wen zisi kaoshi”, p. 402. As Qian Mu pointed out, if Zisi died aged sixty-two, it was impossible that Zisi met with Duke Mu of Lu. He proposes that when Zisi lived in Lu after his retirement from Wei, it was the reign of Duke Mu of Lu. See Qian Mu (1985), p. 173. Kong cong zi is a suspicious work about which most of the accounts are unreliable, so I will not discuss it further. 166

Duke Mu said to Tzu-ssu: “There is someone who suspects that the Master’s sayings which are recorded in your book are actually your very own words.” Tzu-ssu replied: “Among the sayings of my grandfather, which are recorded in my book, there are some that I have personally heard, and there are some that were brought to my attention by others. So even though my book consists of words that are not precisely the Master’s, it does not fall short of the Master’s ideas. So what was it in my book that led you to harbor doubts about it?” ( Yoav, 9.9.4)

Although this dialog may be a fabricated story, it presents the critical concept that as long as the ideas correspond with Confucius, even fabrication is acceptable.

What the quotation indicates is that the authenticity of the dialog is philosophical rather than historical. The unearthed text Lu Mugong wen zisi vividly presents the moral integrity and unyielding character of Zisi. It appears to be a document attributed to the school of Zisi which was later compiled into a collection of Zisi.

Turning to Qiongda yi shi, the text concentrates on the topic regarding favorable or unfavorable turns in life depending on the opportunities of time, which is absolutely out of human control. However, self-cultivation should maintain consistency whether the opportunities occur or not. The text provides seven historical cases to illustrate the occurrence of fortune and misfortune and the recognition of worth. The end of the text finally focuses on the cultivation method, introspection (fan ji 反己). The contradiction between one’s talent, learning and virtues and obtaining power and positions was a universal issue confronted by all men not only by Confucians, and even the great masters Confucius, Mencius and

Xunzi suffered lifetimes of frustration. The Confucian teachings include bearing hardship and poverty with equanimity and enjoying self-cultivation handed down 167

from generation to generation within the Confucian circle as an ultimate relief in life. Qiongda yi shi, a theoretical explanation for this predicament of life, extends the meanings of the story concerning Confucius trapped in destitution in Chen and

Cai.214 It is believed that the story spread widely during the Warring States period and Han time.

As for authorship of Qiongda yi shi, Liao Mingchun suggests that Confucius created the text, based on the absence of the phrase “Confucius says” in the text.215

Jiang Guanghui proposes that the text was written by Zisi because the terminology fan ji (introspection) corresponds with Zisi’s philosophy.216 Zhou Fengwu suggests that Zisi’s disciples or followers created the text.217 Zhang Liwen points out that the compound usage of qiong and da suggests that the text can be dated around the period of the old age of Mencius or after Mencius’ death.218 As previously stated, the issue of adversity and prominence was a universal predicament for all.

Therefore, it is unnecessary to attribute the authorship of the text to the school of

Zisi. Regarding the date of Qiongda yi shi, I suggest that it would have been written from the late fourth century B.C. to the early days of the third century B.C., according to Zhang Liwen’s proposal. This question is taken up in later paragraphs.

A close study on the text of Qiongda yi shi by Ikeda Tomohisa provides detailed textual criticism comparing it with different works that share textual

214 The story can be found in Lunyu zhushu, 15. 2516c.

215 Liao Mingchun, “Guodian chujian rujia zhuzuo kao”, p. 72.

216 Jiang Guanghui, “Guodian chujian yu zisi zi”, p. 85.

217 Zhou Fengwu, “Guodian zhujian de xingshi tezheng jiqi fenlei yiyi”, p. 54.

218 Qiong and da occur in antithetic form in Mencius. See Zhang Liwen, “Qiongda yi shi de shi yu yu 窮達以時的時與遇”, p. 220. 168

similarities with Qiongda yi shi.219 His research methods are effective and his conclusions are convincing. Ikeda Tomohisa dates the text as preceding the creation of the chapter “Shenren” in Lüshi chuqiu, which inherited philosophical points from Qiongda yi shi directly. He points out that the writers of the chapter

“Shenren” were the followers of Xunzi, who were influenced by the Taoist school, as attested by the phrase “the distinctiveness between heaven and humans”.220

Although Ikeda Tomohisa’s argument is convincing, two points deserve to be questioned. Firstly, according to Li Xueqin’s study, the Guodian tomb is dated around 300 B.C. If Qiongda yi shi was really written about the middle of the third century B.C., this date will obviously contradict the date of the Guodian M1 tomb.

Secondly, in the first two lines in the beginning of Qiongda yi shi, the meaning of heaven is apparently different from that in Zhuangzi and Xunzi: in the former heaven indicates non-artificiality,221 while in the latter it signifies the impersonal nature.222 The heaven in Qiongda yi shi is defined as a sense of destiny that is out of human control. I suggest that the sense of heaven mentioned above probably originated from Mencius’ thinking. Several accounts found in Mencius support my argument:

219 Ikeda Tomohisa makes textual comparisons citing six accounts from different works that share textual similarities with Qiongda yi shi. They are: Xunzi, 20.28.345-346; Hanshi waizhuan, 7.59b- 60b; Shuoyuan, 17.173-174; Kongzi jiayu, 5.20.56-57; Lüshi chunqiu, 14.2.150-152; and Zhuangzi jishi, 20.297-302.

220 Ikeda Tomohisa points out that the story concerning Confucius who was trapped in destitution in Chen and Cai, also can be found in the chapter “Shanmu” in Zhuangzi. The relationship between heaven and man is referred to in the chapter “Shanmu”. He determines that the chapter “Shanmu” and Qiongda yi shi were created in the same period. See Ikeda Tomohisa, Guodian chujian qiongda yi shi yanjiu (A), Gujin lunheng, Vol. 4, pp. 59-86.

221 For further details of the concept of Heaven in Zhuangzi, see A. C. Graham (1989), pp. 195-199.

222 The characteristics of Heaven in Xunzi can be referred to John Knoblock’s and A. C. Graham’s studies. See John Knoblock (1988), pp. 68-69. A. C. Graham (1989), pp. 238-244. 169

All a gentleman can do in starting an enterprise is to leave behind a tradition which can be carried on. Heaven alone can grant success. (D. C. Lau, 1B, 14)

It is not in his power either to go forward or to halt. It is due to Heaven that I failed to meet the Marquis of Lu. (D. C. Lau, 1B, 16)

Shun assisted Yao for twenty-eight years. This is something which could not be brought about by man, but by Heaven alone. (D. C. Lau, 5A, 5)

Shun and Yu differed from Yi greatly in the length of time they assisted the Emperor, and their sons due to Heaven and could not have been brought about by man. When something is brought about though there is nothing that brings it about, then it is Heaven that does it. (D. C. Lau, 5A, 6)

Success or failure, being recognized to be of worth or not, and being worthy or not, all depend on heaven. Mencius here emphasizes that something in life cannot be changed by any human efforts.223 Its meaning shares similarity with the line

“encountering or not encountering is due to heaven” (strip 11) in Qiongda yi shi.

As Ikeda Tomohisa pointed out, heaven and man have their individual functions in the text. The heaven’s function is uncontrollable by human efforts;224 the man’s function is moral cultivation. Although the antithesis of heaven and man does not occur in Mencius, Mencius did stress the human efforts on moral cultivation.

223 I agree with Kwong-loi Shun’s analysis on the concept of heaven. He says: “In addition, t’ien is sometimes presented as the source of what is not within human control, such as wealth and honor (LY 11.9), success in one’s political endeavors (M 1B:14, 1B: 16), and more generally things that are done without human action (M 5A: 6). See (1997), p. 208.

224 Jiang Guanghui points out that the character tian 天 means shi 世 (the trend of the times). See Guodian chujian yu zisi zi, p. 85. 170

Seek and you will get it; let go and you will lose it. If this is the case, then seeking is of help to getting and what is sought is within yourself. (D. C. Lau, 7A, 3)

All the ten thousand things are there in me. There is no greater joy for me than to find, on self-examination, that I am true to myself. (D. C. Lau, 7A, 4)

We should pay attention to the last phrase of the Qiongda yi shi, “the gentleman is steadfast in returning to himself” (strip 15), which corresponds to Mencius’s thought “self-examination”. It is reasonable to say that Qiongda yi shi is associated with Mencius’ thinking to some extent. Nevertheless, the antithesis of heaven and man was not the creation of Mencius; it was Zhuangzi who juxtaposed the heaven with man. My assumption is that the writer of Qiongda yi shi synthesized the terminologies of heaven and man from Zhuangzi’s writings and the content of heaven and moral cultivation from Mencius’ writing. An account found in the chapter “Da Zongshi” in Zhuangzi provides a hint to link up with Qiongda yi shi:

He who knows what it is that Heaven does, and knows what it is that man does, has reached the peak. Knowing what it is that Heaven does, he lives with Heaven. Knowing what it is that man does, he uses the knowledge of what he knows to help out the knowledge of what he doesn’t know, and lives out the years that Heaven gave him without being cut off midway – this is the perfection of knowledge. (Watson, 6. 73)

There are two points to bear in mind: 1 heaven and man are a pair of concepts and have their own characteristics; 2 Investigation of both heaven’s and man’s characteristics is to achieve supremacy. Comparing this account with Qiongda yi shi, both paragraphs share formalistic similarities in 1 and 2, but they have distinct 171

contents. The distinctions between them are shown in the diagram as below:

Table 7 Qiongda yi shi Da zongshi 1a. Heaven – things out of human control a. Heaven – non-artificiality b. Man – self cultivation b. Man – pursuit of wisdom in order to complete a natural span of life 2 To know how to conduct oneself To achieve supremacy

We can come to a conclusion that heaven and man in Qiongda yi shi was a synthesis of Zhuangzi’s and Mencius’s thoughts. Thus, we are able to date that

Qiongda yi shi appeared in the period between the fourth and the third centuries

B.C.

There is a gap in the development of Confucian philosophy in pre-Qin period: we do not know the original of the concepts, heaven and man, in Xunzi. Probably the beginning paragraph of Qiongda yi shi would be a piece of the missing links to

Xunzi’s philosophy. In the chapter “Youzuo”, Xunzi says: “encountering or not encountering is due to opportunity (時)”. Xunzi’s emendment seems to reflect the different philosophical tendency because Xunzi denied the mystery of and the will of the heaven. 172

CONCLUSION

These four texts chosen in my research can be divided into two kinds: Lu

Mugong wen zisi and Qiongda yi shi provide ethical guidance; while Tang yu zhi dao and Zhongxin zhi dao are regarded as philosophical writings, representing the tomb owner’s two kinds of favorite thoughts.

We are confident in saying that Lu Mugong wen zisi is without doubt a treatise of Zisi zi, while Zhongxin zhi dao is a teaching of Zizhang, handed down from his followers. However, it is difficult to determine the exact attribution for Qiongda yi shi because the issues that arise in the text are the common situations for all

Confucians. Therefore I do not attempt to put this text under any Confucian schools.

Tang yu zhi dao was obviously derived from the studies of remote antiquity and the genealogy of ancient emperors. The fresh unearthed evidence, Rongcheng shi and

Zigao, and the received texts preserved in Dadai liji, “Wudi de” and “Di xi xing”, can be regarded as belonging to the same category of cherishing the past. This sharp characteristic distinguishes them from the school of Simeng.

The dates of the other three texts, excluding Zhongxin zhi dao, were approximately contemporary with Mencius. It is believed that Zhongxin zhi dao, however, has an earlier origin: that it was written in roughly the fifth century B.C.

One aspect of my hypotheses should be recalled here: Tang yu zhi dao and

Zhongxin zhi dao have close affinities with ritual documents. The evidence that the four kinds of sacrifices and the idea of “nourishing the aged” presented in Tang yu zhi dao shares similarity with Liji is convincing and reliable. In addition, the phenomenon of the merger between ritual theory and moral ideas of loyalty and trustworthiness in Liji reveals that Zhongxin zhi dao represented a well-developed 173

theory that was ready to be integrated with ritual and to transform into a new shape. 174

APPENDICES

Appendix A: Translation of Lu Mugong wen zisi (Consultation with Zisi by Duke Mu of Lu)

Appendix B: Translation of Qiongda yi shi (Adversity and Prominence Depend on the Opportunities of Time)

Appendix C: Translation of Tang yu zhi dao (The Way of Tang and Yu)

Appendix D: Translation of Zhongxin zhi dao (The Way of Loyalty and Trustworthiness) 175

APPENDIX A LU MUGONG WEN ZISI (CONSULTATION WITH ZISI BY THE DUKE MU OF LU 225)

The Duke Mu of Lu consulted Zisi, asking: “What should one be like to be able to be called a loyal official?” Zisi said: “The person who always declares [1]

his sovereign’s faults can be called a loyal official.” Duke Mu was displeased; he

made a bow with hands clasped to Zisi then dismissed him.226 Cheng Sun-yi 成孫

弋227 had an audience with Duke Mu.[2] Duke Mu said: “A moment ago, I

225 This Chapter consists of eight bamboo strips, each of which are 26.4 cm in length. Both ends of each strip were sharpened into a trapezoid-shape and were strung by two strings which stand 9.6 cm apart each other (CMZJ, 141). Zisi, grandson of Confucius, was the master of Duke Mu of Lu state. Li Xueqin points out that the Ziyi, Wuxing and Lu Mugong wen Zisi all belong to the Zisi zi. See Li Xueqin, “Jingmen guodian chujian zhong de zisi zi”, pp. 75-80. Jiang Guanghui further advances that Tang yu zhi dao, Ziyi, Wuxing, Xing zi ming chu, Qiongda you shi, Qiuji (the first half of Cheng zhi wen zhi), Lu Mugong wen Zisi, and Liude were all written by Zisi. See Jiang Guanghui, “Guodian chujian yu zisi zi”, pp. 81-92. After examining the shape and the length of the manuscript’s bamboo strips, Zhou Fengwu reached the conclusion that the Lu Mugong wen zisi, Qiong da you shi, Ziyi, Wuxing, Xing zi ming chu, Cheng zhi wen zhi, Zun deyi, and the Liude all make up the main body of the Zisi zi. See Zhou Fengwu, “Guodian zhujian de xingshi tezheng ji qi fenlei yiyi”, pp. 53-63. There is no doubt that the text belongs to the writings of Zisi’s school. The judgement that Wuxing is attributed to the Simeng’s school is universally accepted. See Pang Pu 龐 樸, Zhujian Wuxing pian jiaozhu ji Yanjiu 竹簡五行篇校注及研究. There are two distinct opinions concerning the authorship of “Ziyi”: one is raised by Shen Yue 沈約 who says that the “Ziyi” was drawn from the Zisi zi collection (Suishu, 13.289); the other is raised by Liu Xian 劉讞. He says that the “Ziyi” was written by Gongsun Nezi (Jingdian shiwen, 211a). Most of the modern scholars accept Shen Yue’s opinion. Other fragments of literature found in the “Ziyi” support Shen Yue’s views. Going against tradition, Cheng Yuanmin, a scholar who accepts Liu Xian’s opinion, argues that the “Zhongyong”, “Fangji”, and “Ziyi” were not drawn from Zisi zi. See Cheng Yuanmin, “Liji zhongyong fangji ziyi fei chuyu zisizi kao”, pp. 1-47. Despite Cheng Yuanmin’s convincing arguments, Shen Yue’s judgement can not be easily refuted. Nonetheless, we should not jump to the conclusion that Qiong da yi shi, Zhongxin zhi dao, Tang yu zhi dao, Xing zi ming chu, Cheng zhi wen zhi, Zun deyi, and Liude are all attributed to Zisi zi.

226 Huang Rener explains the phrase “揖而退之” as meaning that Zisi made a bow with hands clasped to Duke Mu of Lu and withdrew from the court (LMGKS, 399). The subject should be Duke Mu who made a bow with hands clasped and then dismissed Zisi from court because the action “揖而退之” expressed Duke Mu’s displeasure when he heard the words from Zisi.

227 Li Ling does not know who Cheng Sunyi is. However, he points out that the Liji records conversations between Xian Zisuo 縣子瑣, who is mentioned in the Shiji’s “Biographies of Confucian Disciples”, and Duke Mu of Lu. Li Ling, however, cannot determine whether Cheng Sunyi and Xian Zisuo are the same person. (JDJ, 85) Tu Zhongliu and Liu Zuxin suggest that Cheng Sunyi who was a contemporary person with Zisi was an official of Lu. (YSJS, 20) Although the name Cheng Sunyi is not attested in literature, Li Ling’s suggestion is worth examining more closely. According to the chapter “Tangong” 檀弓 in Liji, Xian Zisuo was summoned by Duke Mu 176

consulted Zisi about the loyal official and Zisi answered: ‘The person who always declares his sovereign’s faults228 can be called a loyal [3] official.’” “I felt doubt and can not think it out.” Cheng Sun-yi said: “Oh, how excellent are those words!”

[4] “Now, although there have been cases of men who have killed themselves for the sake of their sovereign, there have never been cases of those who always declared their sovereign’s faults. [5] Now, men who die for the sake of their sovereign are men who attract (for themselves) emolument and the noble rank.

Men who always [6] declare their sovereign’s faults are men who keep (themselves) distant from emolument and the noble rank.229 To keep distant from emolument and noble rank for the sake of righteousness – were it not [7] for Zisi, how would I ever have known of it. [8]

of Lu twice. These two accounts indicate that Zisi and Xian Zisuo served Duke Mu in the Lu’s court contemporarily. Kong Cong zi 孔叢 preserves three paragraphs of dialogs between Xian Zisuo and Zisi (Kongcong zi, 2.6.34; 2.6.37; 3.10.53). Another account in Kongcong zi describes that Duke Mu asked Zisi to judge Xianzi’s statement which says: “one does good not for others’ praise” (3.9.50). The case above is similar with that Duke Mu asks Cheng Sunyi in court to judge what Zisi’s statement mean in the manuscript. On the basis of these examples from Kongcong zi, it seems reasonable to infer that Cheng Sunyi and Xian Suozi possibly are the same person. If it is the true case, although Kong congzi is regarded as a questionable work, the anecdotes concerning Zisi and Xian Zisuo seem to have been circulated in the Warring States period.

228 Chen Wei points out that the interpretation of heng cheng 恆稱 in CMZJ is not accurate enough. His alternative interpretation is ji cheng 亟稱. This combination has two meanings: 1. “frequently declare”; 2. “eagerly declare”. He suggests that the latter is the most probable here (ZSBS, 45). Huang Rener cites Chen Wei’s explanations and offers one other possibility for ji cheng. He suggests that it means to speak bluntly and expostulate sternly (LMGKS, 398).

229 The 7th bamboo strip is broken into three pieces and the top part of the strip is lost. These damages have caused some graphs to be lost. Qiu Xigui reconstructs the damaged passage as follows: 稱 其 君之惡者，遠祿爵者也。為義而遠祿爵，非 (CMZJ, 141) 177

APPENDIX B QIONGDA YI SHI (ADVERSITY AND PROMINENCE DEPEND ON THE OPPORTUNITIES OF TIME230)

1 There is heaven and there are humans. Heaven and humans have their own distinctiveness. Examine the distinctiveness between heaven and humans, and then you will know (the circumstances of) how they conduct themselves. When there is the right man, but not the [1] right time, even though he is worthy, he cannot be effective in his conduct. If there is the right time, what difficulties should he have?

Shun plowed at Li mountain and made pottery with a mold [2] beside the bank of the river.231 He was established as the son of heaven because he encountered Yao.

230 This manuscript includes 15 bamboo strips. Both ends of each strip are sharpened as trapezoid- shaped; the length of each strip is 26.4 cm. This bamboo manuscript is strung by two strings about 9.4 cm – 9.6 cm apart. The bamboo strips are combined into four groups: strips 1 – 8; strips 9 – 13; strip 14 and strip 15 (CMZJ,145). Li Ling divides the text into two chapters: 1st – 7th strips and 8th – 15th strips according to the black marks written on the ends of both the 7th strip and the 15th strip (JDJ, 86). Tu Zongliu and Liu Zuxin separate the text into three chapters: 1st –3rd strips belong to chapter one; the last five characters on the 3rd strip “舜耕於歷山” are arranged at the beginning of chapter 2 and 4th –8th are the main body of chapter 2; 9th –15th strips belong to chapter 3 (YSJS, 26- 38). Chen Wei points out that how Li Ling divides the text into two chapters is problematic, because the 8th bamboo strip should be arranged between the 6th and the 7th bamboo strips according to its contents and sentence structure. The allusion of Sun Shuao recorded in the 8th bamboo strip should parallel Gao Tao, Lu Wang, Guan Yiwu and Bai Lixi. In the light of Chen Wei’s analysis, the first chapter contains 1st, 2nd, 3rd, 4th, 5th, 6th, 8th, and 7th bamboo strips; the second chapter contains 9th, 10th, 11th, 12th, 13th,, 14th, and 15th bamboo strips. (ZSBS, 46-51) Li Ling arranges the 8th strip in chapter 2 for two reasons: 1 the black mark signifying a chapter end at the end of the 7th strip; 2 the arrangement of the deeds of these six figures in historical sequence. Apparently, Chen Wei’s arrangement, putting the 8th strip before the 7th strip, does not follow the historical sequence. On one hand, according to the usual practice of parallelism, Chen Wei’s assumption is correct; on the other hand, the sequence of the events should not be ignored. Zheng Liwen suggests that the title of this text can be replaced by Tianren 天人 because the first sentence in this text is “有天有人，天人有 分”. See Zhang Liwen 張立文, “Guodian chumu zhujian de pianti 郭店楚墓竹簡的篇題”, p. 333. The phonetic notations in my annotations are for the most part based on Schuessler’s work, A Dictionary of Early Zhou Chinese. However, this work does not contain some graphs from the Guodian texts. In such cases I have used the homophone to indicate the graph’s exact pronunciation, although I understand that this is not the accepted way to represent this. I bear all responsibility for any errors I have made.

231 The sentence is interpreted as “陶拍於河 ” in CMZJ without annotation. Tu and Liu combine two words tao 陶 and pai 拍 and explain the compound as making pottery. They suggest that gu is a name of a river gu 沽 (YSJS, 29). Li Ling interprets pai/*pak as yan/*ran 埏 (mix water with mud) because of phonetic loan. He suggests that gu/*kagx is probably read as hu/*hŋagx 滸 in 178

Fu Yue wore a sack-cloth blanket and wrapped his head up in a coarse cloth.232 [3]

He set aside his boards and rammer and assisted the son of heaven because he encountered Wu Ding. Lü Wang was once a serf at the ferry beside the Yellow

River and assumed the position of a gate-watchman [4] in Ji Jin.233 When he was

the sense of bank (JDJ, 87). Liu Zhao gives a clear explanation for the term of taopai 陶拍. He suggests that taopai should be reversed as paitao 拍陶 and pai is a phonetic loan for bo/*pak 搏 (slap). Consequently, 拍陶 is actually a compound of bozhi 搏埴 (slap on the clay with hand). He reads gu as pu 浦 (bank) (CJJS, 170). In Li Ling’s interpretation, tao (make earthen wares) and yan are two verbs made up as a compound. I follow Li Ling’s interpretation. Although Liu Zhao’s interpretation bozhi is attested in chapter “Dongguan” 冬官 in Zhouli 周禮, the word order should not be reversed unless there are no other choices.

232 The sentence is interpreted as “邵 衣胎蓋帽絰冢巾” in CMZJ. The name of Shaoyao 邵 does not occur in any ancient texts (CMZJ, 146). Tu and Liu suggest that yao, transcribed as yao/*grjagw 繇, is a phonetic loan of you/*ragw 由 and it probably is read as qiu/*rjagw 囚. The story of shaoqiu 邵囚 written in this text is exactly the same as Fu Yue’s 傅說 deeds, so it is believed that Shaoqiu is Fu Yue. Liu Zhao interprets Shaoyao as Qiuyao which indicates Gao Tao 皋陶 and he points out that Gao Tao should be a mistake. The graph tai 胎 (fetus) is interpreted as xi 枲 (flax) and gai 蓋(cover) is interpreted as he 褐 (rough cloth). He points out that xihe 枲褐 signifies the garment of prison (CJJS, 170). Tai means the cotton wadding laid inside the clothes. Both zhong 冢, an archaic form of meng 蒙, and gai 蓋 signify cover. On the basis of Tu and Liu’s understanding, the sentence can be translated as Fu Yue dressed in a garment with cotton wadding laid inside and wore a cap and a waistband. He wrapped his head in a piece of cloth (YSJS, 29). Li Ling inserts a comma to separate the sentence: “邵 衣枲蓋，帽絰冢 ”. He suggests that Shao 邵 alone is a name and he doubts that the graph shao is a mistake or that it is another name for Fu Yue. The compound yaoyi 衣 may be read as yaoyi 鷂衣, which is close to a term chunyi 鶉衣 (shabby clothes). He transcribes 枲蓋 as 蓋 (sacking blanket). The graph 慬 is interpreted as jin 巾 (a piece of cloth) in CMZJ; however, Li Ling interprets it as (a kind of fabric). The graphs mao 冒 and zhong 冢 (蒙) share identical meaning (JDJ, 87). At any rate, there is no doubt that Shaoyao or Shao indicate Fu Yue. There is a possibility that the name is a transcription error. I prefer Shaoyao as a name rather than Shao alone. Therefore yi 衣 is a verb and both 枲褐 and 蓋 are acceptable as object.

233 Tu and Liu interpret zhan 戰 (war) as zhan 顫 (shiver) and 地 as jidi 棘地 (a place where thorns grows). However, they leave jianmen 監門 without explanation (YSJS, 30). Li Ling interprets 地 as laidi 來地 and he is uncertain of the exact meaning of the sentence (JDJ, 87).

Liu Zhao interprets zhan/*tjanh 戰 as shou 守 (guard) because shou/*?j w?h 獸 can be a phonetic loan for shou 守. Both the graphs zhan and shou share an identical sound radical of dan/*tan 單 because 單 and , a sound radicals of 獸, derive from an identical root. 地 is interpreted as jijin 棘津, indicating a place name. The term jianmen is a low rank official title with the charge of keeping watch of the gates (CJJS, 171). Also see Xu Zaiguo 徐在國, “Guodian chujian wenzi san kao 郭店楚簡文字三考”, pp. 179-180. Compared with others, Liu Zhao’s interpretation “守監門棘 179

seventy years old, he slaughtered cows at Zhao Ge. Then, he was promoted234 to be the master of the son of heaven because he encountered Zhou Wen. [5] Guan Yiwu was arrested, imprisoned, and trussed up,235 but was released from the shackles and the prisoner’s cage to become a minister of one of the feudal lords because he encountered Duke Huan of Qi. [6] Bai Li sold himself for five sheep in order to herd cows for the duke. He set aside the grazing whip236 and then became an official in the court because he encountered Duke Mu of Qin. [7]

2 Sun Shu was relegated to be the officer of Sima in Qisi237 three times, but was

津” is convincing.

234 The graph is interpreted as ju 舉 in CMZJ. Qiu Xigui suspects that it is probably a graph of and can be read as qian 遷 (transfer) (CMZJ, 146). Li Ling indicates that from the point of view of the graphic form, it seems to be interpreted as xing 興 (raise), but from the point of view of meaning, it seems to be interpreted as ju 舉 (promote) (JDJ, 87). Liu Zhao adopts xing in his own interpretation (CJJS, 171). However, I read the graph as ju.

235 The sentence is interpreted as “拘 束縛” in CMZJ. Tu and Liu interpret yao as qiu 囚 (imprison). (See footnote 232.) Liu Zhao also adopts qiu as his interpretation (CJJS, 171).

236 Tu and Liu, as well as Li Ling, are uncertain of the compound 板 . They assume that it may signify the tools of cattle husbandry (YSJS, 31 & JDJ, 87). Liu Zhao interprets the compound as bianchui 鞭箠 (whip). The graph chui/*djuar 箠 is a phonetic loan for (CJJS, 172). Bai Yulan interprets the graph as sui 綏 and sui/*stj d can be a phonetic loan for sui/*sdjuar 隋. Furthermore, sui can be a phonetic loan for chui. The graph ban/*pranx 板 can be a phonetic loan for bian/*pjian 鞭. See Bai Yulan 白於藍, “Guodian chumu zhujian kaoshi (si pian) 郭店楚墓竹簡 考釋(四篇)”, pp. 194-195. I am persuaded to follow Liu and Bai’s interpretation.

237 “孫叔三射恆思少司馬” is a controversial sentence. The graph 射 (shoot) is interpreted in CMZJ and Li Ling follows this interpretation. Qiu Xigui suggests that she/*djiagh 射 can be read as chi/*thjiak 斥 (demote) because of the phonetic loan (CMZJ 146). Tu and Liu follow Qiu’s suggestion. Qiu Xigui points out that “恆思少司馬” was an official title of Chu state that occurred in the bamboo strips of Baoshan. Li Ling reads 恆思 as 期思, which is a place name of Chu. He also points out that Sun Shuao was a low social status person in Siqi recorded in “Feixiang” of Xunzi and “Zanneng” of Lushi Chunqiu. There is a Siqi town in the county of Huaibing in Henan province nowadays (JDJ 87-88). Liu Zhao interprets she as xie/*rjiagh 謝 (resign) (CJJS, 173). Also see Bai Yulan 白于藍, “Guodian chujian shiyi 郭店楚簡拾遺”, p. 91. Li Ling’s interpretation of 恆思 as 期思 is correct. The place 期思, which was the hometown of Sun Shuao, is attested in Xunzi, 3.47, and Lüshi Chunqiu, 24.4.310. 少司馬, a local official, is attested in Zuozhuan, 50.2097c. That Sun Shuao became Lingyin 令尹 three times and resigned the Lingyin post three 180

promoted to be minister because he encountered King Zhuang of Chu. [8] The fact that at first his brilliance was concealed238 and later he was renowned was not because his virtue increased. The fact that in the beginning Zi Xu obtained many achievements and in the end was executed and died was not because his wisdom [9] decreased. The fact that the Ji stallion was beset with difficulties at Heng mountain and the Qi stallion was halted in the dense thorns239 was not because their bodies were without strength. The horses reached the four seas and went as far as one thousand of [10] Li (a day) because they encountered Zao Fu. Encountering or not

times are also attested in Lüshi Chunqiu. Therefore, Sun Shuao was possibly demoted from Lingyin to Shao Sima in his hometown three times. The alternative interpretation of xie seems not to fit the meaning that Sun, in fact, resigned the Lingyin post, not Shao Sima. Thus, Qiu’s interpretation of chi is reliable.

238 The sentence is interpreted as “初淊 ” in CMZJ. Tu and Liu follow the interpretation in CMZJ, explaining that the compound 淊 , as adulterated wine, implied that a person is not welcomed (YSJS, 33). Li Ling advances two ways to interpret the compound: one is read as taohui 韜晦 (conceal one’s brilliance); another is read as danhui 澹晦 (unknown to the public) (JDJ, 88). Liu Zhao interprets the word 淊 as , a complex form of chen 沈. is a phonetic loan for 郁 or yu/*?j t 鬱. Consequently, the compound 淊 is chenyu 沉鬱 (depression) denoting chenzhu 沉 滯 (sink and block up). The compound chenzhu implies buyu 不遇, meaning a person whose worth is not recognized by others (CJJS, 173-174). I follow Li Ling’s interpretation of taohui.

239 The sentence “ 張山 於 ”as interpreted in CMZJ is difficult to understand. Li Ling reads the sentence as “驥厄張山，騏塞於邵來”. He suggests that both 張山 and 邵來 are place names (JDJ, 88). Tu and Liu read it as “驥 張山， 空於邵棘”. Ji 驥, Shao and Jin all signify the good horses and shaoji 邵棘 means thorny bushes in a place Shao. The graph zhang 張 indicates nervous and kong/*khuŋ 空 is a phonetic loan for kong/*khuŋh 控 (halting a horse). The whole sentence can be translated literally as the horses Ji and Shao are nervous in front of the mountain and the horse Jin is halted when it encounters the thorny bushes (YSJS, 34). Liu Zhao does not give any explanation because he notes that the sentence is not able to be understood (CJJS, 174). Xu Zaiguo interprets the sentence as “驥約長山，騏塞於鳩棘”. The graph seems to be read as yue 約 (be stranded). is an archaic form of sai 塞 (be stuck) and jiuji 鳩棘 signifies the clump of thorns. See “Guodian chujian wenzi sankao”, pp. 177-178. Bai Yulan assumes that zhangshan 張山, which can be read as changshan 腸山 indicated the Taixing mountain 太行山 and he interprets the compound as zhiji 枳棘, two kinds of thorny plants, symbolizing the difficult circumstances. See “Guodian chumu zhujian kaoshi (si pian)”, p. 197. I interpret zhangshan as changshan 長山 (an eternal mountain), which can also be read as changshan 常山 because chang 長 is a phonetic loan for chang 常. The term changshan equates with hengshan 恆山, which is attested in Erya, 7.2618b, and Fengsu tong, 10.70a. I suspect that the compound is possibly baoji 苞棘 (dense thorns), which is attested in Shijing, 6.365c. The graph shao is a phonetic loan for bao 苞. For the rest, I follow Li Ling’s interpretations of e 厄 and sai 塞. 181

encountering is due to heaven. One’s actions are not to gain prominence; thus in adversity one never feels [11] resentment. [Seclusion is not] to achieve; thus even when unknown one does not feel regret. [Angelica and Eupatorium grow in a secluded valley.]240 [12] [Just because nobody] smells241 them, they are not without fragrance. Without (the jades of) Lu, Jin and Yu, the rocks will not open (for you).

[It is that] [13] one is good at self-introspection.242 While adversity and prominence

240 The 12th bamboo strip is missing ten words, three at the beginning and seven at the end of the strip. Similar sentences appear in Youzuo of Xunzi and in Hanshi waizhuan. The emendment of the content by Li Ling is as follows: 怨。隱 非 為名也，故莫之知而不吝。芝 蘭 生 於 幽 谷. (JDJ, 86) Tu and Liu amend the content as 困；學 非 為名也，故莫之知而不吝。芷 蘭 生 於 深 林 (YSJS, 32).

241 In the phrase “ 而不芳” on the 13th bamboo strip, Qiu Xigui interprets as (smell 嗅) (CMZJ, 146). Yan Shixuan suggests that is also able to be used as a verb. See Yan Shixuan 顏世 鉉, “Du chujian zhaji er ze 讀楚簡扎記二則”.

242 The sentence “無 愈 山石不為□□□□善 也” in CMZJ is controversial. Both the head and the end of the 13th bamboo strip are damaged, so only thirteen words remain. Three words at the beginning and the last four words are missing. Li Ling amends the content, reading it as “無 堇，逾寶山，石不為開，非 以 其 善負己也”. He suggests that ge and jin 堇 indicate Allium victorialis and Aconitum carmichaelii, seemingly the keys to cut into the mountain and get the treasure. , the sound from fou 缶, is a phonetic loan for bao 寶. He interprets as fu 負 (disappoint) (JDJ, 88). Tu and Liu pose a different interpretation: that the sentence can be read as “無落幕 缶，山石不為所 用，夫 為善 己也”. The graph luo 落 signifies residence and mu 幕 means tent. The graphs and fou 缶 indicate the specific pottery vessels. is interpreted as ke 克 (overcome) or she 舍 (abandon). The sentence means that even if one does not own one’s resident tent and daily vessels and does not use the mountain stones, one is the true person who does good and restricts oneself (YSJS, 36). Liu Zhao suggests that jinyu 愈 is jinyu 瑾瑜 (precious jades). is a word of bao 抱 (hold). He points out that is not able to be understood. He interprets the phrase “善 也” as “善倍己也” (bei 倍 in a sense of fan 反) meaning that one is good at self-introspection (CJJS, 175). Liu Lexian assumes that “無 愈” can be read as “ 璐 瑾瑜” and can be interpreted as tao 韜 (conceal) (ZSBS, 50). Yan Shixuan interprets the whole sentence as “ 璐瑾喻寶，山石不為□□□□。善否己也。” It means that although there are no precious jades buried in the mountain to reveal its great value, the nature and the peculiar glitter of the mountain stones do not become gloomy because of that. The graph pi 否 indicates evil, so the compound shanpi 善否 means good and evil. Becoming good or evil is determined by one self. See 182

rely on time, virtue and conduct remain constant. Praise and slander exist on the side. Listen tranquilly; black and white [14] are not regulated.243 Because adversity and prominence rely on time, dark and light do not repeat. Thus, the gentleman is

Yan Shixuan 顏世鉉, “Guodian chujian san lun (2) 郭店楚簡散論”, p. 39. Bai Yulan interprets the graph luo as sui . See Guodian chumu zhujian kaoshi (si pian), p. 195. I suspect that the content of this sentence relates to moral cultivation. I read the sentence as “無璐瑾瑜寶，山石不為 開”. Lu 璐, jin 瑾 and yu 瑜 are three kinds of jades and bao 寶 indicates treasure. Without the jades and the treasure, one can not open up the mountain and rocks. The sentence symbolizes that one should have high morality just like jades without any flaws and then the difficulties and hardships will be surmounted. Liu Zhao’s explanation of shan bei ji ye 善倍己也 is convincing, if we associate the whole sentence with moral cultivation.

243 The sentence “聖之戈母之白不 ” in CMZJ has several different interpretations. Li Ling reads as “聽之戈母。緇白不釐”. He notes that the phrase “聽之戈母” needs further study (JDJ, 88). Tu and Liu put a comma after the second character and separate the sentence as “聽之，戈母之白不里”. The name Gemu 戈母, Duke Xiang’s mother, occurred in the fourth year’s autumn of Xianggong in Zuozhuan. An argument arose about her funeral as to whether her coffin should be kept in a temporary shelter before burial. The graph bai 白 signifies to offer an explanation and li 里 means distinguish. The sentence can be loosely translated that the argument of Gemu’s funeral does not need to be defined as right and wrong (YSJS, 37). Liu Zhao reads it as “聽之慝，毋之白。⋯⋯不 埋。” His interpretation means that one allows people to slander and does not defend oneself. He points out that there are some missing words before bumai 不埋, hence the exact meaning of bumai is still uncertain (CJJS, 175). Yan Shixuan reads the sentence as “聽之， ；毋之，怕。” The graph means dread and pai 怕 means calm. His interpretation can be translated that if one believes the condemnations and praises from outside, anxieties will appear in one’s mind. On the contrary, if one does not believe the condemnations and praises from outside, one can maintain peace of mind. See Yan Shixuan, “Guodian chujian san lun (2)”, p. 40. Chen Wei points out that ge/*kwar 戈 should be interpreted as gan/*kan 干 and gan should be read as an 安 or yan/*?ranh 晏. The word mu/*m gx 母 is read as ru/*njag 如. Therefore, gemu 戈母, in fact, is the term yanru 晏如 meaning tranquillity. He suggests that zhibai 之白 is probably a mistake of xiaobai 小白 who became Duke of Huan of Qi after a political struggle. Chen Wei suggests that the sequence of bamboo strips in the second chapter is 14th, 9th, 10th, 11th, 12th, 13th, and 15th strips. Consequently, 小白 is actually the subject of “初沈鬱，後名揚” on the 9th bamboo strip (ZSBS, 49-50). Wang Ning suggests that, according to the grammatical parallel, “窮達有時，幽明不再” on the 15th bamboo strip presumably parallels with the preceding eight words. In other words, there should be six more missing words in front of buli 不釐. Therefore, he reaches the conclusion that between the 14th and 15th strips, at least one strip (around 20 words) has been missed. Furthermore, he assumes that the reverse word order occurs in the sentence “聖之戈母之白”, the word ge 戈 should be located in front of bai 白 and the compound gebai 戈白 means black and white. The graph mu 母 can be read as mou 謀 (plan). Wang’s interpretation is “聽之謀之戈白”, meaning that one carefully investigates right and wrong. See Wang Ning 王寧, “Zaitan qiongda yi shi di 14、15 jian de guanxi 再談楚簡第 14、15 簡的關 係”. Chen Wei’s interpretation of the compound gemu as yanru is convincing and the meaning “tranquillity” makes the sentence clear and coherent. It exactly explains what Li Ling is unable to explain in this sentence. 183

steadfast in returning to himself. [15] 184

APPENDIX C TANG YU ZHI DAO (THE WAY OF TANG AND YU244)

244 We had never seen any texts like the Tang yu zhi dao in traditional literature until this text was unearthed in Jingmen, Hubei, in 1993. We remained oblivious to the thought of Shanrang 禪讓 in 5th century B.C. The unearthed manuscript throws light on this lost learning from the Warring States period. This text gives a full explanation of Shanrang’s thought from the philosophical point of view. The title is given by the collators. Zhang Liwen suggests Tang yu 唐虞 as a substitute title. See Zhang Liwen 張立文, “Guodian chumu zhujian de pianti”, p. 333. This manuscript contains 29 bamboo strips. Both ends of each strip are flat; each strip is between 28.1 and 28.3 cm. This bamboo manuscript is strung by two strings lying 14.3 cm apart. Some bamboo strips have been damaged, so the text is incomplete (CMZJ,157). The bamboo strips are divided into seven combined groups: strips 1 to 3; 4 to 11; 12; 13; 14 to 21; 22 to 28; 29 (JDJ, 95). Collators divides the bamboo strips into different numbers of chapters. In order to make the text more logical and understandable, the collators re-arrange the order of the bamboo strips. Five versions are introduced in the diagram below:

Collators Li Ling Chen Wei Zhou Fengwu Tu Zongliu & Fan Yuzhou Liu Zuxin Number of Six Chapters Six Chapters Seven Chapters Ten Chapters Eight Chapters Chapters Content of each Chapter 1: Chapter 1: Chapter 1: Chapter 1: Chapter 1: Chapter (1) (2) (3) (1) (2) (3) (1) (2) (3) (1) (2) (3) (1) (2) (3) (14) Chapter 2: Chapter 2: Chapter 2: Chapter 2: Chapter 2: The sequence of (4) (5) (6) (3) (13) (4) (4) (5) (6) (7) (4) (5) (6) (14) (15) the bamboo Chapter 3: (5) (6) (8) Chapter 3: Chapter 3: strips is based (6) (7) (8) (9) Chapter 3: Chapter 3: (6) (7) (8) (15) (16) (17) on the collation (10) (11) (22) (6) (7) (8) (9) (8) (9) (10) Chapter 4: (18) (19) (20) of CMZJ. Chapter 4: (10) (12) (12) (13) (8) (9) (10) (11) Chapter 4: (22) (23) (24) Chapter 4: Chapter 4: (12) (20) (21) (11) (25) (26) (27) (14) (15) (16) (14) (15) (16) Chapter 5: (22) Chapter 5: (17) (11) (17) (12) (13) (14) Chapter 5: (27) (28) (12) (22) Chapter 5: (15) (22) (23) (24) (13) (14) Chapter 5: (18) (19) (20) Chapter 6: (25) Chapter 6: (22) (23) (24) (21) (15) (16) (17) Chapter 6: (14) (15) (16) (25) (26) (27) Chapter 6: (18) (19) (20) (25) (26) (27) (17) (18) (19) Chapter 6: (11) (22) (23) Chapter 7: (28) (4) (20) (21) (29) (27) (28) (18) (24) (25) (20) (21) (22) Chapter 7: (19) (20 ) Chapter 7: Chapter 8: (4) (5) (6) (7) (21) (29) (25) (26) (27) (22) (23) (24) (8) (9) (28) (29) (25) Chapter 8: Chapter 9: (9) (10) (12) (25) (26) (27) (13) (29) Chapter 10: (27) (28) (29)

The Names of JDJ ZSBS XS YSJS JXFZ Works 185

1 The way of Tang and Yu is to pass on the throne (to men of virtue),245 not to transmit it (to blood heirs). During the kingship of Yao and Shun, they benefited the world and did not themselves seek benefit. To resign the throne (to men of virtue) and to not transmit it (to blood heirs) reaches the perfection of sageness. [1]

To benefit the world and to not themselves seek benefit reaches the pinnacle of benevolence. Therefore, worthy, virtuous, and sage men in the past were like this.

Although they reached exhaustion they would not be trapped in the adversities,246 and to the day they died [2] they did not seek benefit247 ― they exhausted

245 The opaque graph is interpreted as shan 禪 in CMZJ meaning pass on the throne to a worthy person. Li Ling interprets the graph as and he suspects that is an archaic form of chan/*drjan 廛 (farmyard), read as shan/*djanh 禪 (JDJ, 96). Liu Zhao interprets the graph as and he suggests that the pronunciation of this graph probably comes from the sound chan 廛. The word 禪 is a phonetic loan word for 廛 (CJJS, 150). Zhou Fengwu points out that the structure of includes three radicals: 彳, and 壬. He interprets the graph as reading as fan/*bjan 番, which is close to 禪 (XS, 741). Chen Wei follows Zhou’s interpretation in his collated work and he reads the phrase as “番而不傳” (ZSBS, 60). Wang Ling analyzes that the character is composed of 彳 and the sound radical ren/*nj m 壬. Then, he assumes that should be the complex form of ting/*diŋ 侹 reading as shan/*djanx 嬗, which equates with 禪. See Wang Ling, Explanation of a Graph “ ”. The graph is composed of four radicals, 彳, 尗, 田, and 壬. I suspect that there are two possibilities for interpreting the graph. One is that the sound radical of this graph is , whose appearance is similar to , the main component of the word 廛. Supposedly, the graph is a variant form of , hence it is a phonetic loan for shan. Another assumption is that the radical 壬 is a phonetic loan for shan.

246 In the phrase “身窮不 ”, the graph is interpreted as jun 均 in CMZJ. Li Ling interprets it as tan 貪. On the basis of the grammatical parallel, he points out that the compound buli 不利 in the next phrase should match with butan 不貪 (JDJ, 96). Tu and Liu follow the interpretation of CMZJ, explaining the graph jun as equal (YSJS, 40). Liu Zhao interprets jun as kun 困 meaning adversity (CJJS, 151). Chen Wei suggests that jun/*kwjin can probably be read as 憌 meaning worry because the two words share an identical radical yun 勻 (well-distribute) (ZSBS, 61). Zhou Fengwu interprets jun as wen 慍 meaning unhappy (XS, 742). Also see Yan Shixuan 顏世鉉, “Guodian chujian san lun (2)”, p. 39. Liu Zhao’s interpretation is reliable because a similar phrase “為窮而不 困” occurs in Xunzi. The phrase means that, being in poverty, one will not be trapped in adversity. The compound bukun still parallels well with buli.

247 The graph , which is not decoded in CMZJ, is given different interpretations. Li Ling considers that the graph should match the compound shen qiong 身窮 in the preceding phrase, so

mo 沒 is a suitable choice. The word mo/*m t can be read as mo 歿 meaning die. Tu and Liu interprets the graph as bian 邊 because the structure of this graph consists of shen 身 and chuo 辵 186

themselves in the practice of benevolence.248 They invariably249 rectified their own person and only then rectified the world ― they fulfilled the way of sageness.

(YSJS, 40). Liu Zhao points out that the graph is composed of you 又 and the sound radical yun/*gwj n 云. He interprets the graph as . The word yuan/*gwjan 員 is usually a phonetic loan for the word yun in Chu’s writing system. Therefore, it is, in fact, a character of xun 損 meaning harm (CJJS, 151). Zhou Fengwu has decided that the graph consists of you 又 and the sound radical , which is pronounced as shao 勺. Thus, the graph can be read as yue/*?jakw 約 meaning poverty and adversity (XS, 743). Huang Dekuan and Xu Zaiguo interpret the graph as meaning yun (有所失), to suffer losses to some extent. (Huang Dekuang 黃德寬 and Xu Zaiguo 徐在國, “Guodian chujian wenzi xukao 郭店楚簡文字續考”, p. 75.) Chen Sipeng further suggests that is a simplified form of 損. Therefore, he interprets as 損. See Chen Sipeng 陳斯鵬, “Du guodian chumu zhujian zhaji (shi ze)”, p. 146. The graph seems to consist of 云(cloud) and 又(手 hand). Huang and Xu’s interpretation is plausible. The word is glossed in SW, 12a.37. Duan Yucai points out that is a phonetic loan for yun 隕 meaning perish. Hence, I suspect that the graph should be read as yun 隕. This is attested in Hanfei zi, 44.312, which says yunshen mieguo “隕身滅 國” meaning literally to perish oneself and destroy the country. Also see Karlgren, 2214.

248 The phrase “ ” is interpreted as “躬仁嘻 ” in CMZJ. These four words are problematic. Qiu Xigui assumes that the graph should be the word of yi 矣 and the graph should be arranged at the first word of the next sentence. He regards cai/*dz g 才 as the sound radical of (CMZJ, 159). Li Ling interprets as qiong 窮 meaning exhaust (JDJ, 95). Liu Zhao reads the sentence as “損而弗利躬，仁矣” meaning that one who, even when hurt, does not benefit oneself achieves benevolence (CJJS, 151). Zhou Fengwu criticizes the miss-punctuation made in CMZJ as ungrammatical (XS, 743). is a variant form of 窮, which is attested in SW, 7b.23 written as . The word xi 喜 as a sound radical of is possibly a phonetic loan for yi. Qiu’s interpretation is correct. Liu Zhao’s punctuation is rare. Qiong as a verb meaning exhaust is commonly attested in literature. Moreover, the compound buli occurs twice in preceding sentences without the object. Hence, I follow Li Ling’s punctuation. Undoubtedly, the graph should belong to the next sentence.

249 Qiu Xigui considers that cai 才 is the sound radical of the graph and he assumes that the graph seemingly means beginning (CMZJ, 159). Most of the interpreters interpret the graph as

bi/*pjit 必 because of the sound radical bi/*pji dx 匕 as a phonetic (JDJ, 96). He Linyi interprets the graph as . The graph is close to fu/*pjagx 甫 (at the beginning) in pronunciation. The phrase “甫正其身” means that initially, one rectifies oneself. See He Linyi, “Guodian zhujian xuanshi”, p. 163. Phonetic loan between 匕 and 必 is reliable. However, the usage of cai and fu as the meaning of beginning is not attested in pre-Qin received literature. Thus, I follow Li Ling’s interpretation. 187

Therefore, the way of Tang and Yu is to resign the throne (to men of virtue).250 [3]

2 Now, the sages above serve heaven to teach the people respect; below, they serve earth to teach the people love for family members. At the proper times they serve

mountains and rivers to teach the people [4] reverence; in person they serve the

ancestral temples to teach the people filial piety. In the grand educational institution, the son of heaven in person arranges the order by age to teach the people fraternal duty. For earlier sages [5] are joined with later sages, investigating the later to share sacrifices with the earlier,251 to teach the people the way of great obedience.

250 The last two words on the third bamboo strip are missing. Traces of the first missing word remain on the strip. Li Ling fills in two words, dao 道 and shan 禪, and reads the sentence as “故唐虞之 道，禪也。” (The graph ye 也 belongs to the first word of the 4th strip.) (JDJ, 95). Tu and Liu fill in a compound shengshi盛世 (flourishing age) and read the sentence as “故唐虞之盛 世也。” (YSJS, 40). Zhou Fengwu argues that there should be three missing words and that the remnant on the strip looks like the top part of the graph dao 道. He recovers the sentence as “故唐虞之道 如 此也。” (XS, 744). Liu Zhao shares Zhou’s ideas. Chen Wei suggests that the remnant looks more like the graph xing 興 rather than dao 道. He recovers the sentence as “故唐虞之興 也。” (ZSBS, 62). Fan Yuzhou fills in two words, dao 道 and zhi 至, and he reads it as “故唐虞之道，至 治也。”. (Fan joins the 3rd strip and the 14th strip together, thus zhi ye 治也 belongs to the first and the second words on the 14th strip.) This means that the way of Tang and Yu is the pinnacle of administration (JXFZ, 3).

251 “先聖與後聖考，後而 先” is interpreted in CMZJ. Li Ling interprets as zhen 甄. He puts a comma after the compound housheng 後聖 and incorporates the graph kao 考 (investigate) into the next phrase (JDJ, 96). Tu and Liu follow the punctuation of CMZJ, interpreting as gui 歸. It means that the elder generations of sages and the young generations of sages are investigated and the ways of these elder sages and young sages reach the same goal (YSJS, 44-45). Liu Zhao interprets kao/*kh gwx 考 as xiao/*sjagwh 孝 meaning succession of ancestral behest. He interprets as , which is a variant form of character 歸 (CJJS, 152). Zhou Fengwu interprets the sentence as “先聖與後聖，考後而續先”. He points out that the graph is probably a sound radical of reading like shu/*sthjiagh 庶 and that shu is close to xu/*sdjuk 續 in pronunciation. Thus, the word 續 (succeed) is probably a phonetic loan for (XS, 745). He Linyi interprets as 遮 meaning “have both at the same time”. Thus, the sentence “考後而遮先” can be translated literally that one investigates the latter and then embodies the former. See “Guodian zhujian xuanshi”, p. 163. I interpret the graph as whose radical hui means ashes. I suspect hui is a phonetic loan for pei 配 meaning “share sacrifices with”. The practice of sharing sacrifices with ancestors peiji 配祭 is attested in Guoyu, 4.39b-40a, and Liji, 46.1587b. 188

3 The conduct of Yao (堯) and Shun (舜) was to love their family members and to respect men of worth. Because they loved [6] family members, therefore they possessed filial piety. Because they respected men of worth, therefore they resigned the throne (to men of virtue). By investigating filial piety,252 one loves the people in the world. By transmitting (the practice of) passing on the throne (to men of virtue), there are no hidden men of virtue.253 Filial piety is the crown of benevolence. [7]

Resigning the throne (to men of virtue) is the pinnacle of righteousness. The rise of the six emperors254 in antiquity is due to these reasons.255 To love family members

252 The phrase 孝之 is interpreted in CMZJ and the graph is interpreted as fang/*pjaŋ 方. Li Ling points out that the graph is an archaic form of sha/*sriat 殺(kill) and is read as shi/*sthiar 施 meaning implement. He notes that the graph, interpreted as sha (kill), does not fit in this phrase (JDJ, 97,99). Tu and Liu follow the interpretation of CMZJ, explaining fang 方 as pang 旁 meaning disseminate. The phrase means that filial piety spreads out (YSJS, 46). Liu Zhao interprets the phrase “孝之 ” as “孝之 ”; the graph an archaic form of sha 殺 meaning decrease (CJJS, 153). Chen Wei points out that the graph , read as fang, is a variant form of sha (ZSBS, 65-66; XS, 747). He Linyi also interprets the graph as sha meaning decrease. Most of the interpreters regard as ai 愛 (love), but He interprets as you 憂 (concern). See “Guodian zhujian xuanshi”, 163. My interpretation is that the graph should be decoded as , whose appearance looks like , an archaic form of sha 殺 (SW, 3b.27). Duan Yucai points out that the pronunciation of sha handed down from generation to generation is read as cha 察, which is attested in received literature. (See Karlgren, 17.) I suspect that sha is a phonetic loan for cha meaning investigation. The interpretation of sha meaning decrease conflicts with the following phrase.

253 The graph is not decoded in CMZJ. Li Ling analyzes the structure that the graph is composed of 水, , and 虫, thus he interprets the graph as chuan 傳 (disseminate) (JDJ, 97). Tu and Liu interpret this character as liu 流 (YSJS, 46; CJJS, 153). Liu Zhao also interprets the character as liu meaning spread. (See “Du guodian chujian zici zhaji”, pp. 79-80.) Zhou Fengwu notes that the graph consists of 水 and the sound radical , official script written as dong 東(east). Zhou interprets dong/*tuŋ as a phonetic loan for zhong/*drjuŋx 重 meaning importance (XS, 747). He Linyi interprets the character as 動 meaning “one’s desire is aroused”. See “Guodian zhujian xuanshi”, 164. The graphs ( SW, 4b.3), (重 SW, 8a.47), and (東 SW, 6a.66) all look like . The interpreters decode the graph mainly relying on exterior similarity, but the proposed interpretations have certain differences from the graph. Thus, the proposed interpretations mentioned above are not convincing enough. I suspect that the graph can also be decoded as (SW, 11a.2.1) transcribed as zhao , whose sound radical is zhao 朝. Duan Yucai regards zhao as a variant form of tao 濤. The word zhao is a phonetic loan for zhou 周 meaning all over. A phonetic loan between zhao and zhou is not attested in literature.

254 The terminology of six emperors liudi 六帝 has not been found in all the available traditional literature. Traditionally, we know of only five emperors. There are three sets of five emperors attested in the pre-Qin period: 1 Huangdi 黃帝, Zhuanxu 顓頊, Diku 帝嚳, Yao 堯, and Shun 舜 189

but forget men of worth is to be benevolent but not righteous. To respect men of worth [8] but neglect family members is to be righteous but not to achieve benevolence. In the past, Yu Shun (虞舜) lavishly served the blind Gu Mang256 (瞽

(“Wudi de”五帝德 in Dadai liji 大戴禮記); 2 Paoxi 庖犧, Shennong 神農, Huangdi 黃帝, Yao 堯, and Shun 舜 (Zhanguo ce jiaozhu, 6.140b; Jici 繫辭, 8.86b-c); 3 Taihao 太昊, Yandi 炎帝, Huangdi 黃帝, Shaohao 少昊, and Zhuanxu 顓頊 (Shier Ji 十二紀 in Lüshi chunqiu 呂氏春秋). Liu Qiqian introduces six sets of five emperors from pre-Qin to six dynasties. See Liu Qiqian 劉起釬, Gushi Xubian 古史續辨, pp. 97-106. There are three different combinations of six emperors presented in recent researches: 1 Huangdi, Zhuanxu, Diku, Yao, Shun and Yu (see Deng Jianpeng 鄧建鵬, “Tang yu zhi dao lidi xinshi唐虞之道六帝新釋”, p. 279.); 2 Fuxi, Shennong, Huangdi, Shaohao, Zhuanxu, and Diku (JDJ, 97; YSJS, 46); 3 Huangdi, Shaohao, Zhuanxu, Diku, Yao, and Shun (XS, 747-748; Wong Kwan Leung, “Proposition of Liudi in the Doctrine of Tang Yu in Bamboo Slips in Guodian”, pp. 72-96).

255 The phrase “ 此也” is interpreted as “咸由此也” in CMZJ. Qiu Xigui suggests that the graph probably is a mistaken form of and the graph is read as you 由 (CMZJ, 157, 159). Liu Zhao decodes the graph as and it probably is a mistaken form of . He points out that the graph is the word sui 穗 and it can be interchanged with the word xiu 秀 (CJJS, 153). Zhou Fengwu considers that the graph consists of hu 虎 and the sound radical han/*g m 含. Thus, that the graph is interpreted as xian 咸 is correct. The words 咸 and jie 皆 have identical meaning, so it is unnecessary to substitute another word (XS, 748). The graph includes a radical han, which may be a phonetic loan for xian. Nevertheless, the radicals between (含) and (君) seemingly look like each other. The graph , interpreted as jie, occurs twice in Zhongxin zhi dao and Qiu Xigui interprets the graph as jie. He argues that a similar form of interpreted as jie is attested in Guwen sisheng yun 古文四聲韻 (CMZJ, 164). Qiu’s argument is also plausible. Hence, I maintain two proposed interpretations without judgement in this case.

256 Qiu Xigui considers that the compound 寞 indicates Shun’s father, gushou 瞽叟. The graph needs no interpretation (CMZJ, 157, 159). Li Ling analyzes the structure of this graph which includes 宀 and the sound radical gua 瓜. The word gua/*kwrag is close to gu/*kagx 瞽 and the graph mo 寞 is close to mang 盲 in pronunciation (JDJ, 97). Li Jiahao interprets the graph as reading like gu. See Li Jiahao 李家浩, “Du guodian chumu zhujian suoyi 讀郭店楚墓竹簡瑣議”, pp. 341-343. Tu and Liu interpret the graph as ta 它. They assume that tamo 它寞 is the name of Shun’s father (YSJS, 48). Liu Zhao interprets the compound 寞 as gumo 瞽瞙. He also suggests that the graph mo 寞 can be read as mu/*mak 幕. The compound gumu 瞽幕 indicates another figure, yumu 虞幕 (CJJS, 154). Zhou Fengwu interprets the compound as gumu indicating two figures: gushou 瞽叟 and yumu 虞幕 (XS, 748-749). Zhao Jianwei interprets the compound 寞 as feimo 瞙. See Zhao Jianwei 趙建偉, “Tang yu zhi dao kaoshi si ze 唐虞之道考釋四則”. Liu

Xinfang interprets the compound 寞 as feimeng 矇. See Liu Xinfang 劉信芳, “Guodian zhujian wenzi kaoshi shiyi 郭店竹簡文字考釋拾遺”, p. 42. The graph should be decoded as ta 它, which is composed of (匕) and (宀). The compound name tamo cannot be identified. 190

盲 ), so he demonstrated257 his filial piety; he served Yao loyally, so he demonstrated being the official. [9] Loving family members and respecting men of worth ― Yu Shun was that very man. Yu (禹) controlled water, Yi (益) controlled fire, and Hou Ji (后稷) controlled land. These were sufficient for people to nurture their lives. [10] Now they complied with the instrinsic nature of fat, flesh, blood, and vapor;258 they nurtured the regulation of human life;259 they were at ease with

Tentatively, I follow Tu and Liu’s suggestion. Yumu, ancestor of Shun, is attested in Zuozhuan, 44.2053b; Yumu, a musical official, is attested in Guoyu, 16.118b. If gumu who really indicates Shun’s ancestor and father were the true case, the compound would be arranged as mugu instead. That Shun served Gusou 瞽叟 filially is attested commonly in literature. However, there is no textual evidence to support the compound of Gusou and Yumu. Hence, I believe that the compound name specifically indicates Shun’s father rather than two figures.

257 Li Ling interprets the graph ge 戈 as dai 戴 meaning support and adore (JDJ, 97). Tu and Liu interpret the graph as yi 一 meaning concentrate. Liu Zhao interprets the graph as shi 式 meaning use (CJJS, 154). Zhou Fengwu takes shi as the form word without meaning (XS, 749-750). Chen Wei explains shi, which functions as a verb, as “to become a model” (ZSBS, 68). Zhao Jianwei interprets the graph ge as shi 試 meaning examine. See “Tang yu zhi dao kaoshi si ze”. All the proposed interpretations are based on the sound radical of yi 弋. I follow Li Ling’s interpretation.

258 There are three missing characters on the 10th bamboo strip; the remains of the first character on the 11th bamboo strip look like half of the graph 卩 (CMZJ, 157). Li Ling fills in sheng 生 (lives) and fu wei 夫唯 in the missing part as “足民養生”, which means “enough for people to nourish their lives”; fu wei belongs to the next sentence on the 11th strip. According to the remnant of the graph 卩, Li Ling presumably estimates that the remaining graph should have a sound radical cun 寸(inch) and cun/*tsh nx is close to shun/*dj nh 順 (be obedient to) in pronunciation (JDJ, 95, 97). Tu and Liu amend the sentence as “足民養而 稱 賢” and their judgment on the remaining graph is a word of jie 節(moderate) (YSJS,47, 49). Because Chen Wei links the 12th strip after the 10th strip, he fills ye 也 and boyi 伯益 in the missing part. Where the first character on the 12th strip is missing, he fills in a word shou 守. The recovery of the sentences is as following: “足民養也。 伯 益 守禮”. He considers that the remaining graph can be a character fei/*ph dh 妃 read as pei/*ph dh 配 (ZSBS, 65,67). Zhou Fengwu also arranges the 12th strip to follow the 10th strip. He fills in two words, ye 也 and qi 契 and leaves a two-word space. He recovers the sentences as “足 民養也；契□□禮” and points out that the remaining graph is a part of character , official script as xun 巽 meaning obedience (XS, 740, 750, 751, 754). Fan Yuzhou recovers the sentences as “足民 養也。伯 夷 守禮” (JXFZ, 4). I suspect that the graph may be the word xun 巽, which is a phonetic loan for shun 順. (See Karlgren, 1402, 1403.) Boyi 伯夷 who was in charge of rituals is attested in Shangshu, 3.131b, Guoyu, 16.119b, Dadai Liji, 7.123; Boyi who was in charge of punishments is attested in Shangshu, 19.248c. Qi who assumed a position of Situ to spread the teachings of human relations is attested in Shangshu, 3.13c, Guoyu, 16, Liji, 46.1590c, Dadai Liji, 191

the fated lifespan and did not die prematurely; they nurtured life and did not cause harm. One who knows [11] the regulation of the world260 is able to pass on the throne (to them).

4 In the past, when Yao gave the world to Shun: he heard that the Shun had filial piety and then knew that Shun was able to nurture the world’s [22] aged people; he heard that Shun had fraternal duty and then knew that Shun was able to serve the world’s elders; he heard that Shun was kind to his brother [Xiang 象 □□, and then knew that he was able]261 [23] to be the master of the people. Thus, as the son of Gu Mang (瞽盲) Shun was very filial, and at the time of being Yao’s official he was very loyal. When Yao resigned the throne [24] and bestowed the world to Shun, and Shun faced south to rule the world, he was very lordly. Thus, Yao’s resigning the throne to Shun was like this. In the past, when the sage was twenty, [25] he was

7.123 and Mengzi, 5b.2705c. Boyi 伯益 (also written as 伯翳 or 柏翳) who assumed a position of forester during Shun’s reign is attested in Guoyu, 16.119b, and Shiji, 5.173. The person who was in charge of rituals should be Boyi 伯夷. In fact, 伯益 is identified as the same person as 伯夷. See Yang Kuan 楊寬, “Zhongguo shanggu shi daolun 中國上古史導論”, pp. 380-393.

259 The character zheng 正 is interpreted in CMZJ. Tu and Liu, Liuzhao, Chenwei, Zhou Fengwu and Fan Yuzhou follow this interpretation. Li Ling interprets zheng as zheng 政.

260 The last two characters on the 11th strip are missing. Li Ling links the 22nd strip to the 11th strip and he fills tianxia 天下 in the lacuna to link with “之政者” at the beginning of the 22nd strip (JDJ, 95, 97; JXFZ, 4). Tu and Liu follow the sequence in CMZJ and they fill renyi 仁義 in the lacuna and fill in ming 明 at the beginning of the 12th strip. The recovery of the sentence is “知仁義明禮” (YSJS, 47). Chen Wei and Zhou Fengwu also arrange the 22nd strip after the 11th strip. Zhou Fengwu fills in three words in the lacuna – “養性命”, which means “nourishing nature and life”. Chen Wei argues that two words should be missing there and thus, he fills in the two words, xingming 性命 (ZSBS, 70; XS, 754).

261 There are six missing characters on 23rd strip. Li Ling restores the lacuna as “象□□，知其能”. The name xiang 象 indicates Shun’s younger brother (JDJ, 95). Tu and Liu recover the sentence as “知其能治天下” meaning that (Yao) knows that he can manage the world (YSJS, 58). Zhou Fengwu, on the basis of the sentence pattern, fills in three characters and leaves a three-word space as “知其能□□□” (XS, 755). Fan Yuzhou restores the sentence as “□□□，知其能” (JXFZ, 4). 192

capped;262 when he was thirty, he married; when he was fifty, he ruled the world; when he was seventy, he reached the endpoint of government. His four limbs were weary, and the sharpness of his ears and eyes was degenerated.263 He resigned the throne [26] and bestowed the world to the man of worth. He retired and nurtured his life. Therefore, one knows that he did not seek benefit.

The Poem of Yu264 said: “The great brightness does not appear and the ten

262 Qiu Xigui points out that the radical from the graph is a misinterpretation. The radical should be mu 目, which is read as yue 曰. The graph is interpreted as mao 冒 (cap) in CMZJ. Li Ling suspects that the character which consists of 冖 and zi 自 is a variant form of guan 冠 (JDJ, 97; XS, 755; JXFZ, 5). Tu and Liu interpret the graph mao as mao 帽 (hat), which functions as a verb (YSJS, 60; CJJS, 158; ZSBS, 71). The graph which is composed of 又 and 自 cannot be identified. However, Li Ling’s interpretation is reliable. Ershi er guan “二十而冠” (A man is capped when he reaches twenty years old.) is commonly attested in literature.

263 The graph is interpreted in CMZJ. Li Ling points out that the radical wu 午 is a misinterpretation of chong 虫. Thus the graph , in fact, is the character of cong 聰 because chong/*dri ŋw is close to cong/*tshuŋ in pronunciation (JDJ, 97; ZSBS, 71; JXFZ, 5). Zhou Fengwu follows the interpretation of CMZJ and suggests that in Chu dialect, the sound radical wu/*nagx 午 is close to cong 聰 (XS, 755). Wu Liangbao considers that the graph should be a simplified form of the character cong. See Wu Liangbao 吳良寶, “Du guodian chujian zhaji (san ze) 讀郭店楚簡札記 (三則)”, p. 8. Liu Zhao interprets the graph as qu 取 reading as cong (CJJS, 158). Tu and Liu regard the graph, which is composed of the radical er 耳 and the sound radical shou 受, to be interpreted as ting 聽 (YSJS, 61). Bai Yulan interprets as meaning listen because as a sound radical wu 午 can be interchangeable with wu/*ŋagx 五. Thus, ermu 耳目 matches with 明 and two compounds share the verb shuai 衰(decline). See Bai Yulan 白于藍, “Guodian chujian bushi 郭店楚簡補釋”, p. 57. He Linyi interprets the graph as , which equates to zhe 輒. See “Guodian zhujian xuanshi”, p. 164. Liu Xinfang interprets the graph as , which can be read as xu 許 meaning “listen to the words”. Two compounds, 耳目 and 明, share the identical verb shuai (decline). The word 耳 relates to while the word 目 relates to 明. See “Guodian zhujian wenzi kaoshi shiyi”, 42. The graph which consists of er and wu cannot be identified. Both Li Ling and Zhou Fengwu attempt to support the proposed interpretation of cong. I suspect that the radical wu is a transcribed error. I follow their proposed interpretation because ermu congming “耳目聰明” is commonly attested in the literature of the Warring States period. (Liji, 38.1536b; Xunzi, 20.254; Zhuangzi, 22.324; Mozi, 21.149; Guanzi, 20.49.270; Lüshi chunqiu, 26.1782)

264 Qiu Xigui interprets the compound 吳 as yushi 虞詩, which is a piece of lost writing (CMZJ, 160). Li Ling, Tu and Liu, Liuzhao, Zhou Fengwu, and Fan Yuzhou all follow Qiu’s interpretation. However, Liao Mingchun suggests that the citation is more like prose rather than poetry and evidence appears on the 38th strip of Yucong A that signifies zhi 志. Therefore, he interprets the compound as yuzhi 虞志 (CJSL, 106). Chen Wei follows Liao’s ideas (ZSBS, 72). Liao’s argument also convinces me. 193

thousand of creatures are all in the darkness.265 The sage [27] is not superior and the world must be in disorder.” The pinnacle of good order is to nurture the unworthy.

The pinnacle of disorder is to destroy the worthy.266 It is because of this that the benevolent advanced. [28] Clarification of rites, respect for duty, and the pleasure of modesty are the teachings for the people.267 Gao Tao (皋陶) when inside (the

265 The sentence “完物皆訇” is interpreted in CMZJ. Qiu Xigui points out that the graph wan 完 is a character wan 萬 (CMZJ, 160). Li Ling interprets the graph hong 訇 as an 暗 because the sound radical yan/*ŋjan 言 shares similar pronunciation with yin/*?j m 音 (JDJ, 98; JXFZ, 5). Tu and Liu follow the interpretation of CMZJ, explaining the graph hong as moan (YSJS, 62). Liu Zhao interprets the graph as an 揞 meaning hide (CJJS, 159). Zhou Fengwu interprets the sentence as “萬 物咸隱”. He considers that the graph is a mistake of , thus the sound radical han/*g m 含 read as xian/*gr m 咸. The graph hong consists the radical 勹 and the sound radical yan 言, which reads as yin/*?j nx 隱 meaning hide (XS, 756). Chen Wei interprets the sentence as “萬物麏訇”. The meaning of the graph 麏 is the same as jun 麇 meaning flock (ZSBS, 72). The graph should be interpreted as jie 皆. (See footnote 255.) The proposed interpretations are based on the sound radical yan. I believe that an and yin 隱 (hide) are the possible choices.

266 The sentences “治之，至養不肖；亂之，至滅賢” are not punctuated properly in CMZJ. Tu and Liu follow the punctuation of CMZJ and they explain the meaning of these sentences as “to be administered well, (the government) supports the unworthy people to the utmost. Being in disorder, (the government) perishes the worthy people completely” (YSJS, 62). Li Ling punctuates the sentences as follows: “治之至，養不肖；亂之至，滅賢” (JDJ, 96; CJJS, 158-159; XS, 756; ZSBS, 72-73; JXFZ, 5). Li Ling’s punctuation is reliable.

267 The sentence “□禮 (畏)守樂孫民教也” on the 12th strip is controversial. Li Ling punctuates the sentence as “明禮、畏守、樂遜，民教也”. The education for people includes mingli 明禮, weishou 畏守, and lexun 樂遜 (JDJ, 96). Tu and Liu punctuate the sentence as “明 禮，畏守樂， 遜民教也”. They give a full explanation for this sentence, that (people) understand the ritual, avoid of troubles and enjoy their lives. (The government) respectfully teaches the commoner to be the good commoner (YSJS, 50). Liu Zhao regards the graph to be the name of a musical officer in shun’s time kui 夔. The sentence is interpreted as “□禮，夔守樂，遜民教也。” (CJJS, 154-155). Chen Wei links the 12th strip and the 10th strip together and he considers that a series of great personages are listed such as yu 禹, yi 益, houji 后稷, boyi 伯益,and kui 夔. He restores the sentences as “禹 治水，益治 火，后 稷 治土，足民 養 也。伯 益 守禮，夔守樂，遜民教也。” (ZSBS, 67-68). Zhou Fengwu suggests that who related to ritual is qi 契. Zhou leaves a two-word space in blanks before the character li 禮(ritual) without amendment (XS, 750-751). Fan Yuzhou considers that the person who was in charge of ritual (守禮) is Boyi (JXFZ, 5). Chen Wei and Zhou Fengwu’s re- arrangements seem to have good parallel structure. However, I have to clarify two questionable points. Firstly, the verb shou 守 (maintain, guard) is not a fitting word to describe Kui’s appointment to musical office. Compared with received literature, a verb dian 典 (in charge of) is used for his appointment in Shangshu; while a verb zuo 作 (create) is used in Dadai liji, 7.123. Additionally, instead of shouli, a verb dian is applied in Shangshu for Boyi ; while a verb zhu 主 (in charge of) is applied for him in Dadai liji. Contrarily, wei 畏 (revere) properly combines with shou 守 (obeying the law) as a phrase which parallels the preceding and following phrases. 194

court) employed the five punishments,268 and when outside (the court) mobilized

the arms of war269 ― and the guilty disregarded the law.270 [Yu] [12] employed

Secondly, the word zu parallels with xun in proposed punctuation that zu and xun function as verbs. Xun should be a loan for xun 順 meaning harmonize in this case. Tu and Liu wrongly regard xun as an adverb. A couple of flaws in the proposed punctuation arouse my suspicions. Tentatively, I follow Li Ling’s punctuation. Nevertheless, the name-lists of ancient emperors and meritorious officials occur several times in pre-qin literature as shown in the diagram below.

The Names of Works Ancient emperors and the Meritorious Officials Number 《國語．魯語上》 柱、后土、黃帝、顓頊、帝嚳、堯、舜、禹、契、冥、湯、 14 “Luyu” Part A in Guoyu 稷、文王、武王 《國語．鄭語》 虞幕、夏禹、商契、周棄、祝融、伯夷、伯翳 7 “Zhengyu” in Guoyu 《論語．泰伯下》 “舜有臣五人” Kong’s annotation says：禹、稷、契、皋陶、 5 “Taibo” Part B in Analects 伯益 《尚書．舜典》 舜、禹、稷、契、皋陶、垂、益、伯夷、夔、龍 10 “Shundian” in Shangshu 《孟子．滕文公上》 舜、益、禹、后稷、契 5 “Tengwengong” Part A in Mencius 《大戴禮．五帝德》 龍、舜、彭祖、禹、后稷、羲和、益、伯夷、夔、皋陶、 11 “Wudi de” in Dadai liji 契

268 The graph nei 內 is interpreted in CMZJ. Tu and Liu, Liu Zhao, and Fan Yuzhou follow the interpretation of CMZJ. Li Ling, Chen Wei and Zhou Fengwu interpret the graph as ru 入. Chu 出 and ru 入 are a pair of words. Ru should parallel with chu in the following phrase.

269 The sentence “出戈兵革” is interpreted in CMZJ. Li Ling interprets the graph ge 戈 as zai 載 because they are close in pronunciation (JDJ, 98). Tu and Liu explain the graph as qu 取 meaning take. (YSJS, 51) Liu Zhao interprets ge as shi 式 meaning use (CJJS, 155; XS, 751). Chen Wei follows Bai Yulan’s interpretation in which he takes ge as shi 試 also meaning use (ZSBS, 68). The proposed interpretations are mostly based on the sound radical yi 弋. The second paralleled word ge should have a meaning distinct from yong, the first one. Hence, I follow Li Ling’s interpretation.

270 The last two characters on the 12th strip in CMZJ are missing and two graphs, 涇 , are left without interpretation. Li Ling interprets these opaque graphs as qing fa 輕法 and he places ye 也 and yu 虞 in lacuna. The word ye indicates the end of this sentence and the word yu is at the beginning of the next sentence on the 13th strip. His recovery is as “罪輕法也。虞 用威”. Tu and Liu interpret the compound 涇 as 涇桔. The word 涇 means straightaway and the word 桔 means hang or punish. The sentence implies that the punishment is direct to the guilty lords. He places yu yi 虞以 in lacuna and these two words are put at the beginning of the next sentence (YSJS, 52). Liu Zhao suspects that the opaque compound 罪涇 probably means light guilt literally, and he supposes that there are no missing words on the 12th strip. Thus, the graph is interpreted as riot, and it is directly linked with yong wei 用威 at the beginning of the 13th strip. The repaired sentence looks like “罪輕 用威” meaning that the convictions are light and the riots should be suppressed by the army (CJJS, 155). Zhou Fengwu also interprets the phrase as “罪輕法”, but he considers that there should be four missing words; he, however, does not attempt to amend (XS, 740). Chen Wei supposes that there are three missing words at the end of the 12th strip and he links the 12th strip with the 14th strip. Nevertheless, he does not amend the lacuna (ZSBS, 68). The graph 涇 is possibly read 195

severity.271 Xia employed the force of arms to conquer and rectify272 those who refused to submit. To love and then to rectify by conquest started from Yu and

Xia.273 The termination of the principle of resigning from the throne and not

transmitting it started with Xia.274 [13]

In the past, when Yao was born to be the son of heaven275 and had possession of the world, sages met their fated destiny and the benevolent encountered the right

as qing because they share the identical sound radical . The graph is not decoded correctly. It consists of the radicals qu 去 and . Qu is supposed to be the sound radical, so that it may be a phonetic loan for fa 法. Li Ling’s interpretation is plausible.

271 There are two words missing at the end of the 12th strip and the compound 用 is interpreted at the beginning of the 13th strip in CMZJ. Chen Wei links the 3rd strip with the 13th strip. He emends two words, xingye 興也, in the lacuna at the end of the 3rd strip. Consequently, the recovered sentence becomes “故唐虞之興 也用戚”. The sentence can be translated literally as the rise of Tang and Yu was to adopt the arms. The graph is interpreted as qi 戚, which indicates a kind of axe (ZSBJ, 61-63).

272 Li Ling, Liu Zhao, Chen Wei, Zhou Fengwu, and Fan Yuzhou all interpret the graph zheng 正 as zheng 征. Tu and Liu interpret zheng as shu 疋 meaning treat. The sentence can be translated as that Yu used the prestige and Xia adopted the force toward the persons who did not admit their guilt (YSJS, 52). Zheng is a proper interpretation, so it is unnecessary to substitute for another one.

273 The graph is interpreted as zhi 治 in CMZJ. Tu and Liu, Liu Zhao, Chen Wei, Zhou Fengwu, and Fan Yuzhou all follow this interpretation. Li Ling interprets the graph as shi 始 (JDJ, 96).

274 Two missing words at the end of 13th strip cause the different interpretations of the sentence. Li Ling fills in two words, jue 絕 and xia 夏 and the recovery sentence becomes “禪而不傳義恒絕， 夏始也” (JDJ, 98). Fan Yuzhou follows Li Ling’s interpretation, but he links the 13th strip with the 19th strip (JXFZ, 5). Tu and Liu fill in sheng zhi 聖之 in the lacuna and they read the sentence as “禪 而不傳，義恒，聖之治也”. The sentence can be translated as that the principle that one resigns the throne to the worthy person and not to the blood heir lasts eternally. It is sage administration (YSJS, 52-53). Liu Zhao, Chen Wei, and Zhou Fengwu leave the lacuna without amendment. Zhou Fengwu points out that there are at least two missing words and that the meanings between the 13th and 14th strip are not inter-linked (XS, 752). Li Ling’s interpretation gives a different angle by which to investigate the legendary history of Tang, Yu, and Xia dynasties. In received literature, a successive tradition of three dynasties is emphasized. The proposed interpretation presents a watershed between the Shanrang period and the beginning of blood succession.

275 “古者堯生於天子” is interpreted in CMZJ. All interpreters unanimously follow this interpretation. Nevertheless, Li Ling points out that the graph yu 於 is a mistaken word which should be the word wei 為 (JDJ, 98). Tu and Liu explain that yu shares the identical meaning with wei (YSJS, 53). 196

age. However, Yao never encountered the [worthy man. [14] Although]276 he held power in the great time, when divinities followed him277 heaven and earth aided him, and the benevolent and sages could be easily selected,278 that age cannot be regained. In the past, [15] when Shun dwelled among the thatched huts,279 he did

276 There are two words missing at the end of the 14th strip. Li Ling fills in the two words, xian 賢 and sui 雖. The word sui as a beginning word of the next sentence links with the 15th strip. The first four graphs of the 15th strip “並於大時” are interpreted in CMZJ. The graph is interpreted as bing/*liŋx 並. Li Ling considers that the graph 竝 shares the phonetic similarity with bing/*pjaŋx 秉 (receive) (JDJ, 98). Tu and Liu fill in the compound buming 不明, which means non-brightness, in the lacuna and they follow the interpretation of “並於大時” in CMZJ. These two sentences can be translated to say that (Yao) has never met the non-brightness (period) and the time conforms with the great opportunity (YSJS, 53). Liu Zhao follows the interpretation of CMZJ and he does not amend the lacuna. According to his explanation, the missing words seem to be the meaning of hardship (CJJS, 155-156). Zhou Fengwu fills in ming 命 and er 而 and the word er is a conjunction to connect “並於大時” at the beginning of the 15th strip. He interprets the graph as ti 替 meaning abandon. Thus, the whole sentence can be translated to say that (Yao) has never met the destiny and he was not abandoned by the great opportunity (XS, 752). Chen Wei agrees with Zhou Fengwu’s amendment; however, he follows the interpretation of “並於大時”. He explains bing as (comply) (ZSBS, 69). The original meaning of bing (exist side by side) is already a suitable word to explain the phrase. It means that (Yao) lived simultaneously at the great time.

277 The phrase “神明均從” is interpreted in CMZJ. Tu and Liu and Liu Zhao follow the interpretation of CMZJ. Li Ling considers that the graph jun 均 is composed of three radicals: 爿, 月, and 才 and thus, he interprets jun as jiang 將 (be going to) (JDJ, 98). Chen Wei does not decode the graph (ZSBS, 69). Zhou Fengwu interprets the graph jun/*kwjin 均 (all) as yun/*?wj nh 慍 (irritated). Zhou punctuates the sentence differently as “神明慍，縱天地佑之，縱仁聖可舉，時 弗可及矣”. He attempts to parallel two phrases, “縱天地佑之，縱仁聖可舉” (XS, 753). Jun is already a fitting word. It is unnecessary to substitute another one.

278 The phrase“縱仁、聖可與” is interpreted in CMZJ. Liu and Tu and Liu Zhao follow the interpretation of CMZJ. However, they explain yu 與 in different ways. The former explains it as assist while the latter explains it as bestow (YSJS, 53; CJJS, 156). Li Ling, Chen Wei, and Zhou Fengwu interpret yu /*kjagx as ju/*rag 舉 (promote). Li Ling points out that yu is the sound radical of ju (JDJ, 98). Yu as a meaning of bestow and ju are the possible choices.

279 The graph 佢 is interpreted as ju 居 (reside) in CMZJ. Tu and Liu, Liu Zhao, and Zhou Fengwu follow this interpretation. Li Ling interprets the graph as chu 處 (be situated in). Chen Wei interprets the graph as ju 拒 meaning reach (ZSBS, 69-70). Both ju and chu are the possible choices. 197

not worry; and when he became280 the son of heaven, he was not arrogant. To dwell among the thatched huts without worry is to know one’s fated destiny. [16] To be the son of the heaven without arrogance is to not be despotic.281 To seek282 the ascent of a great man is praiseworthy.283 [17] The man who now manifests his virtue did not manifest it while a minor;284 he rules the people without arrogance,

280 The sentence “身為天子而不驕” is interpreted in CMZJ. Li Ling interprets the graph shen 身 (oneself) as deng 登 (promote) while Liu and Tu interpret the graph as gong 躬(oneself). (YSJS, 54) Qiu Xigui suggests interpreting the graph as sheng 升(ascend) (CMZJ, 159). Liu Zhao, Chen Wei, and Zhou Fengwu all follow Qiu’s idea. These four proposed interpretations, shen, gong, deng, and sheng, are all the possible choices. The phrase deng wei tianzi 登為天子 is attested in Lüshi chunqiu, 14.2.151. Hence, I follow Li Ling’s interpretation.

281 The graph is not decoded in CMZJ. Li Ling interprets the graph as zhuan 專 (arbitrariness) (JDJ, 98) while Liu Zhao interprets it as liu 流 meaning indulge (CJJS, 156). Tu and Liu follow Liu’s interpretation. Zhou Fengwu interprets the graph as zhong 重 (take it as important). See footnote 9. Chen Wei does not decode the graph. I suspect that the graph zhao is a phonetic loan of liu 流 in this case. Also see footnote 10.

282 Qiu Xigui regards that the graph can be read as qiu 求 (seek) (CMZJ, 159). Li Ling, Tu and Liu, and Liu Zhao follow Qiu’s interpretation. Tu and Liu explain the graph as obtain (YSJS, 55) and Liu Zhao explains it as contrast (CJJS, 156). Chen Wei and Zhou Fengwu point out that the graph is not understandable. Qiu’s interpretation is plausible.

283 The graph is interpreted as mei 美(good) in CMZJ. Li Ling, Tu and Liu, and Chen Wei follow this interpretation. Liu Zhao and Zhou Fengwu interpret the graph as wei 微 meaning humble. is an archaic form of wei (See SW, 8a.19). The word wei indicates Shun who came from a humble family.

284 The sentence “今之弋於德者，未年不弋” is interpreted in CMZJ. The graph yi 弋 is controversial. Li Ling interprets the graph as dai 戴 (support and adore) and interprets the graph wei 未 as wei 微 meaning none (JDJ, 98). Tu and Liu follow the interpretation of CMZJ. They explain the graph yi as seek and the compound wei nian 未年 means improper year. The sentence can be translated literally to say that in the present day, a person who seeks the worthy man seeks (the worthy man) even in an improper year (YSJS, 55). Liu Zhao considers that the first graph of yi is the word shi 式 meaning model while the second one is the word ti 忒 meaning difficulty. He points out that wei nian is not able to be understood and thus the 17th and the 18th strips probably cannot be linked together (CJJS, 156). Chen Wei interprets the graph yi as shi 式 on the 17th strip, but he links the 17th strip to the 28th strip for better understanding. However, he points out that the phrase “進年不弋” is still unknown (ZSBS, 72-73). Zhou Fengwu shares the same interpretations with Liu Zhao and he is skeptical of the linkage between the 17th and 18th strips. He regards the 17th strip to be impossible to link with any strips within the text. Perhaps there are some missing words (XS, 753). Zhao Jianwei interprets ge as shi軾 meaning respect. See “Tang yu zhi dao kaoshi si ze”. I follow Li Ling’s interpretation. 198

and in his ruling over the world is not doubted. When he was in a low position, he did not disregard an ordinary man.285 [18] Reaching the time when he had possession of the world, he did not regard the world as weighty. In possessing the world there cannot be increase, and in not possessing the world there cannot be decrease. This is the pinnacle of benevolence [19] ― he benefits the world without himself seeking benefit. Resigning the throne means to elevate virtue and to give

(positions) to the worthy. When virtue is elevated then there is a ruler in the world

[20] and the age is bright. When the worthy are given (positions) then the people admire education286 and are transformed by the way. Thus, to not resign from the throne and yet to be able to transform the people ― from the birth of humankind has never been the case. [21] This is like that. [29]

285 Most of the interpreters interpret ze fu 仄夫 as pifu 匹夫. He Linyi interprets ze as ce 側 and ce fu 側夫 means humble man. See “Guodian zhujian xuanshi”, p. 164. The interpretation pifu is reliable: it was a habitual wording in ancient Chinese.

286 The compound xingjiao 興教 is interpreted in CMZJ. Tu and Liu, Liu Zhao, and Zhou Fengwu follow this interpretation. Li Ling interprets xingjiao as juxiao 舉效 meaning “all (the people) imitate” (JDJ, 99). Chen Wei interprets the compound as qianjiao 遷教 meaning “submit to the teachings” (ZSBS, 73). Xingjiao is correctly decoded in CMZJ and the compound can be explained in the context coherently. Hence, I follow the interpretation of CMZJ. 199

APPENDIX D ZHONGXIN ZHI DAO (THE WAY OF LOYALTY AND TRUSTWORTHINESS287)

1 Not to cheat and not to go back one’s words is the pinnacle of loyalty.288 Not to deceive and not to be intelligent is the pinnacle of trustworthiness. As loyalty

287 The text includes nine bamboo strips. The length of each strip is 28.2cm to 28.3cm and the top and the end of each bamboo strip are flat. The manuscript is strung by two strings which stand 13.5cm apart (CMZJ, 163). The text is divided into different numbers of paragraphs. Three textual divisions are introduced as below.

Collators Li Ling Tu and Liu Zhou Fengwu Number of 4 Paragraphs 5 Paragraphs 6 Paragraphs Paragraphs Content of Each Paragraph 1: 1st, 2nd, Paragraph 1: 1st and 2nd Paragraph 1: 1st and 2nd strips Paragraphs and 3rd strips strips Paragraph 2: 2nd, 3rd, and 4th strips Paragraph 2: 3rd, 4th, Paragraph 2: 2nd and 3rd Paragraph 3: 4th and 5th strips and 5th strips strips Paragraph 4: 5th and 6th strips The Sequence of Paragraphs 3: 5th and Paragraph 3: 3rd, 4th, and 5th Paragraph 5: 6th, 7th, and 8th strips the bamboo 6th strips strips Paragraph 6: 8th and 9th strips strips is based on Paragraph 4: 6th, 7th, Paragraph 4: 5th, 6th, 7th, the collation of 8th, and 9th strips and 8th strips CMZJ. Paragraph 5: 8th and 9th strips The names of JDJ YSJS XS Works

288 The phrase “不譌不 ” is interpreted in CMZJ. Li Ling interprets bue 不譌 as bue 不訛 (“not fake”) (JDJ, 100). Tu and Liu share the same interpretation with Li Ling and they explain e 訛 as an archaic form of e 譌 (“fake”) (YSJS, 66). Liu Zhao interprets 譌 as gui 詭 (“cheat”), which is a variant form of 譌. As the sound radicals, wei/*gwjar 為 is close to wei/*ŋwjarh 危 in pronunciation, thus they can be interchangeable (CJJS, 161). Zhou Fengwu follows the interpretation of CMZJ and he explains 譌 as “start a rumor” (XS, 138). The graph is not decoded in CMZJ. Li Ling interprets the graph as and he assumes that the graph is a simplified form of bao 寶 (“treasure”). Because the pronunciation of bao/*p gw is close to fu/*phjug 孚 (trust), so indicates fu in this case (JDJ, 100). Tu and Liu interpret as hai 害 (“harm”). (YSJS, 66) Liu Zhao also interprets the graph as which equates it with tao/*d gw 匋. 匋 is a phonetic loan for tao/* 謟 (“suspect”), so Liu reads as 謟. The proposed interpretation butao 不謟 signifies “not to suspect” (CJJS, 161). Zhou Fengwu interprets as da 達. He explains that is a radical of the word da (XS, 138-139). Zhao Jianwei points out that the graph is composed of 宀 and 告. Thus, the graph is interpreted as zao 造 meaning cunning (ZHXKS, 34). The graph 譌 is a variant form of 訛. The radical wei 為 is a phonetic loan for hua 化, thus they are interchangeable. I follow Li Ling’s interpretation. Nevertheless, Li Ling’s interpretation bufu 不孚 (“not trust”) is incoherent in the phrase. I suspect that looks like a seal character of tao (SW, 5b.19a). The sound radical of tao is a simplified form of bao 包. I interpret tao as a phonetic loan for fu 負 meaning “go back one’s word”. 200

accumulates the person can be made close like family. As trust accumulates the person can be trusted. [1] It has never been the case that loyalty and trustworthiness accumulate and yet the people are not close like family and trusting.

2 The pinnacle of loyalty is like the earth, which transforms creatures but does not injure them.289 The pinnacle of trustworthiness is like the seasons, which arrives in a constant cycle without being obstructed.290

3 The loyal man does not [2] cheat and the trustworthy man does not turn against others. The gentleman is like this, thus he neither forgets the living persons nor turns against the dead persons.291 To last for a long time292 and not change is the

289 The sentence “為物而不發” is interpreted in CMZJ. Qiu Xigui points out that the graph wei 為 should be read as hua/*hwrarh 化 and the graph fa/*pjat 發 should be read as fa/*bjat 伐 (CMZJ, 163). All the interpreters follow Qiu’s interpretation. Also see Liu Zhao, “Du guodian chujian zici zhaji”, p. 88.

290 The compound 至 is interpreted in CMZJ. Li Ling interprets the graph as bi 畢. The graph bi 匕 is a variant form of bi 必. Thus the word bi/*pjit 畢 is close to bi/*pjit 必 in pronunciation (JDJ, 100). Tu and Liu and Zhou Fengwu interpret as 必. Liu Zhao interprets the graph as bi 比 meaning “arrange in sequence” (CJJS, 162; “Du guodian chujian zici zhaji”, pp. 89-90). Zhao Jianwei argues that the graph should be read as zai 哉 meaning beginning because cai 才 is the sound radical. The graph zhi 至 should be read as zhi 止 meaning end. Consequently, the compound 至 indicates zhongshi 終始(from end to beginning ) (ZHXKS, 34). Both alternative interpretations, 必 and 畢, are acceptable, but bi 必 is a better choice. The seasons are bound to arrive punctually that is like a person who strictly keeps his promises strictly.

291 The sentence “不 生，不背死” is interpreted in CMZJ. Qiu Xigui considers that the graph is a variant form of huang/*gwaŋ 皇 (“be august”) reading as kuang/*gwjiaŋ 誑 (“cheat”) (CMZJ, 163). Tu and Liu follow Qiu’s interpretation and they explain the phrase bu kuang sheng “不誑生” as not to live hypocritically. Liu Zhao maintains two interpretations: on the one hand, he follows Qiu’s interpretation; on the other hand, he assumes that huang 皇 can be read as wang/*mjaŋx 妄 (“absurd”). “不妄生” means “to not fritter away one’s life” (CJJS, 163). On the basis of the evidence in received literature (Liji, 50.1610c; Ddai Liji, 2.21.), Chen Wei interprets the graph as wang 忘 (ZSBS, 76). Li Ling follows Chen’s interpretation (JDJ, 101). Zhou Fengwu interprets the graph as gu 辜 (“crime”) and he explains that “不辜生，不背死” means to keep one’s promises and never to violate them no matter it is a life and death situation (XS, 140). Tu and Liu and Zhou Fengwu follows the interpretation bei 背 (“turn back on”) of CMZJ. Li Ling, Liu Zhao and Chen Wei interpret the graph as bei 倍. Li Ling points out that bei 倍, bei 背 and fu 負 all share the same 201

pinnacle of loyalty. Nurture [of all things on earth] which can be observed as its constancy is the pinnacle of trustworthiness.293 [3] What this means is that the pinnacle of loyalty is not to cheat294, and the pinnacle of trustworthiness is not to

meaning of violation (JDJ, 101). The phrase “倍死忘生” was possibly a familiar saying in the Warring States period. Chen Wei’s interpretation is reliable.

292 The phrase “大舊而不渝” is interpreted in CMZJ. Li Ling, Liu Zhao and Chen Wei interpret the graph jiu 舊 (“old”, “past”) as jiu 久 meaning long time. (Also see Liu Zhao, “Du guodian chujian zici zhaji”, p. 77; Chen Sipeng 陳斯鵬, “Du Guodian chumu zhujian zhaji (Shi Ze)”, p. 147.) Li Ling interprets dajiu as taijiu 太久 meaning extremely long time. Zhou Fengwu interprets dajiu 大 舊 as fujiu 夫久 and he points out that the compound dajiu 大久 does not make sense (KS, 140). The word tai, which is the original meaning of da, is the reliable interpretation. However, fujiu is also feasible. The word fu is an initial particle and “久而不渝” parallels with the next phrase “匋而者 常”. I maintain these two interpretations.

293 The collators of CMZJ argue that the phrase “匋而者上” is a mistake or that some words are missing (CMZJ, 163). Li Ling interprets the phrase as “陶而睹常” (JDJ, 100). Tu and Liu interpret the phrase as “陶而諸尚”. They explain tao 陶 as sincerity; zhu 諸 as multitude; shang 尚 as esteem. The whole phrase means that if one maintains sincerity, the multitude will show their respect to that person (YSJS, 69-70). Liu Zhao interprets the phrase as “ 而者尚”, but he points out that “ 而者 尚” should parallels with the preceding phrase “大久而不渝”. For this reason, he argues that there is one word missing before the word and so these four words are not understandable (CJJS, 164). Chen Wei feels that the graph decoded as tao 匋 in CMZJ, in fact, is a combination of da 大 and gu 古. The compound dagu 大古 (remote antiquity) parallels with the preceding compound dajiu 大久(“extremely long time”). He interprets zhe shang 者尚 as chuchang 處常 meaning “maintain the constancy” (ZSBS, 77-78). Zhou Fengwu decodes the graph as and he interprets as da 達. (da 達 and tiao 挑 share the meaning of lonely.) He interprets zhe chang 者 常 as zhuchang 主常 because zhe/*tjagx 者 is close to zhu/*tjugx 主(“master”) in pronunciation and so they can be interchangeable. The phrase “達而主常” means that although a gentleman is isolated, he still insists on keeping the eternal way and does not change (XS, 140-141). Zhao Jianwei interprets the phrase as “由天之常”. The graph tao 匋(陶) can be interchangeable with yao 繇 and yao equates with you 由. The graph er 而 should be transcribed as tian 天. The graph zhe equates with zhi 之 and the graph shang 尚 is a phonetic loan for chang 常 (ZHXKS, 35). Li Ling’s interpretation is reliable because the graph tao means nurture, which is attested in the Guanzi, 23.77.382. Nevertheless, for better understanding, I suspect that tao seems to signify change. Karlgren argues that the word tao is a phonetic loan for dao 蹈 meaning changes, but there is no other phonological evidence that support this interpretation. (See Karlgren, 1621.) Two graphs, zhe shang 者上, can also be read either as juchang 居常 or chuchang 處常. Both compounds share the meaning of “residing in constancy”. The phrase means loosely that in spite of constant changes, one should maintain constancy.

294 The sentence “至忠亡譌” is interpreted in CMZJ. Chen Wei and Zhou Fengwu follow the interpretation of CMZJ (ZSBS, 79-80; XS, 138). Li Ling, Tu and Liu interpret mange 亡譌 as wue 無訛 (JDJ, 100; YSJS, 69-70). Liu Zhao interprets it as wugui 無詭 (CJJS, 164; “Du guodian chujian zici zhaji”, p. 78-79). 202

turn against others.295 This is what is meant.

4 Great loyalty does not speak,296 and the great trustworthiness does not have expectations. That it does not speak and yet is sufficient to nurture is earth. That it does not have expectations [4] but yet it can be covenanted with is heaven.297 Being modeled on298 heaven and earth is what is meant by loyalty and trustworthiness.

295 Chen Wei points out that the word ci 此 occurs twice at the end of the sentences, “夫此之謂此” and “忠信之謂此”. This is not grammatically correct. Two occurrences of ci should be arranged individually at the first word of the next sentences (ZSBS, 79-80). Liu Zhao assumes that two occurrences of ci should are the mistakes for ye 也 (CJJS, 164). Zhao Jianwei suggests that ci should be read either as ye 也 or zai 哉 (ZHXKS, 35). I am convinced that the graph ci is a scribal error of ye.

296 The sentences “大忠不奪” and “不奪而足養” are interpreted in CMZJ. Qiu Xigui assumes that dui/*duadh 兌 should be read as shuo/*sthjuat 說 (speak, say) (CMZJ, 163). Li Ling, Tu and Liu, and Liu Zhao follow Qiu’s interpretation, while Zhou Fengwu follows the interpretation of CMZJ. Zhao Jianwei maintains two possible interpretations (ZHXKS, 35). The graph dui should be read as shuo, which is attested in the Analects, 13.2508b and Zhuangzi, 6.22.138.

297 The phrase “不期而可 者” is interpreted in CMZJ. Qiu Xigui assumes that the upper part of the graph may be a variant form of 要 and thus the graph seems to be read as yao/*?jiagw 要 (CMZJ, 164). Li Ling assumes that it may be the word yu 遇 (“meet”) (JDJ, 101). Tu and Liu, Liu Zhao, Chen Wei, Zhou Fengwu follow the interpretation of Qiu. Liu Zhao believes that the graph is composed of the radical of 土 and the sound radical of . The graph is a complex form of . Thus the graph can be read as yao 要 meaning vow (CJJS, 164). Zhao Jianwei follows Qiu’s interpretation and he reads yao as yue 約 meaning covenant (ZHXKS, 35). Chen Sipeng interprets the graph as sheng 繩 meaning restrain. See “Du guodian zhumu zhujian zhaji (shi ze)”, p. 147. I suspect that this opaque graph should be read as yue. As evidence we can see that daxin buyue “大 信不約” meaning that “one who owns great trustworthiness never makes a covenant (with others)” occurs in Liji, 36.1525a. I believe that the word yao is a phonetic loan for yue. Also see Karlgren, 2210.

298 The sentence “節天地也者” is interpreted in CMZJ. Tu and Liu follow this interpretation and they explain the graph jie 節 as verify (YSJS, 70). Qiu Xigui is doubtful about the interpretation of jie (CMZJ, 164). Li Ling interprets the graph as si 似 (like) (JDJ, 101). Liu Zhao interprets the graph as and can be read as fan/*bjamx 範 meaning model. He points out that it is also possible to be read as fa 法 (CJJS, 164). Chen Wei interprets the graph as fei 妃. The word fei/*ph dh can be read as pei/*ph dh 配 meaning match (ZSBS, 80-81). Zhou Fengwu interprets the graph as xun 巽 and the word xun/*sjinh can be read as shun 順 meaning submit (XS, 141). Zhao Jianwei interprets the graph as ze 則 meaning model (ZHXKS, 35). I suggest that the graph is read as fa meaning model. The phrase fa tiandi 法天地 (“model heaven and earth”) is attested in received literature. (Guanzi, 2.7.33; Laozi, A.25.14; Zhuangzi, 31.447.) 203

5 For the mouth to speak kindly but no substance to follow – the gentleman does not speak in this way. For the heart to be distant but the face [5] to be familiar299 – the gentleman does not present himself like this. Thus [one] acts in order to compete for pleasing people.300 The gentleman does not act like this. The loyal man does not do these three things and the trustworthy man does not perform them.

6 As for the way of loyalty [6] – the hundred craftsmen do not toil301 but the people’s well-being is in every case sufficient. As for the way of trustworthiness – the mass of creatures all reach completion and the hundred merits are all established. As for the gentleman – his actions [7] are loyal, thus the people love to attach themselves to him;302 his words are trustworthy, thus he is honest and can be

299 At the end of the 5th bamboo strip is missing three words. Qiu Xigui amends the sentence as “心 疏 而 貌親” (CMZJ, 164). Zhou Fengwu regards that maoqin 貌親 should be xingqin 形親 because xin 心 should parallels with xing 形 (XS, 141-142).

300 The sentence “故行而鯖兌民” is interpreted in CMZJ. Most of the interpreters interpret the graph jing/*dzjiŋx 鯖 as zheng 爭 (“win over”). Tu and Liu follow the interpretation of CMZJ and they point out that the pronunciation of 鯖 is exact zheng/*tjiŋ 征, which equates with the word zheng meaning mix up with different tastes in cooking (YSJS, 73). Zhou Fengwu interprets duimin/*duadh 兌民 as duomin/*duat 奪民 (XS, 138). He Linyi interprets the sentence as “故行而 請悅民”meaning that (a gentleman) is requested to act to pleases the people. See “Guodian zhujian xuanxi”, p. 164. Although Zhao Jianwei shares an identical interpretation with He Linyi, he explains the phrase differently and thus says it means that one asks for people to love oneself (ZHXKS, 35). I follow Li Ling’s interpretation.

301 The sentence “百工不古” is interpreted in CMZJ. Qiu Xigui regards that the graph gu/*kagx 古 should be read as ku 楛 meaning the utensils in bad quality and in loose condition (CMZJ, 164). Li Ling and Zhou Fengwu follow Qiu’s interpretation. Tu and Liu interpret gu as gu/*kagx 盬 meaning cease (YSJS, 73). Liu Zhao interprets gu as ku/*khagx 苦 meaning shoddy. He points out that gu is also interchangeable with gu 盬, gu/*kagx 沽, gu/*kagh 故, and ku/*khagx 楛 (CJJS, 165- 166). Qiu’s interpretation is reliable because the phrase is attested in Xunzi, 7.11.150.

302 The sentence “故 親傅也”is interpreted in CMZJ. Qiu Xigui regards that the graph fu/*pjagh 尃 could possibly be read as pu/*phagx 溥 (spread wide) or bo/*pak 博 (broad) (CMZJ, 164). Li Ling interprets the sentence as “故戀親附也”. He points out that the graph also occurs in the 30th and the 67th strips of Xing zi ming chu and the 1st strip of Zun deyi. He also interprets the graph as lian in Xing zi ming chu. The compound qinfu frequently occurs in literature (JDJ, 101). Tu and Liu interprets the sentence as “故 親溥也”. The graph indicates withdraw and the graph 溥 204

accepted.303

7 Loyalty is the substance of the benevolence and trustworthiness is the goal of the righteousness.304 Therefore, this is the reason [8] they were adopted by barbarian tribes305 in ancient times. [9]

indicates universal. The whole sentence means that thus, (a gentleman) withdraws himself and takes the people as his relatives universally (YSJS. 74). Liu Zhao interprets the sentence as “故蠻親傅也”. The graph can be read as man 蠻 meaning barbarian. The whole sentence means that thus, the barbarians attach themselves closely (CJJS, 166). Zhou Fengwu shares the identical idea with Liu Zhao (XS, 142). Li Ling’s interpretation is most convincing.

303 The collators of CMZJ regard that the graph is borrowed as dan/*tanx 亶 meaning sincerity (CMZJ, 164). Tu and Liu follow the interpretation of CMZJ. The sentence “故亶而可受也” means that thus, (a gentleman) because of his sincerity, he can receives the great trust. Liu Zhao interprets the graph as zhan 邅 meaning translate. The whole sentence means that thus, even if (sincere words) even are translated to another languages, they can still be that the words are still accepted by others (CJJS, 166). Zhou Fengwu also interprets as zhan 邅, but he explains zhan as spread from place to place (XS, 142-143). I suspect that the graph can be read as dan meaning honesty (SW, 5b.330b). I follow the CMZJ’s interpretation.

304 The sentence “義之期也” is interpreted in CMZJ. Qiu Xigui regards that the graph should be read as yi 義 (“righteousness”) (CMZJ, 164). Li Ling, Tu and Liu, Liu Zhao, and Zhou Fengwu follow the interpretation of CMZJ. Chen Wei interprets the sentence as “信，義之基也” meaning that trustworthiness is the foundation of righteousness (ZSBS, 81-82).

305 The compound is not decoded in CMZJ. Li Ling is uncertain of this compound and he points out that it needs to be studied further (JDJ, 101). Tu and Liu interpret the compound as kailou 開 meaning explanation (YSJS, 76). Liu Zhao and Zhou Fengwu interpret as manhe 蠻貉 indicated southern and northern barbarian tribes (CJJS, 167; XS, 143). A similar compound manmo 蠻貊 occurs in the Analects, 15.2517a. The Master said: “Be loyal and true to your every word, serious and careful in all you do; and you will get on well enough, even though you find yourself among barbarians” (Waley, 15.5). Liu and Zhou’s interpretation is reliable. 205

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