The Politics of Photographic Representation in Postsocialist China

Home , Abstract photography, Albert Leung, Conceptual photography, Liu Zheng (politician), Li Chunsheng, Li Yuan (PRC general)

Staging the Future: The Politics of Photographic Representation in Postsocialist China

James David Poborsa

A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of East Asian Studies University of Toronto

James David Poborsa

Doctor of Philosophy

Department of East Asian Studies University of Toronto

2018

Abstract

This dissertation examines the changing nature of photographic representation in China from 1976 until the late 1990s, and argues that photography and photo criticism self-reflexively embodied the cultural politics of social and political liberalisation during this seminal period in

Chinese history. Through a detailed examination of debates surrounding the limits of representation and intellectual liberalisation, this dissertation explores the history of social documentary, realist, and conceptual photography as a form of social critique. As a contribution to scholarly appraisals of the cultural politics of contemporary China, this dissertation aims to shed insight into the fraught and often contested politics of visuality which has characterized the evolution of photographic representation in the post-Mao period. The first chapter examines the politics of photographic representation in China from 1976 until 1982, and explores the politicisation of documentary realism as a means of promoting modernisation and reform.

Chapter two traces the internationalisation of photographic theory and practice in China throughout the 1980s, while exploring the pervasive engagement among photo critics with issues of historical representation, national progress, and the role of the photography in representing

ii social change. The third chapter examines the photographic oeuvre of Mo Yi from the mid 1980s to the late 1990s, and situates his work within the broader photographic and cultural politics of the period, while chapter four examines the history of conceptual photography and photo theory in China during the 1990s.

iii Acknowledgments

I would firstly like to thank Alana Livesey for her love and support throughout the years, and to Quinn, who has made the past two years the most memorable and adventurous of our lives. And to our little girl - I can’t wait to meet you in a few weeks!

I would also like to thank Professor Jennifer Purtle, whose guidance and support over the years has been integral to the development of this dissertation, as well as to Professors Meng Yue, Tong Lam, Wu Yiching, and Tom McDonough for their thoughtful and insightful commentary on the dissertation.

In China, I am greatly indebted to Wang Ningde (and Lisa), for the initial inspiration to pursue the study of photography in China, and for his many introductions to an array of figures in the field. I would also like to thank Mo Yi for spending so many hours patiently discussing his work, and the history of photography in China, as well as Bao Kun, for his thoughtful commentary and for opening up his own personal archive of materials. I am grateful to Professor Yao Lu for providing me with access to the CAFA archives, and to Professor Wang Zhongchen in the Department of Chinese Language and Literature at Tsinghua University.

I would also like to extend my special thanks to Wang Qingsong and Zhang Fang for their astonishing hospitality, as well as to Cang Xin, Rong Rong, the fantastic staff at the Three Shadows Photography Art Centre, Daozi, Zhu Qi, Xu Yong, Zhao Liang, Na Risong, Li Xiaobin, Liu Zheng, Li Wei, Zhang Dali, Wen Danqing, Lu Yanpeng, Hu Yang, Ruben Lundgren, Michael Cherney, Chakman Lei, Catherine Cheng, Peter Le, Wendy Wang, and Yang Weidong. Thanks as well to my colleagues in Beijing, including Katie Grube, Stephanie Tung, Thomas Sauvin, Chen Shuxia, Mia Yu, Zandie Brockett, Jacob Dreyer, and Madeleine Eschenburg. To those who made Beijing so memorable, including Colin MacLennan and Julian Wilson, there will always be one for the road…

Special thanks to my colleagues Mark McConaghy and Sean Callaghan, who furnished an intellectual environment of unprecedented character and wit, and to Robert Baines at the NATO Association of Canada, whose leadership and tenacity helped forge new paths through the wilderness.

iv Table of Contents

Abstract……………………………………………………………………………………………ii

Acknowledgements……………………………………………………………………………….iv

List of Plates..…………………………………………………………………………………….vi

List of Appendices……………………………………………………………………………..xxix

Introduction – Towards a History of Contemporary Chinese Photography…..…………………..1

Chapter 1 – The April Photo Society: The Documentary Turn and the Limits of Representation……………………………………………………………………………………20

Chapter 2 – Popular Internationalism: Photography, Criticism, and the Logic of Modernisation in the New Era………………………………………………………………………………………77

Chapter 3 – Illusory Spaces: Mo Yi Documents the Real………………………………………127

Chapter 4 – Conceptual Photography as History: Fragmentation, Dislocation, and the Historical Imaginary in China, 1988-1998….…………………………………………………..…………172

Epilogue – Lineages: Baipai as Contemporary Art…………………………………………….221

References………………………………………………………………………………………231

Appendix 1 – Interviews………………………………………………………………………..299

v List of Plates

*** For copyright purposes, all images have been removed from this dissertation ***

Chapter 1 Images Image 1

Li Xiaobin 李晓斌 (b. 1955), 45 baitian Tiananmen guangchang 45⽩天天安门⼴场 (Tiananmen Square on the Day of April 5th), 5 April 1979, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Image courtesy of the artist.

Image 2

Photographer Unknown, Untitled image of Liu Shaoqi 刘少奇 and Hou Bo 侯波, date unknown, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Sheng Chao 盛朝. “guanhuai 关怀” (“Show Loving Care”) in dazhong sheying ⼤众摄影 (Popular Photography) Vol. 4 (1980), 1.

Image 3

Qi Tieyan 齐铁砚 (b. 1942), “nan wang de jingtou 难忘的镜头” (“An Unforgettable Scene”), 14 May 1980. People’s Republic of China, photograph. Source: Qi Tieyan 齐铁砚. “nan wang de jingtou 难忘的镜头” (“An Unforgettable Scene”) in Zhongguo sheying (Chinese Photography) Vol. 7 (1980), front cover.

Image 4 A) Image 4 B)

A) Zhong Wenlue 钟⽂略 (b. 1925), xiu lu 修路 (Repairing the Way), date unknown, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Zhong Wenlue 钟⽂略. “xiu lu 修路“ (“Repairing the Way”) in Zhongguo sheying 中国摄影 (Chinese Photography) Vol. 5 (1962), 44.

B) Zhong Wenlue 钟⽂略 (b. 1925), “《xiu lu》 de zhizuo jingguo 《修路》的制作经过” (“The Making of ‘Repairing the Way’”), 1962. People’s Republic of China. Source: Zhong Wenlue 钟⽂略. “《xiu lu》 de zhizuo jingguo 《修路》的制作经过” (“The Making of ‘Repairing the Way’”) in Zhongguo sheying 中国摄影 (Chinese Photography) Vol. 5 (1962), 53.

Image 5

Photographer unknown, shike jingti 时刻警惕 (Constantly On Alert), 1974, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Zhishi qingnian zai beidahuang: Heilongjiang shengchan jianshe budui yeyu sheying zuopin xuan 知识青年在北⼤荒：⿊龙江⽣产建设部队业余摄影作品选 (Young Intellectuals in the Great Northern Wilderness: A Selection of Amateur Photographs from Heilongjiang Production and Construction Units). Beijing 北京: renmin meishu chubanshe ⼈民美术出版社, 1973, Image 135.

Image 6

vi Photographer unknown, xunluo zai zuguo bianfangxian shang 巡逻在祖国边防线上 (Patrolling Along the Nation’s Borderline), 1974, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Zhishi qingnian zai beidahuang: Heilongjiang shengchan jianshe budui yeyu sheying zuopin xuan 知识青年在北⼤荒：⿊龙江⽣产建设部队业余摄影作品选 (Young Intellectuals in the Great Northern Wilderness: A Selection of Amateur Photographs from Heilongjiang Production and Construction Units). Beijing 北京: renmin meishu chubanshe ⼈民美术出版社, 1973, Image 136.

Image 7

Photographer unknown, 1939, Chairman Mao in Yan’an Having a Candid Discussion with the Peasants of Yangjialing (“yi jiu san jiu nian, Mao zhuxi zai Yan’an he Yangjialing nongmin qinqie tanhua ⼀九三九年，⽑主席在延安和杨家岭农民亲切谈话”), 1939, photograph. People’s Republic of China, photograph. Source: Zhongguo sheying 中国摄影 (Chinese Photography) Vol. 6 (1976), unpaginated.

Image 8

Liu Quanju 刘全聚 (b. 1936), Hua zhuxi dai shang honglingjin 华主席戴上红领⼱ (Chairman Hua Puts on a Red Neckerchief), 16 October 1978, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Liu Quanju 刘全聚. “Hua zhuxi dai shang honglingjin 华主席戴上红领⼱” (“Chairman Hua Puts on a Red Neckerchief”) in Zhongguo sheying 中国摄影 (Chinese Photography) Vol. 1 (1979), inside front cover.

Image 9

Ao Enhong 敖恩洪 (1909-1989), chuntian de huaduo 春天的花朵 (Spring Flowers), 1978, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Ao Enhong 敖恩洪. chuntian de huaduo 春天的花朵 (Spring Flowers) in Zhongguo sheying 中国摄影 (Chinese Photography) Vol. 1 (1979), 4.

Image 10

Luo Xiaoyun 罗⼩韵 (b. 1953), huainian Zhou zongli, tongchi “sirenbang” 怀念周总理，痛斥“四⼈帮” (Cherishing the Memory of Premier Zhou, Sharply Denouncing the “Gang of Four”), April 1976, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Zhongguo sheying 中国摄影 (Chinese Photography) Vol. 1 (1979), 7.

Image 11

Designer unknown, guowai meishu ziliao 国外美术资料 (Overseas Fine Art Materials), December 1977. Published by the Zhejiang University of Fine Arts, Art Theory Teaching & Research Section (Zhejiang meishu xueyuan lilun jiaoyanshi 浙江美术学院理论教研室). Source: guowai meishu ziliao 国外美术资料 (Overseas Fine Art Materials) Vol. 1 (December 1977), front cover.

Image 12

Designer unknown, guowai meishu ziliao 国外美术资料 (Overseas Fine Art Materials), inside front cover, December 1977. Published by the Teaching and Research Section for Theory at the Zhejiang Academy of Fine Arts (Zhejiang meishu xueyuan lilun jiaoyanshi 浙江美术学院理论教研室). People’s

vii Republic of China. Source: guowai meishu ziliao 国外美术资料 (Overseas Fine Art Materials). Vol. 1 (December 1977), inside front cover.

Image 13

Luo Xiaoyun 罗⼩韵, untitled in this volume, though elsewhere titled huainian Zhou zongli, tongchi ‘sirenbang’ 怀念周总理，痛斥“四⼈帮 (Cherishing the Memory of Premier Zhou, Sharply Denouncing the ‘Gang of Four’), April 1976, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: United Editors 联合编辑组织. Renmin de daonian ⼈民的悼念 (People’s Mourning). Beijing 北京: Beijing chubanshe 北京出版社, 1979. unpaginated.

Image 14

Gu Dehua 顾德华 (b. 1956), chen du 晨读 (Morning Reading), September 1978, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Zhongguo sheying 中国摄影 (Chinese Photography) Vol. 1 (1979), 25.

Image 15 A) Image 15 B)

A) Luo Zhongli 罗中⽴, wo de fuqin 我的⽗亲 (My Father), 1980, oil on canvas. People’s Republic of China. Source: Meishu (Fine Arts) Vol. 1 (1981), front cover.

B) Luo Zhongli 罗中⽴, wo de fuqin (jubu) 我的⽗亲 (局部) (My Father (detail), 1980, oil on canvas. People’s Republic of China. Source: Meishu (Fine Arts) Vol. 1 (1981), inside front cover.

Image 16

Li Jinghong 李京红 (b. 1959), bie wang le haizi 别忘了孩⼦ (Don’t Forget About the Children),1980, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Wang Zhiping 王志平. Tongnian: jinan siyue yinghui chengli 30 zhou nian jiqing zhan 同年纪念四⽉影会成⽴30周年邀请展 (30th Anniversary Invitational Exhibition of the April Photography Association).Beijing 北京: Zhongguo tushu chubanshe 中国图书出版社, 2009.

Chapter 2 Images

Image 1

Bao Kun 鲍昆 (b. 1953), yinxiang 印象 (Impression), 1980, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Image courtesy of the artist.

Image 2

Lu Xiangyou 吕相友 (1928-2007), Untitled Photographs of Jiang Qing, 1980, photographs. People’s Republic of China. Source: Yu Wen 郁⽂. “Beigao xi shang choutaibaichu de yanyuan:

viii tan shenpan Jiang Qing de yi zu lianxu sheying 被告席上丑态百出的演员：谈审判江青的⼀组连续摄影” (“An Actress Acting Like A Buffoon in the Defendants Seat: On A Set of Successive Photographs During the Trial of Jiang Qing”) in dazhong sheying ⼤众摄影 (Popular Photography) Vol. 3 (1981), 15.

Image 3

Lewis Hine (1874-1940), Workers Guiding Hoisting Cable. Title given in publication: jianzhu, diguo dasha 建筑, 帝国⼤厦 (Architecture, Empire State Building), 1931, photograph. United States of America. Source: “Meiguo sheyingjia Haiyin zuopin xuan 美国摄影家海因作品选” (“A Selection of Works by American Photographer Hine”) in dazhong sheying ⼤众摄影 (Popular Photography) Vol. 4 (1980), 22.

Image 4

Ren Shulin 任曙林 (b. 1954), Untitled # 35, undated (late 1970s/early 1980s), photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Image courtesy of Bao Kun.

Image 5

Ren Shulin 任曙林 (b. 1954), Untitled # 73, undated (late 1970s/early 1980s), photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Image courtesy of Bao Kun.

Image 6

Ren Shulin 任曙林 (b. 1954), Untitled # 99, undated (late 1970s/early 1980s), photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Image courtesy of Bao Kun.

Image 7

Jiang Yang 姜洋 (fl. ca. 1984), Didi hanshui huan tieshui 滴滴汗⽔换铁⽔ (From Dripping Sweat to Molten Iron), 1984, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Zhongguo sheying 中国摄影 (Chinese Photography) Vol. 1 (1985), 14.

Image 8

Liu Jun 刘军 (fl. ca. 1980s) , Ta yu ta shijie 她与她世界 (In Her Own World), undated (likely 1984), photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Zhongguo sheying 中国摄影 (Chinese Photography) Vol. 1 (1985), 18.

Image 9

ix Li Youcheng 李友诚 (ﬂ. ca. 1984), Chuzheng tuzhong 出征途中 (On the Way to Battle), undated, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Zhongguo sheying 中国摄影 (Chinese Photography) Vol. 1 (1985), 31.

Image 10

Wang Jinamin 王建民 (b. 1954), Renmin wuzhuang jingcha ⼈民武装警察 (People’s Armed Policemen), undated, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Zhongguo sheying 中国摄影 (Chinese Photography) Vol. 1 (1985), 21.

Image 11

Jiang Ningsheng 江宁⽣, “jinian jiechu de zhandi sheyingjia: Luobote・kapa 纪念杰出的战地摄影家——罗伯特・卡帕 (“In Memory of the Eminent War Photography Robert Capa”), 1985, photograph and text. People’s Republic of China. Source: Jiang Ningsheng 江宁⽣.“jinian jiechu de zhandi sheyingjia: Luobote・kapa 纪念杰出的战地摄影家——罗伯特・卡帕 (“In Memory of the Eminent War Photography Robert Capa”) in Zhongguo sheying 中国摄影 (Chinese Photography) Vol. 4 (1985), 39-40.

Image 12

Luobote・Kapa zuopin xuan 罗伯特・卡帕作品选 (Selected Works of Robert Capa), clockwise from upper left, as written in the Chinese: 1. Shibing zhi si ⼠兵之死 (A Soldier’s Death), Spain, 1936; 2. Nuomandi denglu zhi yi 诺曼底登陆之役 (Landing in Normandy), France, 1944; 3. Beitong de Nabulesi muqinmen 悲痛的那不勒斯母亲们 (The Grief-Stricken Mothers in Naples), Italy 1944; 4. Tongdi de Faguo nüren bei tiguangtou youjie 通敌的法国⼥⼈被剔光头游街 (Parading a Traitorous French Women Through the Streets), France, 1944, photographs. Source: Zhongguo sheying 中国摄影 (Chinese Photography) Vol. 4 (1985), 26-27.

Image 13

Daiwei・Keluke 戴维・柯鲁克 (David Crook), “zai Beijing meishu guan li: cong Luobote・ Kapa guanyu Xibanya de sheying zuopin suo xiandao de 在北京美术馆⾥：从罗伯特・卡帕关于西班⽛的摄影作品所想到的” (“At the Beijing Fine Art Gallery: Some Thoughts on Robert Capa’s Photographs from Spain”), 1985, photographs and text. People’s Republic of China. Source: Daiwei・Keluke 戴维・柯鲁克 (David Crook). “zai Beijing meishu guan li: cong Luobote・Kapa guanyu Xibanya de sheying zuopin suo xiandao de 在北京美术馆⾥：从罗伯

x 特・卡帕关于西班⽛的摄影作品所想到的” (“At the Beijing Fine Art Gallery: Some Thoughts on Robert Capa’s Photographs from Spain”) in guoji sheying 国际摄影 (International Photography) Vol. 5 (1985), 29-30.

Image 14

M・Lanfude 兰福德 (Michael Langford), “sheying fengge fazhan shi zhi yi: xieshi sheying 摄影风格发展史之⼀：写实摄影” (“The Historical Development of Photographic Style (Part One): Realist Photography”) Trans. Xie Hanjun 谢汉俊, 1983, photographs and text. People’s Republic of China. Source: M・Lanfude 兰福德 (Michael Langford) (A). “sheying fengge fazhan shi zhi yi: xieshi sheying 摄影风格发展史之⼀：写实摄影” (“The Historical Development of Photographic Style (Part One): Realist Photography”) Trans. Xie Hanjun 谢汉俊 in guoji sheying (International Photography) Vol. 2 (1983), 9.

Image 15

M・Lanfude 兰福德 (Michael Langford), “sheying fengge fazhan shi zhi san: chouxiang sheying 摄影风格发展史之三：抽象摄影” (“The Historical Development of Photographic Style (Part Three): Abstract Photography”) Trans. Xie Hanjun 谢汉俊, 1983, photographs and text. People’s Republic of China. Source: M・Lanfude 兰福德 (Michael Langford) (C). “sheying fengge fazhan shi zhi san: chouxiang sheying 摄影风格发展史之三：抽象摄影” (“The Historical Development of Photographic Style (Part Three): Abstract Photography”) Trans. Xie Hanjun 谢汉俊 in guoji sheying 国际摄影 (International Photography) Vol. 4 (1983), 10.

Image 16

M・Lanfude 兰福德 (Michael Langford), “sheying fengge fazhan shi zhi si: xianshi zhuyi sheying 摄影风格发展史之四：现实主义摄影” (“The Historical Development of Photographic Style (Part Four): Photographic Realism”) Trans. Xie Hanjun 谢汉俊, 1983, photographs and text. People’s Republic of China. Source: M・Lanfude 兰福德 (Michael Langford) (D). “sheying fengge fazhan shi zhi si: xianshi zhuyi sheying 摄影风格发展史之四：现实主义摄影” (“The Historical Development of Photographic Style (Part Four): Photographic Realism”) Trans. Xie Hanjun 谢汉俊 in guoji sheying 国际摄影 (International Photography) Vol. 5 (1983), 26.

Image 17

xi M・Lanfude 兰福德 (Michael Langford), “sheying fengge fazhan shi zhi wu: dangdai sheying 摄影风格发展史之五：当代摄影” (“The Historical Development of Photographic Style (Part Five): Contemporary Photography”) Trans. Xie Hanjun 谢汉俊, 1983, photographs and text. People’s Republic of China. Source: M・Lanfude 兰福德 (Michael Langford) (E). “sheying fengge fazhan shi zhi wu: dangdai sheying 摄影风格发展史之五：当代摄影” (“The Historical Development of Photographic Style (Part Five): Contemporary Photography”) Trans. Xie Hanjun 谢汉俊 in guoji sheying 国际摄影 (International Photography) Vol. 6 (1983), 27. Image 18

Wu Zhenxin 吴振鑫, “fang zhuming sheying jia Andelie・Kedixi 访著名摄影家安德烈・克蒂希” (“A Visit with the Famous Photographer Andre Kertesz”), 1983, photographs and text. People’s Republic of China. Source: Wu Zhenxin 吴振鑫. “fang zhuming sheying jia Andelie・ Kedixi 访著名摄影家安德烈・克蒂希” (“A Visit with the Famous Photographer Andre Kertesz”) in guoji sheying 国际摄影 (International Photography) Vol. 2 (1983), 34-35.

Image 19

“faguo xiaoxiang sheyingjia Jizeer・Fuluoyinde zuopin xuan 法国肖像摄影家吉泽尔・弗罗因德作品选” (“Selected Works of French Portrait Photographer Giselle Freund”), 1983. People’s Republic of China. Clockwise from top left: Henri Matisse (Xiangli・Madaisi 亨利·马蒂斯; 1869-1954), André Paul Guillaume Gide (Andelie・Jide 安德烈・纪德; 1869-1951), Jean Cocteau (Jiarang・Keketuo 家让・科克托; 1889-1963), and Romain Rolland (Luoman・ Luolan 罗曼・罗兰; 1866-1944), photographs. France. Source: “faguo xiaoxiang sheyingjia Jizeer・Fuluoyinde zuopin xuan 法国肖像摄影家吉泽尔・弗罗因德作品选” (“Selected Works of French Portrait Photographer Giselle Freund”) in guoji sheying 国际摄影 (International Photography) Vol. 2 (1983), 18.

Image 20

Xie Cheng 谢成, “xieshi sheying jia Asi・Luositan 写实摄影家阿瑟・罗思坦” (“Realist Photographer Arthur Rothstein”), 1983, photographs and text. People’s Republic of China. Source: Xie Cheng 谢成. “xieshi sheying jia Asi・Luositan 写实摄影家阿瑟・罗思坦” (“Realist Photographer Arthur Rothstein”) in guoji sheying 国际摄影 (International Photography) Vol. 3 (1983), 36-37.

xii Image 21

Wu Yinxian 吴印咸 (1900-1994), Baiqiuen daifu ⽩求恩⼤夫 (Dr. Norman Bethune), 1939, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Rong Rong 荣荣 (Ed.). Zhongguo sheying: 20 shiji yilai 中国摄影：20世纪以来 (Chinese Photography: 20th Century and Beyond). Beijing 北京: Three Shadows Press Limited 三影堂出版有限公司, 2015, 172.

Image 22

Han Songke 韩松可, “Xiaobona yu sheying 肖伯纳与摄影” (“George Bernard Shaw and Photography”), 1983, photograph and text. People’s Republic of China. Source: Han Songke 韩松可. “Xiaobona yu sheying 肖伯纳与摄影” (“George Bernard Shaw and Photography”) in guoji sheying 国际摄影 (International Photography) Vol. 2 (1983), 4.

Image 23

“Meiguo sheyingjia, zuojia L・Aigena: sheying gushi zuopin xuan - weida de kexuejia Aiyinsitan 美国摄影家，作家L・艾格纳：摄影故事作品选 - 伟⼤的科学家爱因斯坦” (“American Photographer and Author, Lucien Aigner: A Selection of Photographic Stories - The Great Scientist Einstein”), 1983, photographs. People’s Republic of China. Source: “Meiguo sheyingjia, zuojia L・Aigena: sheying gushi zuopin xuan - weida de kexuejia Aiyinsitan 美国摄影家，作家L・艾格纳：摄影故事作品选 - 伟⼤的科学家爱因斯坦” (“American Photographer and Author, Lucien Aigner: A Selection of Photographic Stories - The Great Scientist Einstein”) in guoji sheying 国际摄影 (International Photography) Vol. 1 (1983), 22.

Image 24

L・Aigena 艾格纳 (Lucien Aigner; 1901-1999), “Aiyinsitan zai Pulinsitun - paishe Aiyinsitan de jingguo 爱因斯坦在普林斯顿——拍摄爱因斯坦的经过” (“Einstein at Princeton - The Process of Photographing Einstein”). Trans. Guo Qun 郭群, 1983, photograph and text. People’s Republic of China. Source: L・Aigena 艾格纳. “Aiyinsitan zai Pulinsitun - paishe Aiyinsitan de jingguo 爱因斯坦在普林斯顿——拍摄爱因斯坦的经过” (“Einstein at Princeton - The Process of Photographing Einstein”). Trans. Guo Qun 郭群 in guoji sheing 国际摄影 (International Photography) Vol. 1 (1983), 37.

Image 25

xiii Great Wall Camera (changcheng zhaoxiangji 长城照相机) Advertisement, 1980. People’s Republic of China. Source: dazhong sheying ⼤众摄影 (Popular Photography) Vol. 2 (1980), 41.

Image 26

Canon (Jianeng 佳能) Camera Advertisement, 1980. People’s Republic of China. Source: dazhong sheying ⼤众摄影 (Popular Photography) Vol. 10 (1980), back cover.

Image 27

Martin Parr (Mading・Paer 马丁・帕尔; b. 1952), The Chinese Through the Eyes of an English Photographer (Yingguo ren yan li de Zhongguo ren 英国⼈眼⾥的中国⼈), 1985, photographs. People’s Republic of China. Source: Mading・Paer 马丁・帕尔 (Martin Parr). “Yingguo ren yan li de Zhongguo ren 英国⼈眼⾥的中国⼈” (“The Chinese Through the Eyes of an English Photographer”) in Zhongguo sheying 中国摄影 (Chinese Photography) Vol. 6 (1985), 5-6.

Image 28

Reagan Louie (b. 1951), Citizen in Downtown Shanghai, 1987, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Louie, Reagan. Towards A Truer Life: Photographs of China 1980-1990. New York: Aperture, 1991, 39.

Image 29

Reagan Louie (b. 1951), View of Special Economic Zone, Shenzhen, 1985, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Louie, Reagan. Towards A Truer Life: Photographs of China 1980-1990. New York: Aperture, 1991, 35.

Image 30

Reagan Louie (b. 1951), Kunming, 1987, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Louie, Reagan. Towards A Truer Life: Photographs of China 1980-1990. New York: Aperture, 1991, 35.

Image 31

Y・Kashen 卡什 (Yousuf Karsh; 1908-2002), A・Aideng xiansheng 艾登先⽣ (Mr. Anthony Eden), 1945, photograph. United Kingdom. Source: guoji sheying 国际摄影 (International Photography) Vol. 2 (1984), 41.

xiv Image 32

Designer unknown, Front cover of Zhongguo xiandai sheying shalong ’85 中国现代摄影沙龙’85 (Contemporary Chinese Photographs by Members of the China Modern Photo Salon 1985), 1985, exhibition catalogue. People’s Republic of China. Source: Xu Chengde 余成德 & Yang Shaoming 杨绍明 (Eds). Zhongguo xiandai sheying shalong ’85 中国现代摄影沙龙’85 (Contemporary Chinese Photographs by Members of the China Modern Photo Salon 1985). Hong Kong ⾹港: Zhongguo sheying chubanshe 中国摄影出版社, 1985. Image courtesy of Bao Kun.

Image 33

Designer unknown, 1985 nian ‘xiandai sheying shalong’ yingzhan qingjian, zhengmian he fanmian 1985年“现代摄影沙龙”影展请柬,正⾯和反⾯ (The 1985 ‘Modern Photo Salon’ Photo Exhibition Invitation, front and reverse sides), 1985, printed card. People’s Republic of China. Source: Image Courtesy of Bao Kun.

Image 34

Designer unknown, Images from the 1985 Modern Photo Salon (1985 nian xiandai sheying shalong 1985年现代摄影沙龙), reproduced in Youth Photography (qingnian sheying 青年摄影) Vol. 1 (1986), 20-21. People’s Republic of China. Source: Image courtesy of Bao Kun.

Image 35 Li Xiaobin 李晓斌 (b. 1955), Petitioner (Shangfangzhe 上访者), 1977, photograph. People’s Republic of China. First exhibited at the 1986 Modern Photo Salon (86 xiandai sheying shalong 86 现代摄影沙龙). Source: Image courtesy of the artist.

Image 36 Zheng Ming 鄭鳴 (fl. ca. 1980s), daobi hou de ziwei 倒閉後的滋味 (The taste of bankruptcy), 24 August 1986, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Yang Shaoming 杨绍明 & Wang Miao 王苗 (Eds.). The China Modern Photo Salon 1988 (Zhongguo xiandai sheying shalong 88 zhan 中国现代摄影沙龙88展). Hong Kong ⾹港: Zhongguo sheying chubanshe 中国摄影出版社, 1988, 15.

Image 37 Qiao Xiaolian 喬孝廉, Eight Drunken Immortals (Zui ba xian 醉⼋仙), 1987, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Yang Shaoming 杨绍明 & Wang Miao 王苗 (Eds.). The China Modern Photo Salon 1988 (Zhongguo xiandai sheying shalong 88 zhan 中国现代摄影沙龙88展). Hong Kong ⾹港: Zhongguo sheying chubanshe 中国摄影出版社, 1988, 69.

xv Chapter 3 Images

Image 1 Cai Mali 蔡⿇丽 (fl. ca. 1980s), A Happy Moment (xingfu de shunjian 幸福的瞬间), translated as Hurrying for a Family Portrait, from the “Happy Family” Photography Competition, first prize, professional category (“jiating le” sheying bisai, zhuanye yideng jiang 《家庭乐》摄影⽐赛，专业⼀等奖), 1987, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Zhongguo sheying 中国摄影 (Chinese Photography) Vol. 3 (1989), 13.

Image 2 Various photographers, Selected Images from “Happy Family” (《jiating le》zuopin yuan 《家庭乐》作品选), 1987, photographs. People’s Republic of China. From left: 1. Wang Zongtang 王宗堂 (fl. ca. 1980s), You Are In My Heart (ni zai wo xin zhong 你在我⼼中), 1987; 2. Yin Jun 尹君 (fl. ca. 1980s), A New Life (xin shengming 新⽣命), 1987; 3. Sun Guangzhou 孙光洲 (fl. ca. 1980s), My Hometown (gu xiang 故乡), 1987; 4. Peng Bangqing 澎邦卿 (fl. ca. 1980s), Let’s Have a Picture Together (he ying 合影), 1987; 5. Cui Shuncai 催舜才 (fl. ca. 1980s), A New House (xin ju 新剧), 1987. Source: Zhongguo sheying 中国摄影 (Chinese Photography) Vol. 3 (1989), 16.

Image 3 Liu Gangyi 刘刚毅, The Glory of China (Zhonghua de guanghui 中华的光辉), date unknown. People’s Republic of China. Source: Zhongguo sheying 中国摄影 (Chinese Photography) Vol. 5 (1987), Front Cover.

Image 4 Li Shisheng 李时⽣, The Great Love (weida de ai 伟⼤的爱), 1987, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Zhongguo sheying 中国摄影 (Chinese Photography) Vol. 5 (1987), Inside Front Cover.

Image 5 Mo Yi 莫毅 (b. 1958), Untitled photograph from the series Tianjin in the 1980s (80 niandai de Tianjin 80 年代的天津), 1984-1987, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Image courtesy of the artist.

Image 6 Mo Yi 莫毅 (b. 1958), Untitled photograph from the series Tianjin in the 1980s (80 niandai de Tianjin 80 年代的天津), 1984-1987, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Image courtesy of the artist.

Image 7 Mo Yi 莫毅 (b. 1958), Untitled photograph from the series Tianjin in the 1980s (80 niandai de Tianjin 80 年代的天津), 1984-1987, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Image courtesy of the artist.

Image 8 Mo Yi 莫毅 (b. 1958), Untitled photograph from the series Tianjin in the 1980s (80 niandai de Tianjin 80 年代的天津), 1984-1987, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Image courtesy of the artist.

Image 9 Mo Yi 莫毅 (b. 1958), Untitled photograph from the series Father (fuqin ⽗亲), 1984-1987, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Image courtesy of the artist.

xvi Image 10 Mo Yi 莫毅 (b. 1958), Untitled photograph from the series Father (fuqin ⽗亲), 1984-1987, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Image courtesy of the artist.

Image 11 Mo Yi 莫毅 (b. 1958), Untitled photograph from the series Father (fuqin ⽗亲), 1984-1987, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Image courtesy of the artist.

Image 12 Mo Yi 莫毅 (b. 1958), Untitled photograph from the series Father (fuqin ⽗亲), 1984-1987, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Image courtesy of the artist.

Image 13 Mo Yi 莫毅 (b. 1958), Untitled photograph from the series Father (fuqin ⽗亲), 1984-1987, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Image courtesy of the artist.

Image 14 Lee Friedlander (b. 1934), New Orleans, Louisiana, 1968, photograph. United States of America. Source: Museum of Modern Art, https://www.moma.org/collection/works/54208? artist_id=2002&locale=en&page=1&sov_referrer=artist, Accessed 12 June 2018.

Image 15 Mo Yi 莫毅 (b. 1958), Untitled photograph from the series Upheaval (saodong 骚动), 1987, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Image courtesy of the artist.

Image 16 Mo Yi 莫毅 (b. 1958), Untitled photograph from the series Upheaval (saodong 骚动), 1987, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Image courtesy of the artist.

Image 17 Mo Yi 莫毅 (b. 1958), Untitled photograph from the series Upheaval (saodong 骚动), 1987, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Image courtesy of the artist.

Image 18 Mo Yi 莫毅 (b. 1958), Untitled photograph from the series Upheaval (saodong 骚动), 1987, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Image courtesy of the artist.

Image 19 Mo Yi 莫毅 (b. 1958), Untitled photograph from the series Upheaval (saodong 骚动), 1987, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Image courtesy of the artist.

Image 20 Mo Yi 莫毅 (b. 1958), Sunlight (yangguang 阳光), exhibited as part of the 1988 Photo Salon, date unknown (likely 1985), photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Yang Shaoming 杨绍明 & Wang Miao 王苗 (Eds.). The China Modern Photo Salon 1988 (Zhongguo xiandai sheying shalong 88 zhan 中国现代摄影沙龙88展). Hong Kong ⾹港: Zhongguo sheying chubanshe 中国摄影出版社, 1988, 59.

Image 21

xvii Wang Miao 王苗, Descendants of the Dragon 1 (Chuanren zhi yi 传⼈之⼀), undated, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Yang Shaoming 杨绍明 & Wang Miao 王苗 (Eds.). The China Modern Photo Salon 1988 (Zhongguo xiandai sheying shalong 88 zhan 中国现代摄影沙龙88展). Hong Kong ⾹港: Zhongguo sheying chubanshe 中国摄影出版社, 1988, 67.

Image 22 Wang Miao 王苗, Descendants of the Dragon 2 (Chuanren zhi er 传⼈之⼆), undated, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Yang Shaoming 杨绍明 & Wang Miao 王苗 (Eds.). The China Modern Photo Salon 1988 (Zhongguo xiandai sheying shalong 88 zhan 中国现代摄影沙龙88展). Hong Kong ⾹港: Zhongguo sheying chubanshe 中国摄影出版社, 1988, 68.

Image 23 Liu Jun 柳军 (b. 1961). A Young Soldier Sacrifices his Life at the Frontline on the Sino-Vietnamese Border (xisheng zai Zhong Yue bianjing qianxian de yi wei nianqing zhanshi 牺牲在中越边境前线的⼀位年青战⼠), undated, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Yang Shaoming 杨绍明 & Wang Miao 王苗 (Eds.). The China Modern Photo Salon 1988 (Zhongguo xiandai sheying shalong 88 zhan 中国现代摄影沙龙88展). Hong Kong ⾹港: Zhongguo sheying chubanshe 中国摄影出版社, 1988, 30.

Image 24 Liu Jun 柳军 (b. 1961), Field Hospital (zhandi yiyuan 战地医院), 19 May 1985 at the Laoshan ⽼⼭ frontline, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Yang Shaoming 杨绍明 & Wang Miao 王苗 (Eds.). The China Modern Photo Salon 1988 (Zhongguo xiandai sheying shalong 88 zhan 中国现代摄影沙龙88展). Hong Kong ⾹港: Zhongguo sheying chubanshe 中国摄影出版社, 1988, 31.

Image 25 Mo Yi 莫毅 (b. 1958), Untitled image from the series 1m - The Scenery Behind Me (1m －wo shenhou de fengjing 我⾝后的风景), 1988-1990, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Image courtesy of the artist.

Image 26 Mo Yi 莫毅 (b. 1958), Untitled image from the series 1m - The Scenery Behind Me (1m －wo shenhou de fengjing 我⾝后的风景), 1988-1990, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Image courtesy of the artist.

Image 27 Mo Yi 莫毅 (b. 1958), Untitled image from the series 1m - The Scenery Behind Me (1m －wo shenhou de fengjing 我⾝后的风景), 1988-1990, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Image courtesy of the artist.

Image 28 Mo Yi 莫毅 (b. 1958), Untitled image from the series 1m - The Scenery Behind Me (1m －wo shenhou de fengjing 我⾝后的风景), 1988-1990, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Image courtesy of the artist.

Image 29

xviii Mo Yi 莫毅 (b. 1958), Untitled image from the series 1m - The Scenery Behind Me (1m －wo shenhou de fengjing 我⾝后的风景), 1988-1990, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Image courtesy of the artist.

Image 30 Ji Zhiqiang 吉志强 (fl. ca. 1980s), Law of the Land (Fa zai renjian 发在⼈间) and Crying Out for Rights (Quanli de nahan 权利的呐喊), undated, photographs. People’s Republic of China. Source: Chinese Photography (Zhongguo sheying 中国摄影) Vol. 2 (1989), 35.

Image 31 Malcolm Brown, A Monk in Saigon Burnt Himself to Protest Prosecution by the Government (Xigong senglü zifen 西贡僧侣⾃焚), 1963, photograph. Republic of Vietnam. Source: Zhongguo sheying 中国摄影 (Chinese Photography) Vol. 2 (1989), 14.

Image 32 Mo Yi 莫毅 (b. 1958), Gone (qu ye 去也), photographed by an unknown person during the protests in June, 1989 in Tianjin, incorporated in the series Swaying Bus (Yaodang de chexiang 摇荡的车厢), June 1989, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Image courtesy of the artist.

Image 33 Mo Yi 莫毅 (b. 1958), Untitled image from the series Swaying Bus (Yaodang de chexiang 摇荡的车厢), 1989, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Image courtesy of the artist.

Image 34 Mo Yi 莫毅 (b. 1958), Untitled image from the series Swaying Bus (Yaodang de chexiang 摇荡的车厢), 1989, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Image courtesy of the artist.

Image 35 Mo Yi 莫毅 (b. 1958), Untitled image from the series Swaying Bus (Yaodang de chexiang 摇荡的车厢), 1989, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Image courtesy of the artist.

Image 36 Mo Yi 莫毅 (b. 1958), Untitled image from the series Swaying Bus (Yaodang de chexiang 摇荡的车厢), 1989, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Image courtesy of the artist.

Image 37 Mo Yi 莫毅 (b. 1958), Untitled image from the series Swaying Bus (Yaodang de chexiang 摇荡的车厢), 1989, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Image courtesy of the artist.

Image 38 Mo Yi 莫毅 (b. 1958), Untitled portrait of Fang Lijun ⽅⼒钧 in Yuangmingyuan 圆明园, undated (early 1990s), photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Image courtesy of the artist.

Image 39 Mo Yi 莫毅 (b. 1958), Untitled portrait of Yue Minjun 岳敏君 in Yuangmingyuan 圆明园, undated (early 1990s), photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Image courtesy of the artist.

Image 40

xix Mo Yi 莫毅 (b. 1958), Photographs from the series Through A Dog’s Eyes (Gou yan de zhaoxiang 够眼的照相), 1995, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Image courtesy of the artist.

Image 41 Mo Yi 莫毅 (b. 1958), Untitled photograph from the series Landscapes of Time (Shijian de fengjing 时间的风景), 1995, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Image courtesy of the artist.

Image 42 Mo Yi 莫毅 (b. 1958), Untitled photograph from the series Landscapes of Time (Shijian de fengjing 时间的风景), 1995, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Image courtesy of the artist.

Image 43 Mo Yi 莫毅 (b. 1958), Untitled photograph from the series Landscapes of Time (Shijian de fengjing 时间的风景), 1995, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Image courtesy of the artist.

Image 44 Mo Yi 莫毅 (b. 1958), Untitled photograph from the series Landscapes of Time (Shijian de fengjing 时间的风景), 1995, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Image courtesy of the artist.

Image 45 Mo Yi 莫毅 (b. 1958), Untitled photograph from the series Landscapes of Time (Shijian de fengjing 时间的风景), 1995, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Image courtesy of the artist.

Image 46 Mo Yi 莫毅 (b. 1958), Untitled photograph from the series Landscapes of Time (Shijian de fengjing 时间的风景), 1995, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Image courtesy of the artist.

Image 47 Mo Yi 莫毅 (b. 1958), Untitled photograph from the series Landscapes of Time (Shijian de fengjing 时间的风景), 1995, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Image courtesy of the artist.

Image 48 Mo Yi 莫毅 (b. 1958), Untitled photograph from the series Photographs in a Hutong (hutong li de zhaopian 胡同⾥的照⽚), 1997, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Image courtesy of the artist.

Image 49 Mo Yi 莫毅 (b. 1958), Untitled photograph from the series Photographs in a Hutong (hutong li de zhaopian 胡同⾥的照⽚), 1997, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Image courtesy of the artist.

Image 50 Mo Yi 莫毅 (b. 1958), Untitled photograph from the series Photographs in a Hutong (hutong li de zhaopian 胡同⾥的照⽚), 1997, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Image courtesy of the artist.

Image 51

xx Mo Yi 莫毅 (b. 1958), Untitled photograph from the series Photographs in a Hutong (hutong li de zhaopian 胡同⾥的照⽚), 1997, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Image courtesy of the artist.

Image 52 Mo Yi 莫毅 (b. 1958), Untitled photograph from the series Photographs in a Hutong (hutong li de zhaopian 胡同⾥的照⽚), 1997, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Image courtesy of the artist.

Image 53 Mo Yi 莫毅 (b. 1958), Untitled photograph from the series Photographs in a Hutong (hutong li de zhaopian 胡同⾥的照⽚), 1997, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Image courtesy of the artist.

Image 54 Mo Yi 莫毅 (b. 1958), Public notice for Photographs in a Hutong (Hutong li de zhaopian 胡同⾥的照⽚), 1997, photographs and text. People’s Republic of China. Source: Image courtesy of the artist.

Image 55 Mo Yi 莫毅 (b. 1958), Public viewing the notices and photographs for the series Photographs in a Hutong (Hutong li de zhaopian 胡同⾥的照⽚), 1997, photographs and text. People’s Republic of China. Source: Image courtesy of the artist.

Dissertation Chapter 4 Images

Image 1 Bao Kun 鲍昆 (b. 1953), Reading (Dushu 读书) No. 1, 1988, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Image courtesy of the artist.

Image 2 Bao Kun 鲍昆 (b. 1953), Reading (Dushu 读书) No. 2, 1988, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Image courtesy of the artist.

Image 3 Designer unknown, Front Cover of the photo publication Photography (Sheying 摄影), featuring a photograph by Zhang Haier 张海⼉ (b. 1957), 1988, publication. People’s Republic of China. Source: sheying 摄影 (Photography) Vol. 1 (August 1988), front cover.

Image 4 Cheng Shouqi 程綬琦 (fl. ca. 1988), Back Windows (hou chuang 後窗), date unknown, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: sheying 攝影 (Photography) Vol. 1 (1988), 14.

xxi Image 5 Yu Haibo 余海波 (b. 1962), My World (wo de shijie 我的世界), date unknown, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: sheying 摄影 (Photography) Vol. 1 (August 1988), 24.

Image 6 Jeff Widener (b. 1956), Jeff Widener, Tank Man, taken from the Beijing Hotel on Chang’an Street, Beijing, 5 June 1989, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: http:// jeffwidener.com/stories/2016/09/tankman/

Image 7 Li Xiaobin 李晓斌 (b. 1955), The Lifeline of Tiananmen Square at Night, 1989 (89 Tiananmen guangchang zhi ye shengmingxian 89天安门⼴场之夜⽣命线), June 1989, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Image courtesy of the artist.

Image 8 Li Xiaobin 李晓斌 (b. 1955), The First Giant Advertisement for Japanese Products, South Entrance of Wangfujing Main Street, 1985 (1985 nian, Beijing Wangfujing dajie nankou, di yi kuai juxing Riben shangpin guanggao 1985年，北京王府井南⼜，第⼀块巨型⽇本商品⼴告), 1985, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Image courtesy of the artist.

Image 9 Li Xiaobin 李晓斌 (b. 1955), Nanjing Road No. 9, from the series Economic Development and Urban Construction in Shanghai in 1999; People’s Lives in the Midst of Fundamental Change (1999 nian Shanghai shi chengshi jianshe jingji fazhan; renmin shenghuo zai fasheng genbenxing de bianhua zhong 1999年上海市城市建设经济发展⼈民⽣活在发⽣根本性的变化中), 1999, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Image courtesy of the artist.

Image 10 Qiu Xiaoming 邱晓明 (fl. ca. late 1980s and early 1990s), Hope (xiwang 希望), 1989, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Zhongguo sheying jia (Chinese Photographers) Vol 3 (1991), 53.

Image 11 Li Zhensheng 李振盛 (b. 1940), During Denunciations at an afternoon rally in Red Guard Square, Wang Yilun, provincial party secretary, is accused of being a ‘black gang element’, Harbin, Heilongjiang province, 29 August 1966, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Li Zhensheng. Red-Color News Soldier. New York: Phaidon, 2003.

Image 12 Hou Dengke 侯登科 (1950-2003), Cover of the publication Wheat Hands (Maike 卖客), 2000, publication. People’s Republic of China. Image title: Wheat Hands, Migrants on the Loess Plateau (mai ke - hangout gaoyuan shang de hou niao 麦客 - 黄⼟⾼原上的侯鸟), undated,

xxii photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Hou Dengke 侯登科. Maike 麦客 (Wheat Hands). Hangzhou 杭州: Zhejiang sheying chubanshe 浙江摄影出版社, 2000, front cover.

Image 13 Hou Dengke 侯登科 (1950-2003), On the Passenger Train from Xi’an to Tianshui (Xi’an zhi Tianshui jian de youke lieche shang 西安⾄天⽔间的游客列车上), 1993, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Hou Dengke 侯登科. Maike 麦客 (Wheat Hands). Hangzhou 杭州: Zhejiang sheying chubanshe 浙江摄影出版社, 2000, unpaginated.

Image 14 Hou Dengke 侯登科 (1950-2003), Carrying Firewood in Wushan County, Gansu Province (bei chai, Gansu Wushan xian 背柴，⽢肃武⼭县), 1989, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Hou Dengke 侯登科. Maike 麦客 (Wheat Hands). Hangzhou 杭州: Zhejiang sheying chubanshe 浙江摄影出版社, 2000, unpaginated.

Image 15 Wang Wenlan 王⽂澜 (b. 1953), I am changing always, says the bicycle (zixingche zishu: wo shi yi tiao bianselong ⾃⾏车⾃述：我是⼀条变⾊龙; literal translation: “I am a chameleon, says the bicycle”), photographed in Beijing, 2000, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Wang Wenlan 王⽂澜. Zixingche de rizi ⾃⾏车的⽇⼦ (Life With Bicycles). Beijing 北京: Zhongguo wenlian chubanshe 中国⽂联出版社, 2004, unpaginated.

Image 16 Designer unknown, Table of contents for the Black Cover Book (Hei pi shu ⿊⽪书), 1994, publication. People’s Republic of China. Source: Zeng Xiaojun 曾⼩俊, Ai Weiwei 艾未未 & Xu Bing 徐冰. Hei pi shu ⿊⽪书 (Black Cover Book). Hong Kong: Hong Kong dadi chuban yinshua gongsi ⾹港⼤地出版印刷公司, 1994, 4-5.

Image 17 Designer unknown, Photographs by Man Ray in the Black Cover Book (Hei pi shu ⿊⽪书), 1994, publication. People’s Republic of China. Images: 1) Man Ray (1890-1976), Rrose Sélavy (Marcel Duchamp), rendered in Chinese here as Duchamp in Drag (Banzhuang de duxiang 扮装的杜⾹), photograph. French Republic; 2) Man Ray (1890-1976), Marcel Duchamp’s Bicycle Wheel, rendered in Chinese as Masaier・Duxiang, zixingche lun ⾺賽爾・杜⾹《⾃⾏⾞輪》, 1913, photograph. French Republic. Source: Zeng Xiaojun 曾⼩俊, Ai Weiwei 艾未未 & Xu Bing 徐冰. Hei pi shu ⿊⽪书 (Black Cover Book). Hong Kong: Hong Kong dadi chuban yinshua gongsi ⾹港⼤地出版印刷公司, 1994, 133.

Image 18

xxiii Xing Danwen 邢丹⽂ (b. 1967), Ma Liuming “Naked Face” No. 1 (Ma Liuming “luo lian” zhi yi ⾺六明《裸臉》之⼀) & Ma Liuming “fen, Ma Liuming” No. 3 (Ma Liuming “fen, Ma Liuming” zhi san ⾺六明《芬，⾺六明》之三), 1993, photographs. People’s Republic of China. Source: Zeng Xiaojun 曾⼩俊, Ai Weiwei 艾未未 & Xu Bing 徐冰. Hei pi shu ⿊⽪书 (Black Cover Book). Hong Kong Hong Kong: Hong Kong dadi chuban yinshua gongsi ⾹港⼤地出版印刷公司, 1994, 34.

Image 19 Huang Yan 黄岩 (b. 1966), Collection Series, Demolition of Buildings (shoucang xilie・chaiqian jianzhu 收藏系列・拆遷建築), 1993-1994, photographs. People’s Republic of China. Source: Zeng Xiaojun 曾⼩俊, Ai Weiwei 艾未未 & Xu Bing 徐冰. Hei pi shu ⿊⽪书 (Black Cover Book). Hong Kong Hong Kong: Hong Kong dadi chuban yinshua gongsi ⾹港⼤地出版印刷公司, 1994, 100.

Image 20 Rong Rong 荣荣 (b. 1968), Untitled self-portrait, mid 1990s, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Rong Rong & inri 荣荣和映⾥. Liulitun 六⾥屯 (Liulitun). Beijing 北京: Three Shadows Photography Art Centre 三影堂摄影艺术中⼼, 2006, unpaginated.

Image 21 Rong Rong 荣荣 (b. 1968), Untitled portraits, including of the influential critic Li Xianting (at right), mid 1990s, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Rong Rong & inri 荣荣和映⾥. Liulitun 六⾥屯 (Liulitun). Beijing 北京: Three Shadows Photography Art Centre 三影堂摄影艺术中⼼, 2006, unpaginated.

Image 22 Rong Rong 荣荣 (b. 1968), Untitled, mid 1990s, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Rong Rong & inri 荣荣和映⾥. Liulitun 六⾥屯 (Liulitun). Beijing 北京: Three Shadows Photography Art Centre 三影堂摄影艺术中⼼, 2006, unpaginated.

Image 23 Rong Rong 荣荣 (b. 1968), Untitled image of a cat on a doorstep, and of Liu Zheng hand- binding copies of New Photo (xin sheying 新摄影), 1996, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Rong Rong & inri 荣荣和映⾥. Liulitun 六⾥屯 (Liulitun). Beijing 北京: Three Shadows Photography Art Centre 三影堂摄影艺术中⼼, 2006, unpaginated.

Image 24 Rong Rong 荣荣 (b. 1968), Untitled image of Liu Zheng 刘铮 working on the publication New Photo in Rong Rong’s home in Liulitun 六⾥屯, Beijing., 1996, photograph. People’s Republic

xxiv of China. Source: Rong Rong & inri 荣荣和映⾥. Liulitun 六⾥屯 (Liulitun). Beijing 北京: Three Shadows Photography Art Centre 三影堂摄影艺术中⼼, 2006, unpaginated.

Image 25 Yu Haibo 余海波 (b. 1962), Regression (Huigui 回归), The Void (Tianwen 天问), and Dialogue (Duihua 对话), date unknown, photographs. People’s Republic of China. Source: Zhongguo sheying 中国摄影 (Chinese Photography) Vol. 1 (1989), 33.

Image 26 Liu Zheng 刘铮 (b. 1969), Convicts Fetching Water, Baoding, Hebei Province (dashui de qiufan 打⽔的囚犯), from the series The Chinese (guoren 国⼈), 1995, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Featured on the front cover of New Photo (xin sheying 新摄影) No. 1, 1996. Source: Wu Hung 巫鸿 & Zhang Li 张黎 (Eds.). Xin sheying: 10 nian 新摄影：10年 (New Photo: 10 Years). Beijing 北京: san ying tang chuban youxian gongsi 三影堂出版有限公司, 2007.

Image 27 Mo Yi 莫毅 (b. 1958), Front and Back, That Day, Remembering June 4th (zhengmian he beimian・nage rizi, jinian 6.4 正⾯和背⾯・那个⽇⼦，纪念6.4), 1997, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Image courtesy of the artist.

Image 28 Jin Yongquan 晋永权 (b. 1968), untitled, undated, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: “New Photo No. 1” in Wu Hung 巫鸿 & Zhang Li 张黎 (Eds.). Xin sheying: 10 nian 新摄影：10年 (New Photo: 10 Years). Beijing 北京: san ying tang chuban youxian gongsi 三影堂出版有限公司, 2007, 16.

Image 29 Jin Yongquan 晋永权 (b. 1968), untitled, undated, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: “New Photo No. 1” in Wu Hung 巫鸿 & Zhang Li 张黎 (Eds.). Xin sheying: 10 nian 新摄影：10年 (New Photo: 10 Years). Beijing 北京: san ying tang chuban youxian gongsi 三影堂出版有限公司, 2007, 24.

Image 30 Wang Xu 王旭 (fl. ca. 1996), untitled, undated, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: “New Photo No. 1” in Wu Hung 巫鸿 & Zhang Li 张黎 (Eds.). Xin sheying: 10 nian 新摄影： 10年 (New Photo: 10 Years). Beijing 北京: san ying tang chuban youxian gongsi 三影堂出版有限公司, 2007, 38.

Image 31

xxv Wang Xu 王旭 (fl. ca. 1996), untitled, undated, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: “New Photo No. 1” in Wu Hung 巫鸿 & Zhang Li 张黎 (Eds.). Xin sheying: 10 nian 新摄影： 10年 (New Photo: 10 Years). Beijing 北京: san ying tang chuban youxian gongsi 三影堂出版有限公司, 2007, 39.

Image 32 Gao Dapeng ⾼⼤鹏 (fl. ca. late 1980s), Explore (Tansuo 探索), 1990, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Zhongguo sheyingjia 中國攝影家 (Chinese Photographers) Vol. 1 (1990). 22-23.

Image 33 Gao Dapeng ⾼⼤鹏 (fl. ca. late 1980s), Work of Art 4 (Zuopin 4 作品4), undated, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Yang Shaoming 杨绍明 & Wang Miao 王苗 (Eds.). The China Modern Photo Salon 1988 (Zhongguo xiandai sheying shalong 88 zhan 中国现代摄影沙龙88展). Hong Kong ⾹港: Zhongguo sheying chubanshe 中国摄影出版社, 1988, 121.

Image 34 Gao Dapeng ⾼⼤鹏 (fl. ca. late 1980s), Self-Portrait (zixiang ⾃像), 1990, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Zhongguo sheyingjia 中國攝影家 (Chinese Photographers) Vol. 1 (1990), 58.

Image 35 Wang Qingsong 王庆松 (b. 1966), Last Supper (zuo hou de wancan 最后的晚餐), 1997, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: http://www.wangqingsong.com/index.php? option=com_content&view=article&id=45&Itemid=11

Image 36 Yang Zhenzhong 杨振中 (b. 1968), Christmas Present (shengdan liwu 圣诞礼物), 25 December 1994, photographs. People’s Republic of China. Source: http://www.yangzhenzhong.com/? p=174&lang=en

Image 37 Miao Xiaochun 缪晓春 (b. 1964), Arrival (daoda 到达), 1999, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: http://www.miaoxiaochun.com/times.asp?syear=1999&language=en

Image 38 An Hong 安宏 (b. 1965), China Doesn’t Need AIDS, China Needs Love (Zhongguo buxu aizi, Zhongguo xuyao ai 中国不需要艾滋，中国需要爱), 1997, photograph (original image in colour ). People’s Republic of China. Source: Daozi 岛⼦. “xin yingxiang: jiuling niandai dalu yishu sheying de guannianhua xian zheng 新影像：九〇年代⼤陸藝術攝影的觀念化顯

xxvi 徵” (“New Image: The Appearance of Conceptual Art Photography in 1990s China”) in yishujia 藝術家 (Artists) No. 275 (April 1998), 282.

Image 39 Yang Maoyuan 杨茂源 (b. 1966), The Sea (Hai 海), 1993, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: Daozi 岛⼦. “xin yingxiang: jiuling niandai dalu yishu sheying de guannianhua xian zheng 新影像：九〇年代⼤陸藝術攝影的觀念化顯徵” (“New Image: The Appearance of Conceptual Art Photography in 1990s China”) in yishujia 藝術家 (Artists) No. 275 (April 1998). 279.

Epilogue Images

Image 1 Wang Ningde 王宁德 (b. 1972), Walking Toward a Darker Place (Zouxiang geng hun’an de difang ⾛向更昏暗的地⽅) No. 1, 1996-1999, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: http:// wangningde.com/works/walking-toward-a-darker-place

Image 2 Wang Ningde 王宁德 (b. 1972), Walking Toward a Darker Place (Zouxiang geng hun’an de difang ⾛向更昏暗的地⽅) No. 2, 1996-1999, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: http:// wangningde.com/works/walking-toward-a-darker-place

Image 3 Wang Ningde 王宁德 (b. 1972), Walking Toward a Darker Place (Zouxiang geng hun’an de difang ⾛向更昏暗的地⽅) No. 7, 1996-1999, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: http:// wangningde.com/works/walking-toward-a-darker-place

Image 4 Wang Ningde (b. 1972), Dancing in the Outskirts of a Small Town, 1995-1999 (zai xiao zhen shang wudao 在⼩镇上舞蹈), 1995-1999, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: http://wangningde.com/work/879

Image 5 Wang Ningde 王宁德 (b. 1972), Some Days (Mou yi tian 某⼀天) No. 7, 1999-2009, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: http://wangningde.com/work/707

Image 6 Wang Ningde 王宁德 (b. 1972), Form of Light / Colour Filter for a Utopian Sky No. 3 (youxing zhi guang / lixiang tiankong lü se jing 有形之光 / 理想天空滤⾊镜 No. 3)2013, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: http://wangningde.com/work/658

xxvii Image 7 Wang Ningde 王宁德 (b. 1972), No Name No. 25 (wu ming ⽆名 No. 25), 2015, photograph. People’s Republic of China. Source: http://wangningde.com/work/1558

xxviii List of Appendices

Appendix 1: Interviews

xxix Introduction - Towards a History of Contemporary Chinese Photography

Chinese history. Debates surrounding the limits of representation and intellectual liberalisation, beginning in the late 1970s, shed unique insight into the politicized nature of visuality in an environment heavily constrained by state policy and Marxist theory. While most scholarly appraisals of the period highlight the flourishing of an independent cultural ethos,1 grounded in a reconnection with enlightenment ideals2 and unhindered by politics, many of the published debates, specifically concerning documentary realist photography and the representation of social liberalisation, are foregrounded by a desire to promote predetermined conceptions of national progress. Yet despite the overtly proleptic3 nature of much of the photography from the period, artists and intellectuals were in the process of crafting spaces of autonomy outside of state institutions and publications, and produced an array of images which endeavoured to rethink the role of social documentary and realist photography as a means of social critique.4 In

1 See Bao Kun (2009; 38-44), Gao Minglu (2003; 250-251) & (2008), Sheldon H. Lu (2007), Lü Peng & Yi Dan (1992), Smith (2006; 16-21), and Fibicher & Freher (2005). See also Luo Xiaoyun (2014; 16-20). Wu Hung has briefly discussed the role of Marxist cultural policies in guiding the development of art from the late 1970s to 1990s (1999; 12). Jane DeBevoise also notes the debates surrounding culture and art of the early 1980s, particularly regarding the return of realism in painting. See Debevoise (2014; 51-55).

2 See Xu Jilin (1998; 4-13), Wang Hui (1989 A & B), and Gao Minglu (2008). See also Wang Ban (2007; 217-238).

3 I use the term proleptic here to refer to the attempt among photographers, photo critics, academics, and state policymakers to present positive images of national progress as a means of promoting the development of the nation state, furthering social change, and ushering in the liberalisation of society. In this context, I will subsequently illustrate how positive imagery, rather than negative or more critically oriented imagery, typified much of the published work from the late 1970s until the late 1980s.

4 For an historical overview of the evolution of social documentary photography, particularly in America, and an appraisal of the social function of photographic representation, see Stange (1989).

1 tracing the historical context for the development of conceptual photography in China, I argue that it emerged in the late 1980s primarily as a critique of documentary humanist photography, which had failed to make inroads into the broader arts movements then ascendent. As a contribution to scholarly appraisals of the cultural politics of contemporary China, this dissertation aims to shed insight into the fraught and often contested politics of visuality which has characterized the evolution of photographic representation in the post-Mao period.

This project will examine these issues through a close engagement with the circulation of ideas and theories about photography, and their perceived limitations. Photographers and critics of the late 1970s and 1980s were profoundly concerned with the future of the nation, and their work and criticism sought the return of diverse visual strategies for representing national progress and social change. Whether working within documentary realism or taking a conceptual approach to the representation of an array of pressing social challenges, a great many photographers focussed their efforts on dissecting the myriad issues facing society during the reform period. By the late 1980s, this singular focus on the nation state began to change, as photographers explored novel ways of framing quotidian experience, and began to directly challenge the medium itself, primarily through the move to conceptually oriented experimental photography.

Historical change often develops at the margins, and hidden from view, yet its representation is often an aftereffect, both as document and definitive statement. In order to examine the history of photographic representation, I contend that a thorough accounting of the politics of representation must form the basis for the analysis of cultural and historical change in

2 contemporary China. Yet the representation of historical change should never simply be seen as purely documentary in nature, as historical representation is always mediated by political and cultural desires, about past, present, and future, which unwittingly shapes and informs one’s judgment of historical progress. More than mere mimesis, photographic representation frames an idea in visual form, while the representation of changing social and cultural mores is intrinsically embedded in textual analysis, or what is nominally termed photo theory and criticism, despite often not being intrinsically theoretical or even critical. Representations of revolutionary change during the Maoist period, or accounts of the heroic deeds of the Party and its modernising efforts

(as was the mantra for news reportage from the 1950s to the 1970s), sought to document great moments in the development of Chinese society, all the while eschewing and indeed suppressing any purportedly counterfactual documentary representations or visual critiques.5 For such was the realism of the Party – a realism on the one hand grounded in a genuine and profound desire to effect positive change, and transform the consciousness of the citizenry,6 while on the other hand shaping its public display by subsuming realist work under the vicissitudes of progress, development, and socialist modernity.7

5 Andrews & Shen (2012; 182-199), Andrews (1994; ), Silbergeld & Gong (1993). For a discussion of apolitical art during the Cultural Revolution, see Wang Aihe (2014; 27-36). On modernity in Chinese art, see Vinograd (2001; 163-181).

6 As will be discussed in chapter 1, this does not implicitly infer that there exists a socialist mass consciousness, or a lack of individuality among the citizenry. On the contrary, such a politics of representation proceeds from the mundane divisions inherent in society, and endeavours to explore the typologies of national difference, while also attempting to promote national unity.

7 This is indicative of the argument put forward by Peter Osborne, who has argued that “at the level of social experience, modernity is a form of forgetting, or, at least, the repression of history into the cultural unconscious.” See Osborne (1995; 137). In seeking to elevate and canonise the seemingly mundane, as so many photographers and critics of the post-Mao era did, those who drove the representation of historical change often attempted to project their status and privilege as somehow more positive and progressive than those recently displaced, even while utilising similar visual and discursive strategies.

3 The distinction between representation and reality is often difficult to distinguish, or is blurred altogether, and adequately framing this distinction can be onerous, particularly without detailed knowledge of the conditions within which such representations were historically produced. In analysing the topology of such an approach, particularly in the wake of Danto’s analyses of the avant-garde, the historian F.R. Ankersmit has argued that “precisely because there is no longer any difference between representation and what is represented, the question of what makes a representation a representation now becomes extremely urgent.”8 This dissertation is therefore not so much a history of photography in contemporary China as it is a history of the problem of representation - of what can be represented, where, by whom, and under what circumstances. Through a close reading of images and texts in both official and unofficial publications, an examination of seminal exhibitions, and interviews with key artists, critics, and academics, I seek to uncover how the representation of cultural and social change was articulated, how limits on what could be represented were set, and how these boundaries were transgressed by both photographers and critics. This project stems from a variety of interrelated, though at times seemingly disconnected, questions. Can there be an historical logic to the development of contemporary photography in China? If such a logic exists, what does it look like and can it be mapped? Is there a starting point, a temporal juncture, to which the term

‘contemporary photography in China’ can be applied?9 What are the role of images in documenting and dissecting social, political, and cultural change? This weaving of intellectual

8 See Ankersmit (1994; 154). As John Tagg has argued, photographic representation has the capacity to “hold in place certain discursive conditions.” See Tagg (2009, xxviii), while Steve Edwards has argued that photography is intrinsically an “allotropic mode of representation.” See Edwards (1996; 38).

9 While the term ‘contemporary Chinese photography’ (Zhongguo dangdai sheying 中国当代摄影) poses certain problems, as it primarily considers individuals from China producing images about China, this is far from the case. Nonetheless, I will generally use the phrase ‘contemporary photography in China’.

4 history and the history of photography in China poses several scholarly dilemmas, the most notable of which concerns the issue of reception. For whom was this dissertation written?

Historians of photography and the arts in China, or scholars of China who engage in the history of ideas? The answer of course is both, though the very question belies a binary which is perhaps not so clear cut, nor even academically efficacious.

Though considerable attention has been given to contemporary Chinese cultural and art history, there has been surprisingly little scholarly research on correlations between the intellectual history of the post-Mao period and its visual representation. While this dissertation is concerned with furthering these initial scholarly explorations, and examines the relationship between the documentary photographic realism of the late 1970s and 1980s, and the conceptual photography of the late 1980s and 1990s, the intertwined problems of intellectual and cultural pluralisation in post-Mao China form the background of much of my research. Specifically, this project traces debates surrounding intellectual liberalisation in the work of Chinese academics and critics, while also drawing parallels with the concerns of the photo critics and photographers whose work sought to document these changes. Through an examination of the "reading fever” (dushu re 读书热) of the 1980s and its impact on photographic practice, particularly as regards theories of photography and their dissemination in art and photography journals, this dissertation also explores many of the multiple translation projects initiated during the 1980s and

1990s, and contributes to an understanding of the relationship between visual representation and intellectual politics.10

10 See Zhang Xudong (1997, 2001 & 2008), and Wang Chaohua (2003).

5 There is a dearth of research into the history of photography in China over the past 30 years, and the rather substantive body of literature surrounding it, in the form of essays, conference proceedings, manifestos, curatorial practice, and self-published or unpublished work by photographers. Three key publications stand out, for both their historical breadth and the depth of insight provided. The first, Between Past and Future: New Photography and Video from

China, published in tandem with an exhibition curated by Christopher Phillips and Wu Hung

(2004), set the stage for future research, particularly as regards the introductory essay by Wu

Hung, which adeptly traced the history of photography in China since 1976, and provided the initial inspiration for this dissertation. In what was the first authoritative English language analysis of contemporary photography in China, Wu traced the evolution of the medium, with a specific focus on the journals of the 1980s and 1990s, though did not examine their contents in depth, which is perhaps only natural given the nature of exhibition catalogues.11 Wu outlined the development of the photographic new wave (sheying xinchao 摄影新潮), experimental photography (shiyan sheying 实验摄影), and the emergence of prominent photo groups such as the April Photo Society (si yue yinghui 四⽉影会) and the Rupture Group (liebian qunti 裂变群

体),12 while his essay on the ‘Old Photo Craze’ (lao zhaopian re ⽼照⽚热)13 documented the

11 Journals featured include those which were instrumental in creating a space for the publication of fine art photography and art critical reflections upon them: Modern Photography (xiandai sheying), Chinese Photographers (Zhongguo sheyingjia), Photography (sheying), etc.

12 Wu (2008; 96-97). For more, see my dissertation prospectus, as it contains virtually everything analysed in this essay, which admittedly forms the basis of my curiosity for embarking on further research.

13 Originally given as a lecture at the From Print to Photography symposium at the Center for the Art of East Asia, University of Chicago, May 2004.

6 rise of photobooks devoted to images of China during the late Qing and Republican period.14

Significantly, particularly for an analysis of the role of historical memory in mediating contemporary experience, Wu concluded his discussion by linking the desire to consume old photographs of China to a desire to ‘return to the real’ in the 1980s and 1990s.

The second influential text which examined the history of photography in China was published by Claire Roberts in 2012, entitled Photography and China. While the book covers the entire history of the medium in China, the section beginning with the chapter “Reportage and

New Wave” examines many of the same photographers and photo groups explored in this dissertation. Roberts provides a detailed account of the emergence of the April Photo Society from the tumult of the April Fifth Movement, and goes on to trace the emergent photographic new wave of the 1980s.15 The third, Wu Hung’s most recent book, Zooming In: Histories of

Photography in China (2016), takes a macro level view of the history of the medium in China, dating back to its earliest appearance in the 1860s. Wu provides an array of new details, and examines either the work of individual photographers or momentous historical events in each chapter.16 Other recent scholarly work on contemporary Chinese photography has situated it within the broader aesthetic concerns of urban change,17 the constrictive role of the state in

14 Many of these texts were published by Jiangsu Fine Arts Publishing or the Shandong Pictorial Press, and intimate how the publishing industry attempted to capitalise upon the nostalgia (huaijiu 怀旧) for pre-revolutionary China (Wu Hung 2008, 121) in the postsocialist era. Wu tied the old photo craze to the trend among contemporary artists to produce symbolic historical documents and works of performance art, such as the work of Rong Rong, Wang Youshen, and Hai Bo.

15 Roberts (2012; 121-149). A recent doctoral dissertation by Li Shi, entitled Full Circle in the Square: Photography Practices in the People’s Republic of China, 1976-1989, explores the development of official and unofficial photography in China from 1976-1989, which when published will make a significant contribution to scholarly appraisals of many April Photo Society members. See Li Shi (2015).

16 The approach taken to the analysis of Mo Yi’s work, and the historical context from which it emerged, is markedly different in this dissertation. See chapter 3.

17 See Visser (2004, Wu Hung (2000), and Lin Xiaoping (2010).

7 structuring the arts,18 the representation of labour and the body,19 performance photography,20 and the burden of history and historical memory,21 though there are no scholarly works to date which analyse the historical roots of the emergence of a critical photographic practice in China in the post-Mao period.22

Chinese language scholarship surrounding the evolution of modern and contemporary photography in China is equally varied, with numerous competing approaches to the medium.

While Chinese language histories and critical appraisals of contemporary photography in China are discussed throughout the dissertation, and are seen as historical documents in and of themselves, they are particularly insightful in illuminating the evolution among academics in writing about photography in China. Bao Kun’s 鲍昆 magisterial 2006 publication

Photographing China: 50 Years of Chinese Photography (Sheying Zhongguo: Zhongguo sheying

50 nian 摄影中国：中国摄影50年),23 totalling over one thousand pages, examines the history of the medium in China from the founding of the People’s Republic of China in 1949 until the

18 See DeBevoise (2014).

19 See Schaefer (2010), who takes a conceptual overview of the work of Zhang Xinmin 张新民 (b. 1952), by examining “the cultural politics of blankness" in relation to the anonymous labouring body.

20 See Wallace (2009).

21 See Wu Hung & Phillips (2004), and Jiang (2007 & 2008). Yang Xiaobin has written about the "spectre of red memory” (hongse jiyi youling 红⾊记忆幽灵), and the pervasive influence of China’s communist past on contemporary culture and art. See Yang Xiaobin (2008).

22 Other notable English language texts that trace the history of photography in China (and East Asia more broadly) include Rosalind C. Morris’ edited volume Photographies East (2009), Cody & Terpak’s Brush and Shutter: Early Photography in China (2011), Terry Bennett’s three part series, The History of Photography in China (2009; 2010; 2013), an edited volume examining the role of photography and film in crafting narratives about modern China by Henriot & Yeh (2013), which questions the role of imagery within historical scholarship, the work of Roberta Wue (1997 & 2005), or compendiums of the photographs of Felice Beato (2000; 2010), Cecil Beaton (1945), John Thompson (2009), and others.

23 See Bao Kun (2006).

8 end of the century.24 A chronological history, the publication covers the major monuments of modern Chinese photography, from the official reportage photography of the immediate post-war period, which the author refers to as “heroic times” (yingxiong shidai 英雄时代), through to the

April Fifth Movement, and towards the contemporary photography that defined the 1990s. Chen

Shen 陈申 & Xu Xijing 徐希景’s edited volume, A History of Chinese Art Photography

(Zhongguo sheying yishu shi 中国摄影艺术史), is a detailed scholarly overview of the history of photography in China from its earliest inception until the 1980s, and examines the connection between photographic practice and the broader cultural and intellectual movements that helped define the genre.25 The noted critic Gu Zheng’s book, Photography, Society, Space (Sheying, shehui, kongjian 摄影，社会，空间), takes an explicitly theoretical and interdisciplinary approach to the study of photography in China, with a particular focus on historical evolution of in realist photography.26

The history of photography in China evolved in a variety of contexts, though discussions about its import in key national institutions, associations, and publications are where one must look to fully grasp its historical evolution, both within and beyond such institutional spaces.27

The distinction between official and unofficial cultural work is a nebulous and often politically

24 The publication was in commemoration of a gathering of the Association of Chinese Photographers, to mark its 50th anniversary. Dozens of photographers, critics, and academics contributed to the volume as assistant editors.

25 See Chen Shen & Xu Xijing (2011). An earlier text by Chen Shen & Ma Yunzheng (1990) took a similar, though less explicitly scholarly approach to the history of the medium in China.

26 See Gu Zheng (2010). Other prominent studies of the history of the medium in China include Gong Yuan (2008), Hu Zhichuan (1987 & 1993), Su Zhigang (2009), and Zhang Xiaoqiang (1994).

27 For a detailed appraisal of the historical role of photographic institutions, and the often-political nature of photo criticism, see Solomon-Godeau (1991).

9 charged one, and it would be historically inaccurate and also somewhat specious to claim that artists, writers, and cultural critics were either arbiters of state policy, or heroic figures standing up to the injustices perpetrated by an authoritarian government.28 The history of contemporary culture in China is far more complex and nebulous, and defies any singular reading. Tracing the evolution of independent photography in China is therefore challenging, as inevitably those classified as part of the official publishing system, and thus not specifically independently oriented, nonetheless were not beholden to representing official state viewpoints in their work.

While some scholars in China have contended that with the rise of a globalised contemporary art world, the role of art within society has been diminished,29 others have debated the historical nature of cultural work, and the "national conditions” (guoqing 国情) in which images are produced.30

China was neither closed to foreign influence throughout the Maoist period, nor only allowed for the exhibition and dissemination of work from allied or other communist countries.

Foreign photographers exhibited a wide array of work in China throughout the 1950s, and the

28 Many scholars have critiqued this perception historically, particularly as regards the role of avant-garde art. This is the position taken by Kraus (2004).

29 In After the End of Art, (Yishu zhongjie zhi hou 艺术终结之后), Liu Yuedi 刘悦笛 (b. 1974) argues that artists in China should not “slavishly imitate” (yibuyiqu 亦步亦趋) international artistic and cultural developments, but should rather seek novel ways of framing historical experience. See Liu Yuedi (2006; 2). In framing his appraisal of culture in China around the work of Li Zehou 李泽厚 (b. 1930), Liu developed his analysis in relation to the seminal text by Arthur Danto After the End of Art: Contemporary Art and the Pale of History, which was originally delivered as a Mellon Lecture in 1995. See Danto (2014).

30 For scholars such as Huang Lizhi 黄⼒之 (b. 1950), whose analysis centred on the 1980s and 1990s in China, including the rise of realism within the cultural discourse during the 1980s, this has included a "period of reflection" (fansi shiqi 反思时期) from 1989-1991, globalisastion and the rise of postmodern discourse during the 1990s, and the relationship between culture and "socialism with Chinese characteristics" (Zhongguo tese shehui zhuyi 中国特⾊社会主义). See Huang (2001).

10 work that was promoted was not solely confined to socialist realism.31 The early 1970s saw the publication of many journals and books produced by sent down youth, with perhaps the most prominent and romanticised series being Young Intellectuals in the Great Northern Wilderness

(Zhishi qingnian zai Beidahuang 知识青年在北⼤荒) (1973), which was purportedly produced by amateur photographers belonging to a variety of work units in Heilongjiang province.32 The photographs of Tang Desheng 汤德胜 (b. 1948), taken during the 1960s and 1970s, and subsequently published in 2012 in his book Educated Youth: The Weight of Images Passing

Through Time (Zhiqing: chuanyue shijian de zhongliang 知青：穿越时间的重量), evokes similar representations of rural labour, as he was also assigned to a photograph work units, though there are often rather poetic depictions of the quotidian interspersed throughout, which illuminate the banal and often unrelenting nature of rural rustication. Many of the images run contrary to the socialist realist aesthetic promoted during the Maoist era, and, withheld from publication at the time, their publication has only recently been possible.

With the official end of the Cultural Revolution in 1976, restrictions previously placed upon intellectuals were lifted, universities were reopened, and many sought new avenues of creative expression outside the disciplinary frame of state power. The discursive space of the late

1970s and early 1980s was typified by a profound desire for intellectual emancipation, yet such

31 A solo exhibition of the work of Japanese photographer Yoshio Watanabe 渡边义雄 / 渡辺義雄 (1907-2000) was held at the Beijing Exhibition Hall (Beijing zhan 北京展) in November 1957. Described as the foremost Japanese photographer working in the realist school (xianshizhuyi pai 现实主义派) of photography, the exhibition included images from his travels throughout Europe and Asia, with work from China, the Soviet Union, Mongolia, Viet Nam, and India. The exhibition later travelled to Shanghai, Guangzhou, and other cities. See Bu Zi (1957; 52).

32 As cameras were not readily available throughout the country at the time, and the images are more propagandistic than they are documentary, while also being expertly composed, it is likely that they were produced by professional photographers imbedded with the work units for the specific purposes of promoting rural rustication. This publication is discussed further in chapter 1.

11 desires were still so often publicly couched in the language of the past, in which clarion calls for the importance of a free and open society were intrinsically tied to the discursive space of

Marxist-Leninist and Maoist thought, and not vitiated of overtly politicised conceptions of intellectual engagement.33 While most scholarly appraisals of the period highlight the flourishing of an independent cultural ethos, grounded in a reconnection with the enlightenment ideals of the

May Fourth era34 and unhindered by the divisive factional politics of the Cultural Revolution, many of the published debates, specifically concerning documentary realist photography, are foregrounded by a desire to promote predetermined conceptions of national progress.

The crisis of modernisation and liberalisation occupied many of the official and unofficial publications of the immediate post-Mao period,35 though the ideals of the newly emergent ruling class would shape and determine the tone of many of these debates. A close reading of the correlation between the political priorities of institutional power structures, including photography associations, educational institutions, photo groups, and official publications, as well as the changing nature of photographic representation, highlights precisely why the modernising efforts of the state promoted within the official press began to stifle creativity by the mid 1980s. With the fragmentation of dominant conceptualisations of the role of photography within society, photographers began producing conceptually oriented work which was often

33 Writing in Dushu in 1981, the noted author and essayist Liao Mosha 廖沬沙 (1907-1990) wrote that “those who do not read cannot become human” (ren bu du shu, bu neng cheng ren ⼈不读书，不能成⼈). For Liao, reading was couched in terms of its benefit not only for the individual, but for a progressive - and still decidedly Marxist - vision for the nation. See Liao (1981). As many intellectuals and scholars suffered during the Cultural Revolution, Liao’s clarion call for a reengagement with the world of ideas was indicative of the general publishing climate of the times, though broad changes in attitudes towards cultural pluralism progressed rapidly over the following years, and scholars began to adopt a more nuanced and globalised vernacular in exploring contemporary cultural issues.

34 See Fung (2010).

35 See Wu Yiching (2014).

12 disjoined from the prominent trends that shaped the world of photography throughout much of the 1980s, which sheds light on the strategies of resistance to the political hegemony of the state adopted by those working independently. Through images and writings, photographers and critics have endeavoured, to varying degrees of success, to challenge the overtly political and proleptic function of photography at the time, and aimed instead to portray the human condition in a sensitive and critical light. As a challenge to state ideology and its visual representation, this became increasingly evident throughout the late 1980s, as the innately humanist undertones of the documentary photography of the period can be directly tied to the critical historical consciousness which would again emerge in the academic debates of the early 1990s, particularly with the humanist spirit (renwen jingshen ⼈⽂精神) debates.36 The experimental street photography (shiyan jiepai 实验街拍) of Mo Yi 莫毅 (b. 1958) is one such example, and highlights both the failure of the Marxist humanism of the 1980s, and the resurgent pluralisation of culture in the 1990s. While cultural historians have argued that the pluralisation of culture hinged upon a general crisis of consciousness,37 or was firmly rooted in debates surrounding the marketisation of culture,38 intellectual historians have stressed the nationalist undertones of much of this rhetoric.39

In tracing the emergence of contemporary photography in China, no single genealogy could possibly be said to exist. As Wu Hung has argued, contemporary art in China did not

36 On the shift towards realist and humanist documentary photography in China from 1976 until the late 1980s, see Li Shi (2018).

37 See Dai Jinhua (2012).

38 See McGrath (2008).

39 See Davies (2001 & 2007).

13 develop out of a simple modern-postmodern lineage, or singular linear narrative topology, but rather “emphasizes heterogeneity and multiplicity in art production” where the artist is

“simultaneously constructing his or her local identity and serving a global audience.”40 He further argued that the terms ‘contemporary art’ and the ‘avant-garde’ are linked, and that the two are discursive equivalents in China, as artists endeavoured to “challenge established art institutions, systems, and forms.”41 Furthering this narrative, Francesca Dal Lago has argued that the avant-garde in China is indicative of “contemporary independent Chinese art (as opposed to government-sponsored and -circulated art).”42 While on the one hand this project aims to dialogue with art historical appraisals of contemporary photography in China, its primary focus is not art, or even imagery, but rather the question of representation - articulated as both a discursive and visual problem in contemporary China. The sheer ubiquity of contemporary art presents numerous academic and historical challenges, as its diffusion and incessant tendency towards repetition have earned it the derision of critics, theorists, and historians alike.Yet its diffusion also enables the dispersion of its influence among a much wider and increasingly globalised audience, for whom visual interventions into the space of the quotidian form a welcome respite from the contrived, commercial, or political images that swirl helplessly across numerous media. The problem of contemporaneity in relation to the particular historical

40 Wu Hung (2009; 291).

41 Wu Hung (2009; 296).

42 Dal Lago (1999; 47).

14 conditions of artistic production in China has also been dissected by scholars, including Gao

Minglu ⾼名潞 (b. 1949), Wu Hung, and Paul Gladston.43

Scholars of Chinese photography tend not to enter into dialogue with contemporary photo theory and history, such as the work of Geoffrey Batchen (1999 & 2002), John Tagg (1993 &

2009), or Susan Sontag (1977 & 2003).44 Scholarly works on photography, such as Blake

Stimson’s The Pivot of the World (2006), provide narrative reworkings of the role of photography within broader social movements, particularly in relation to the foundations of national identity.

Such influential research, including John Tagg’s iteration of historical representation and the institutional spaces within which photography operates and circulates, or the often instrumental nature of photographic representation, are absent in discussions of the history of photography in

China. In his seminal collection of essays, The Burden of Representation, John Tagg writes:

43 Paul Gladston provides a critical appraisal of the writings of Wu Hung and Gao Minglu on the issue of contemporaneity with regards to ‘contemporary art’ in post-Mao China, and argues that contemporary Chinese art is reducible to a “localized variant of post-colonialist post-modernism,’ based on an appropriation of ‘Western(ized) modernist and postmodernist art,’ which in and of itself attempts to deconstruct essentialised conceptions of ‘autochthonous Chinese cultural thought’ and identity, so as to destablise ‘colonialist-imperialist relations of dominance.’ (Gladston 2012; 200). This rather heady iteration of contemporary practice hinges upon two competing and ultimately self-negating projections: 1) that contemporaneity is unequivocally equated with the Westernisation of the Chinese art scene in the wake of market reforms; and 2) that autochthonous cultural forms and identity are deployed so as to negate the dominance of this new cultural imperialism. The problem, however, is that this phenomenon is by no means unique to post-Mao China, but has its roots in late-Qing guohua, or perhaps even earlier with the work and influence of foreign artists at the Qing court, such as Giuseppe Castiglione. Gladston further argues that Western modernism, as though it were some homogeneous domineering cultural pathogen, seeks “the historical ascendancy of the West over the East as part of the unfolding project of modernity” (Gladston 2012; 203). This view would perhaps have been relevant for the late 19th and early 20th centuries, however the art of the post-Mao period did not develop in such a manner. Western modernism, and its attendant visual, theoretical, and academic histories, was not so much imposed upon China in the post-Mao period as wholeheartedly sought after. If one were to ask the simple question as to who was doing the imposing, one would be hard pressed to find such brazen acts of cultural imperialism borne out in domestic journals introducing global art into China in the late 1970s and early 1980s as Fine Art (meishu 美术), Overseas Fine Art Materials (guowei meishu ziliao 国外美术资料), or its successor Collection of Translations in the Fine Arts (meishu yicong 美术译丛).

44 Scholars are generally reticent to invoke work produced in markedly different cultural contexts, and in relation to work from other cultural contexts, and thus not directly relevant to how photography was studied and analysed in China. There is certainly merit in this position, and throughout I am careful not to

15 the so-called medium of photography has no meaning outside its historical specifications. What alone unites the diversity of sites in which photography operates is the social formation itself: the specific historical spaces for representation and practice which it constitutes. Photography as such has no identity… Its nature as a practice depends on the institutions and agents which define it and set it to work… Its history has no unity. It is a flickering across a field of institutional spaces. It is this field we must study, not photography as such.45

This dissertation is dedicated to examining the traces left scattered across this seemingly unknowable field.

The first chapter examines the politics of photographic representation in China from 1976 until 1982, and explores the politicisation of documentary realism as a means of promoting modernisation and reform. Debates in official academic and photographic publications over the limits of intellectual reform and photographic representation defined both the discursive space of post-Mao visuality, and also helped set in place a rigidly narrow understanding of what was visually permissible. Beginning in 1979 with the journal Dushu, a series of debates initiated by

Li Honglin 李洪林 (1925-2016) sought to explore and define the intellectual and cultural criticism of the New Era (xin shiqi 新时期). While this was echoed in the official photographic press, unofficial cultural groups had also begun to flourish by the end of the 1970s, such as the

April Photo Society. Yet there was a profound antinomy underlying the visuality of the late

1970s, as while on one hand there was a concerted push away from the overt politicisation of visuality, either through the pursuit of a critical and self-reflective realism or the reconnection with tradition, on the other hand this was articulated in and through state run publications and venues which themselves refrained from readily adopting this independent spirit. This chapter

45 Tagg (1993; 63).

16 traces the history of these debates in relation to the wider cultural politics of the period, and explores the ways in which photographers, critics, and intellectuals conceived of the limits of cultural change, and staked out their own place within a rapidly changing visual environment.

Building upon the preceding chapter, chapter two traces the internationalisation of photographic theory and practice in China throughout the 1980s, while exploring the pervasive engagement among photo critics with issues of historical representation, national progress, and the role of the photography in representing social change. Through the emergence of publications such as International Photography (Guoji sheying 国际摄影), the experimental photography journal Youth Photography (Qingnian sheying 青年摄影), and the sustained efforts of the editors at Popular Photography and Chinese Photography, this chapter explores the development of photographic representation from the early 1980s until the last Modern Photo Salon (Xiandai sheying shalong 现代摄影沙龙) in 1987. Throughout the period, an array of images and ideas from around the world began to shape discussions about the role of photography in documenting social reform, helping to promote the cultural pluralism and diversity many intellectuals had for years longed to see emerge.

The third chapter examines the photographic oeuvre of Mo Yi 莫毅 (b. 1958) from the mid 1980s to the late 1990s, and situates his work within the broader photographic and cultural politics of the period. Specifically, I examine Mo Yi’s revolt against the work of his contemporaries, and argue that his visual experiments mark the first sustained foray into conceptual and experimental photography in contemporary China. Documentary photography in

17 the mid to late 1980s in China evolved in tandem with the primary intellectual currents of the

New Era, and elicited humanist and enlightenment visions of a progressive social order. Yet much of the exhibited and published work was constrained by institutional parameters, disjoined from other prominent art movements, and was not specifically conceptually oriented. Working outside of the institutional frame, the Tianjin-based photographer Mo Yi produced images which endeavoured to rethink the role of social documentary and realist photography as a means of social critique, as his experimental street photography evoked an altogether different reading of progress. This chapter explores the dialectical tensions inherent in the documentary and avant- garde aspects of Mo Yi’s photography, and endeavours to read this work in relation to that of his contemporaries. Mo Yi’s deconstruction of realist representation as a critique of social documentary photography counts among the first such instances in contemporary China, and sits at the forefront of a critically oriented autonomous avant-garde.

Chapter four examines the history of conceptual photography and photo theory in China during the 1990s, and explores the underlying tensions between the academically and socially oriented work of Bao Kun 鲍昆 (b. 1953) and others, the more theoretically driven curatorial practice and art theory of Daozi 岛⼦ (Wang Min 王敏, b. 1956), and the experimental imagery and text promoted in New Photo (Xin sheying 新摄影), which was self-published by Rong Rong

荣荣 (b. 1968) and Liu Zheng 刘铮 (b. 1969) between 1996 and 1998. Throughout the 1990s, conceptual photography developed out of an immense sense of dislocation wrought by the turmoil of the post 1989 social order, as artists began to critique the historical indeterminacy of the documentary realism of the New Era, seeking to move away from proleptic readings of social

18 change. As an interpretation of the tensions inherent in this dialogic shift between realism and staged photography (baipai 摆拍), conceptual photographers and critics endeavoured to rethink social relations through a critique of the quotidian. This shift towards experimental imagery, as a means of representing and exploring social dislocation, endeavoured to critique the ascendent feeling of alienation experienced by many artists of the self-proclaimed drifter/hooligan (liumang

流氓) generation, and derived its critical impetus from a variety of competing sources. While many photo critics and curators firmly rooted their conceptual practice in newly translated texts on poststructuralist and postmodern theory, most photographers explored site-specific, performative iterations of contemporary life. Neither ahistorical nor anti-theoretical, these experimental images helped define conceptual photographic practice through their institutional autonomy, subsequently forming the vanguard of photographic representation in post-socialist

China. It was these photographers who went on to become internationally celebrated contemporary artists, and not the earlier generation who came to the fore in the late 1970s and

1980s. Through an analysis of these divergent narratives, this chapter seeks to uncover the complex politics of visuality which underlies the historical reception and dissemination of conceptual photography and theory in China, and explores the transnational context within which the visual deconstruction of social relations permeated the social history of the post 1989 cultural world.

19 Chapter 1 - The April Photo Society: The Documentary Turn and the Limits of Representation

Towards the Real? Photography After Mao

When Mao Zedong passed away on the 9th of September, 1976, photographic representation in China was for the most part a proscribed, politicised, and ultimately anodyne affair.46 Still in the thralls of an overtly politicised socialist realism, photography and the broader discursive space surrounding it promoted the ideals of socialist progress, scientific advancement, and the political hegemony of the CCP.47 Yet over the coming years, and intimately tied to the changing political landscape, spaces of resistance to the predominant representational regime gradually began to open up. A form of documentary realism not witnessed in decades began to

46 While this was the case for official publications, there were a wide array of engaging images produced which documented historical change in the post 1949 period. Perhaps the most diverse array of images can be found in the work of Zhou Haiying 周海婴 (1929-2011), the only son of Lu Xun 鲁迅 (1881-1936) and Xu Guangping 许⼴平 (1898-1968). For a detailed study of his early photographic works, in tandem with an exhibition in Shanghai curated by Zhu Qi 朱其, see Zhou Lingfei 周令飞 & Zhang Yonglin 张永林 (Eds.). Lishi de “anshi”: Zhong Haiying zaoqi sheying ji 历史的“暗室：周海婴早期摄影集, 1946-1956 (History’s Darkroom: A Collection of Zhou Haiying’s Early Photography, 1946-1956). Guilin 桂林: Guangxi shifan daxue chubanshe ⼴西师范⼤学出版社, 2011. It is therefore by no means my intention to imply that all art or culture was either subsumed under or controlled by the power of the state and its attendant institutions and regulations. I rather take the position advocated by Mittler, Barbara. A Continuous Revolution: Making Sense of Cultural Revolution Culture. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2013; Clark, Paul. The Chinese Cultural Revolution: A History. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008; and Bernstein, Thomas P. & Hua-Yu Li (Eds.). China Learns from the Soviet Union, 1949-Present. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield, 2011. Bernstein & Li’s edited volume on Maoist China sought to return a degree of agency to the individual subject, particularly as regards the influence of the Soviet Union, while also exploring the myriad ways in which individual identity was articulated in transnational socialist contexts in unique and challenging ways. See also Tong, James W. Review of China Learns from the Soviet Union, 1949-Present. Edited by Thomas P Bernstein & Hua-Yu Li. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield, 2011. Reviewed in The Journal of Asian Studies Vol. 70 No. 1 (Feb 2011), 177-179.

47 There have been numerous studies of art during the Mao era. See Zou Yuejin (2005), Pan Yaochang (2004), Andrews (1994); Andrews & Shen (1998), Sullivan (1996 & 1999), and Pang Laikwan (2014; 809-836). On the pedagogical basis for socialist mass art, and the formation of socialist realist guohua, see Ho, Christine I. (2014). For a history of photographic representation during these years, see Bao Kun (2006); Hu Wugong & Ren Shide (1988), and Roberts (2012). A visual narrative of the Cultural Revolution in Heilongjiang can be found in Li Zhensheng (2003). For an analysis of the relationship between revolutionary and contemporary art in China, see Jiang Jiehong (2007). On historical memory, and the lingering traces of the revolutionary past in the reform era, see Lee, Ching Kwan & Yang Guobin (2007).

20 take shape, though its publication and dissemination would be tightly controlled by the state for over a decade. While it would appear as though these photographers were in open rebellion against decades of visual restrictions, primarily through a re-connection with the ideals of the

May Fourth era and a critical realist pursuit of “truth" (zhenshixing 真实性), the story is indeed far more complex and subtle than such a reading might imply.48 This chapter argues that the

April Photo Society and their contemporaries embodied the liberalisation of culture, society, and politics in China through their photographic work. I will further argue that the inversion of political power that took place with the ascension of Deng Xiaoping 邓⼩平 (1904-1997) in

1977 emboldened critics of Lin Biao 林彪 (1907-1971) and the Gang of Four (Si ren bang 四⼈

帮), some of whom within photography and intellectual circles were sent-down youth,49 while the boundaries between official and unofficial photography began to shift by 1979.50

In the spring of 1976, young amateur photographers rallied around the legacy of Zhou

Enlai 周恩来 (1898-1976) in promoting their own breed of radical iconoclasm, and over the

48 Rather than a simplistic narrative relying on staid tropes of the individual versus the collective, I seek to uncover the complex politics of visuality which helped define both official and unofficial culture, while also examining how these tensions were visualised. A recent dissertation has examined the tensions between official and unofficial photography in China from 1976-1989, and develops a detailed narrative of the development of photography during the period. See Li Shi (2015). For more on the history of the concept of truth and verisimilitude in art criticism in China during the early Republican period, see Gu Yi (2013).

49 This includes Luo Xiaoyun. See Luo Xiaoyun et al (2014; 18). Many April Photo Society members were also from undesirable class backgrounds, such as Liu Shizhao 刘世昭 (b. 1948), who was the grandson of the warlord and general Liu Wenhui 刘⽂辉 (1895-1976). For a detailed study of sent-down youth, see Hei Ming (2011), who brings together historical photographs alongside contemporary portraits of an array of sent-down youth.

50 This was particularly the case for published work, though photographers continued to produce, though not display, more critically engaging imagery. I’m also reticent to valourise the dichotomy between official and unofficial art and culture, as many individuals worked in both official and unofficial channels, and their work was not necessarily determined by either category. For a comparative discussion of the relationship between late-socialist avant-garde art and cultural change in China and the Soviet Union, particularly in relation to democracy movements, see Crozier (1999).

21 coming years would coalesce into the now celebrated April Photo Society (Si yue yinghui 四⽉影

会).51 During the Qingming Festival (Qingming jie 清明节) on 5 April 1976, thousands of

Beijing residents took to Tiananmen square to mourn the death of Zhou, lay wreaths at the

Monument to the People’s Heroes (Renmin yingxiong jinian bei ⼈民英雄纪念碑), and recite revolutionary poems in honour of his legacy. One of the young photographers out on the square that day was Li Xiaobin 李晓斌 (b. 1955), who had just started a job as a repairer of cultural artifacts at the Museum of Chinese History (Zhongguo lishi bowuguan 中国历史博物馆), and in the initial hours of the mass mourning took to the roof of the museum to document the thousands who were gathering to pay tribute. Previously unpublished, Li’s expansive and monumental wide-angle overview of the square provides a unique vantage point for capturing this momentous turning point in Chinese history (Image 1).52 Li’s danwei gave him unprecedented access to this monumental view, as his family home (both then and now) lay in a small lane to the east of

Tianamnen Square, next to the Supreme Court of the People’s Republic of China (Zhonghua renmin gongheguo zui gao renmin fayuan 中华⼈民共和国最⾼⼈民法院).

51 For the account of historian David Zweig’s experiences in the square in spring of 1976, including an alternative perspective on the political struggles of the time, see Zweig (2016). In 1975, Deng Xiaoping had been tasked by an ailing Mao Zedong to take charge of the party, but was quickly purged, once again.

52 A soldier during the Cultural Revolution, where he served in Hunan, Li was demobilised in 1974, soon finding work in what was then called the Museum of Chinese History (Zhongguo lishi bowuguan 中国历史博物馆), where he became good friends with the noted author Zhang Chengzhi 张承志 (b. 1948). The Museum of Chinese History was in the north end of the building shared with the Museum of the Chinese Revolution (Zhongguo geming bowuguan 中国⾰命博物馆), and was known collectively was the Museum of Chinese History and Revolution (Zhongguo geming lishi bowuguan 中国⾰命历史博物馆). It is now the National Museum of China (Zhongguo guojia bowuguan 中国国家博物馆). Li would later go into the crowd and capture exactly 125 images that day. While on the square, Zhang Chengzhi introduced him to Wang Zhiping 王志平 (b. 1947), the other founder of the April Photo Society. See Li Xiaobin (1999; 18-19).

22 In the political climate of the era such images were banned from publication, and would have elicited serious criticism had they been circulated.53 A month after the photographers were out parading on Tiananmen, Chinese Photography republished an editorial from the People’s

Daily (Renmin riba⼈民⽇报) entitled “The Anti-Revolutionary Political Incident at Tiananmen

Square” (“Tiananmen guangchang de fangeming zhengzhi shijian 天安门⼴场的反⾰命政治时

间”) calling the protesters in the square “a handful of class enemies” (yixiaocuo jieji diren ⼀⼩

撮阶级敌⼈) who were “running rampant for a time” (“changjue yishi 猖獗⼀时”).54 It was not until 1979 that these photographers were vindicated as heroes of the nation, valiantly mourning the loss of Premier Zhou Enlai and admonishing the Gang of Four with their irreverent photographic gestures.55 Their work would soon come to represent and ultimately define the modernisation and liberalisation of photography in China, and would set in motion sweeping changes that were to have a profound influence upon the direction of photographic representation

53 The first publication documenting the April Fifth Movement was a self-published and edited volume by Wang Zhiping in 1976, entitled National Memorial (Guo biao 国表), which could alternatively be translated as Expressions of the Nation. Wang gave his book to Deng Yingchao 邓颖超 (1904-1992), the wife of Zhou Enlai. Li Xiaobin also produced his own publication of images and poetry, entitled simply Monument (Fengbei 丰碑), which, with the help of his father, he sent to the home of Deng Xiaoping. As Deng was then in Guangzhou, it was entrusted to his daughter, Deng Lin 邓林 (b. 1941). Another important self-published photobook was distributed by Bao Naiyong 鲍乃镛 (b. 1938). For more on the circulation of informal photobooks from the April Fifth Movement, see Li Xiaobin (1999).

54 People’s Daily Worker Peasant Soldier Correspondents & People’s Daily Reporters 《⼈民⽇报》⼯农兵通讯员《⼈民⽇报》记者. “Tiananmen guangchang de fangeming zhengzhi shijian 天安门⼴场的反⾰命政治时间” (“The Anti-Revolutionary Political Incident at Tiananmen Square”) in Chinese Photography 中国摄影 vol. 3 (May 1976): 38-40. The original was published in the People’s Daily on 8 April 1976. The preceding page of Chinese Photography ran with two announcements from Xinhua news service on 7 April 1976. The first, that Hua Guofeng 华国锋 (1921-2008) had been nominated and confirmed as Vice-Chairman of the CCP, and the second a notice repealing the decision to remove Deng Xiaoping from his post within the party. Chinese Photography was published every two months, though does not list annual volumes in the standard sense, but merely numbers each edition in a given year. Thus, numbers of between 1-6 are given for each edition to come out during any given year. This issue was the 63rd to ever be published, but the third published in 1976 (in May). During the 1950s it was published quarterly.

55 See United Editors (1979) and Wang Yongan (1972; 2-3).

23 vis-à-vis the broader art and cultural world throughout the 1980s. With a few key exceptions, this sustained body of documentary realism did not work to transgress the boundaries of realist photography, but was rather subsumed under it, while critical overtures emerged primarily within the discursive space surrounding the promotion of these now seminal images. Documentary realism differed in crucial ways from the socialist realism of the previous era, as rather than being driven by central party policy concerning the nature and role of photographic representation within society, it embodied the spontaneous, on-the-spot documentation of its subject, and did not need to comply with predetermined rules or regulations prior to its circulation.

Much like changes within the intellectual and cultural sphere, there was a tension between top-down initiatives of the state and those working in unofficial channels, which elicited and sustained vociferous debate over the coming years.56 In tracing the emergence of this photographic new wave (sheying xinchao 摄影新潮), my aim is to uncover the early ruminations of aesthetic discontent with the prevailing socio-political order, and delimit the pervasive if oblique references to cultural pluralisation in the work of the period, widely referred to at the time as the New Era (xin shiqi 新时期).57 The public nature of this discourse underscores the divisive factional politics at play in enacting social, political, and cultural change through the

56 For a discussion of top-down control over intellectual liberalisation, and its evolution into the 1990s, see Xu Jilin (2000). Of particular interest is his emphasis on what he has called “secular socialism” (shisuhua shehuizhuyi 世俗化社会主义), which he ties to the Four Modernisations (sige xiandaihua 四个现代化) initiated by Zhou Enlai in 1975.

57 There are many studies of the intellectual and cultural trends of the New Era (1979-1989), however none have thus far engaged the intersection of these debates with similar debates in photography and art circles. For more on the intersection of culture and intellectual discourse, see Chen & Jin (1997) and Zhang Xudong (1997). For a compelling narrative of the relationship between intellectual life and political campaigns from the 1950s until the mid 1980s, see Yue & Wakeman (1986).

24 systematic appropriation of the concept of liberalisation along markedly authoritarian lines. The permissible was always proscribed, editorialised, and defined within the state sponsored system of the arts,58 while overtures to openness and plurality were manufactured in service of political ends. Photographic representation, in this reading, represents in visual form the factional struggles for control over China in the post-Mao era, with images either celebrated or lambasted based upon which political narrative they happened to invoke.

Over the subsequent decade, photographic practice evolved through numerous artistic movements and eventually became increasingly fragmented, seeing the emergence of new documentary,59 humanist,60 and avant-garde forms.61 Yet despite this, I would contend that these photographers did not, in the words of cultural historian Wang Ban, break away from the

“straightjacket of socialist realism,”62 but rather embodied in visual form the factional

58 For a detailed appraisal of the state sponsorship of the arts during the 1980s, see DeBevoise (2014), while for a more recent account of the role of the state, and state-owned enterprises, in shaping many of the spaces within which art currently circulates in China, see Zhang Yue (2014).

59 On the evolution of documentary photography into the 1990s, see Gu Zheng (2008). For an analysis of documentary and news photography both in China and internationally, see Jiang Duo (1996). On the documentary new wave, primarily as regards film, see Lü Xinyu (2003). For a detailed study of documentary film during the 1980s, see Berry & Rofel (2010).

60 For the most detailed appraisals of humanist photography during the 1980s, see Wang Huangsheng (2003) and Wang Huangsheng & Hu Wugong (2003). See also Bao Kun (1985; 43), Zhang Li (2011; 38-39), and Silbergeld (2009). For a study of humanism in China during the 1980s, see Zhang Dainian (1994) and Wang Xiaoming (1996).

61 For a study of the evolution from documentary to avant-garde and conceptual photography during the 1980s and 1990s, see Bao Kun (2009; 38-83). For an analysis of the work of avant-garde photographer Xu Zhuo from the late 1970s and early 1980s, see Chen Shuxia (2015).

62 Wang Ban (2008; 497).

25 fragmentation of the political sphere.63 Rather than true aesthetic autonomy, which these photographers were surely grasping for, what they ended up with was a political statement in visual form – one which embodied the changing political climate and the openness of the times,64 but which, at least for much of the 1980s, would be disciplined by the visual logic of the state.65

This was captured in numerous debates within the photographic press, and primarily revolved around photographers associated with the April Photo Society. The general perception that the art of the post-Mao period saw a movement away from the overt politicisation of visuality is only partially descriptive of the period, as much of the imagery published in the years after Mao’s

63 The photographic images produced at the time, as critical historical documents of a changing society, were effectively an inversion of socialist realism, rather than a subversion of it, as while the imagery was vitiated of the formal characteristics of the socialist realist photographic aesthetic, it was nonetheless tremendously politicised. Yet the diversity of their approaches were in many ways analogous to the fragmentation of politics, and the multiple now possibilities available to document these changes. Many key political figures who had either previously been critiqued or purged saw their reputations rehabilitated in the late 1970s and early 1980s. There was a concerted effort across multiple publications to rehabilitate Liu Shaoqi 刘少奇 (1898-1969) in April 1980, which came after the "Resolution on the Rehabilitation of Comrade Liu Shaoqi,” (guanyu wei Liu Shaoqi tongzhi pingfan de jueyi 关于为刘少奇同志平反的决议) promulgated at the Fifth Plenum of the 11th Central Committee meeting in February 1980. The aim was clearly to drum up support for Liu ahead of his official memorial ceremony, to be held the following month on 17. May 1980. Chinese Photography ran a notice for a memorial exhibition of Liu Shaoqi, which opened on 21 May 1980. See “Liu Shaoqi tongzhi jinian zhanlan” (1980; 4). Popular Photography also praised Liu, proclaiming that “Comrade Liu Shaoqi is a great Marxist” (Liu Shaoqi tongzhi shi weida de Makesi zhuyi zhe 刘少奇同志是伟⼤的马克思主义者) and noted how he faithfully represented and supported China’s revolution. An image shows Liu with veteran female photojournalist and revolutionary Hou Bo 侯波 (1924-2017). See Sheng Chao (1980; 1) (Image 2). The front cover of volume 7 of Popular Photography, published in July 1980, showed Liu’s wife Wang Guangmei 王光美 bowing her head to the ashes of her late husband. The photograph, by Qi Tieyan 齐铁砚 (b. 1942), was entitled “An Unforgettable Scene” (nanwang de jingtou 难忘的镜头) (Image 3). See Qi Tieyan (1980).

64 See Li Xiaobin (1999), Yang Xiaoyan (2008), Wang Ban (2008; 499), Wu Hung (1999; 12-14), Gao Minglu, Gladston (2014).

65 Perhaps the penultimate example for photography was the publication People’s Mourning (Renmin de daonian ⼈民的悼念), discussed in detail below. See United Editors (1979). The remainder of the chapter will examine debates about the limits placed on photographic representation by policy makers, photo critics, and academics.

26 death would still embody the politicisation of culture prominent during the Cultural

Revolution.66

There is a general perception that the arts in China after 1949 were entirely orchestrated around the newly ascendent socialist realism, particularly with the influence of Soviet educators within art academies in Beijing.67 Yet in the first few years after the founding of the PRC, it was still possible to explore new ideas and styles, including the surrealist photography of Salvador

Dali (1904-1989) and Philippe Halsman (1906-1979),68 as well as recent trends in American social documentary photography,69 though many were particularly interested in how images from

66 While images moved away from the cultural logic and aesthetic of ‘red, bright, and shining’ (hong liang guang 红亮光), the general tendency to positively depict reform and modernisation saw the dissemination of imagery that embodied a similarly proleptic outlook. For more on the aesthetic of ‘red, bright, and shining’, see Andrews & Shen (2012; 193). On the shifting political landscape and its relation to visual culture, see Gladston (2014; 7) and Gao Minglu (2003; 250).

67 On Soviet influence over the arts, see Andrews & Shen (2012), while for a discussion of Sino-Soviet cultural exchange, see Jersild (2015). The Sino-Soviet split (Zhong Su jiaowu 中苏交恶) of the 1950s and 1960s certainly influenced this dynamic. For an appraisal of the role of ideology over national policy in China, and its affect on national publications, including Red Flag (hong qi 红旗), see Li Mingjiang (2011; 392). See also King (2010).

68 The theory and research department of the Association of Chinese Photographers (Zhongguo sheyingjia xiehui 中国摄影家协会) published one such text by Halsman in 1962. The title of Halsman’s influential text was not literally translated on the cover, but is alternatively given as Halsman on the Creation of Photographic Ideas (Haersiman lun sheying yinian de chansheng 哈尔斯曼论摄影意念的产⽣). Saito Hiroyuki 斋藤博之 originally translated the text into Japanese, from which it was subsequently translated into Chinese by the pseudonymous Ding Yi 丁⼀ in 1962. This is astonishing, given the post-war political climate, and the decidedly critical and subversive nature of Halsman's photography. See Feilipu・Haersiman (1962). Halsman’s texts on photography also re-appeared in Chinese Journal of Journalism and Communication (Guoji xinwenjie 国际新闻界) in 1980. See “Meiguo sheying renxiang dashi” (1980).

69 In the publication Photo Work (Sheying gongzuo 攝影⼯作), Di Yuancang 狄源沧 (1926-2003) surveyed Salvador Dali, Man Ray, and the role of photography as a form of social activism, with a specific focus on how this history had evolved in the United States. Taking a decidedly anti-capitalist tone, Di argued that “In fact, the United States has already produced a great many thoughtful photojournalists, who have exposed how capitalism mercilessly exploits the lives of workers and the pervasive racial discrimination against African Americans.” (Di Yuancang 1951; 17). The original reads: 事實上，美國已經產⽣不少⽐較有思想的攝影記者，他們會把資本主義剝削下的⼯⼈⽣活和種族歧視下的⿊⼈⽣活作過無情的揭露。 Throughout the 1950s and 1960s, Di continued to produce his own landscape photography, unhindered from political concerns.

27 China were being received abroad.70 Unique and innovative photographic techniques were also celebrated and published in official publications, such as the work of Hong Kong based photographer Zhong Wenlue 钟⽂略 (b. 1925), whose technically sophisticated double exposure images of labour provided for an alternative rendering of labour not often published at the time

(Image 4A & 4B). Although for the most part behind closed doors, the discussion of critically oriented images and artistic techniques flourished for much of the 1960s.71 Though publicly, by the end of the first five year plan, and particularly beginning with the Hundred Flowers campaign, the arts in China were to be subsumed under the auspices of state power, and their dissemination and exhibition would continue to be defined by top-down initiatives for the next

70 Shi Zhenni’s 史珍妮 1951 essay “A Survey of the Distrubition of Our Images Abroad” (Women de tupian zai guowai fagao de gaikuang 我們的圖⽚在國外發稿的概況) analysed images produced in China and their reception abroad, ruminating upon the most effective manner of promoting documentary images of ‘New China’ within the news publications of both communist and capitalist countries. Though photography was ultimately seen as “political work” (zhengzhi de gongzuo 政治的⼯作), Shi argued that as long as the images were of a high calibre, they would inevitably help promote “the true life of the Chinese people under new democracy” (xin minzhuzhuyi xia Zhongguo renmin de zhenshi shenghuo 新民主主義下中國⼈民的真實⽣活) (Shi Zhenni 24). This conception of photographic representations of true life would be a constant feature within the documentary and news photography produced in China up until the present, and debates surrounding what was both ‘true’ and ‘real’ formed the crux of politicised representation. A detailed and thoughtful engagement with these debates throughout the 1950s can be found in Jin Yongquan’s 晋永权 excellent study Red Flag Studio: Debates on Photography in China, 1956–1959 (2014). See also Gu Yi (2015). See also Emily Williams (2014).

71 See Zhou Lingfei 周令飞 & Zhang Yonglin 张永林 (Eds.). Lishi de “anshi”: Zhong Haiying zaoqi sheying ji 历史的“暗室：周海婴早期摄影集, 1946-1956 (History’s Darkroom: A Collection of Zhou Haiying’s Early Photography, 1946-1956). Guilin 桂林: Guangxi shifan daxue chubanshe ⼴西师范⼤学出版社, 2011.

28 two decades.72 One such widely circulated publication was Young Intellectuals in the Great

Northern Wilderness (Zhishi qingnian zai beidahuang 知识青年在北⼤荒), published in 1973, which documented the casual militarisation of everyday life among sent down youth. It was effectively a propaganda tool for promoting social cohesion and youth engagement around issues of national defence, straddling the boundary between militant nationalism and civic participation.73 The book depicts the happy, contented, and adventurous lives of young intellectuals sent to the north eastern province of Heilongjiang in the wake of the PLA crackdown on radicalised youth in the late 1960s. This period saw the PLA take an active role in

72 The seminal photo publication in post 1949 China was Chinese Photography (Zhongguo sheying 中国摄影). Founded in 1957, the magazine was the primary conduit through which representations of a rapidly modernising nation were published, including images of socialist modernisation from Tibet and Xinjiang throughout the late 1950s and early 1960s. There were also widespread efforts linking developments in China to those of other socialist or aligned nations, such as the Congo, Cuba, and Afghanistan (see vol. 2 1962). While many have argued that the photography and art of the era was solely propagandistic in nature, until the mid 1960s the publication fostered the development of photographic art and explored a variety of photographic techniques and styles, with a specific focus on landscape and mountain scenes, although politicised renderings of the medium were nonetheless being promoted as central to the development of the photographic arts. Indeed, there was a curious blending of politicised and depoliticised photo criticism and theory. Writing in 1962, veteran photographer Shi Shaohua ⽯少华 (1918-1998) penned an essay entitled “A Glorious Path” (Guanghui de daolu 光辉的道路), which examined Mao’s Yan’an talks and the role of the photographic arts within the broader cultural world. While expressing the spirit of the socialist revolution was to be the sole focus of photographers, Shi argued that even those who worked in the more literati styles of landscape or flower and bird photography were seen as embodying the beauty of socialist China (Shi Shaohua 1-3). Shi would go on to become the President of the Association of Chinese Photographers throughout the 1980s. Writings by two of the seminal figures of modern Chinese photography were also featured in the publication, including Yuan Yiping 袁毅平 and Ding Zunxin 丁遵新 (see Vol. 4 1962), who would continue to play prominent roles in the New Era.

73 The book opens with a quotation from Mao Zedong: “The countryside is a vast world where much can be accomplished” (nongcun shi yige guangkuo de tiandi, zai nali shi keyi dayou zuowei de 农村是⼀个⼴阔的天地，在那⾥是可以⼤有作为的). See Zhishi qingnian zai beidahuang: Heilongjiang shengchan jianshe budui yeyu sheying zuopin xuan 知识青年在北⼤荒：⿊龙江⽣产建设部队业余摄影作品选 (Young Intellectuals in the Great Northern Wilderness: A Selection of Amateur Photographs from Heilongjiang Production and Construction Units). Beijing 北京: renmin meishu chubanshe ⼈民美术出版社, 1973.. The book contained an introduction by the political unit of the Heilongjiang Production and Construction Unit, who edited the volume, and who wrote that these youth were “full of revolutionary spirit and enthusiasm” (manhuai geming haoqing 满怀⾰命豪情). The book lists the photographers on the inside back cover, and while none appear to have gone on to pursue careers in photography, given the quality of the photographs it seems doubtful that they were actually produced by amateur youth photographers. A mere three years later, the work of April Photo Society members saw the restoration of personal agency on the part of these “educated youth” (zhiqing 知青), in response to the collectivisation and self- sacrifice promoted during the Cultural Revolution. Their representation of themselves as agents of change, and historical actors, once again driving history, directly connects them to the spirit of the zhiqing celebrated in this volume. For an analysis of zhiqing photos, see Davies (2005).

29 educating the youth, particularly in the field of culture, seeking to temper the violent radicalism of former red guards through the promotion of concepts of national unity, labour, and rural rustication. There are an array of images depicting strong and industrious youth patrolling the great northern wilderness, carrying rifles while on the lookout for any sign of danger (Images 5

& 6). Though a time of increased tension with the Soviet Union, there was little chance they would see combat, and the images are in effect symbolic renderings of youthful patriotism, riven of real military threat.

With the passing of Mao Zedong, and the transition of power to Hua Guofeng 华国锋

(1921-2008), subtle shifts in the visual landscape began to emerge. The last issue of Chinese

Photography (Zhongguo sheying 中国摄影) from 1976 was dedicated cover to cover to his memory, providing a chronological visual and photographic narration of his life.74 The first image in the magazine portrayed a variety of senior political leaders paying homage to Mao, while the next depicted the great leader in his casket. This symbolic reflection upon death and political legitimacy solidified the feeling that the end of an era had arrived, and that the future was firmly in the hands of the party. Yet the first image narrating Mao’s life was not a photograph of him in youth, but a considerably more politically charged and visually significant one: Mao with peasants in Yan’an (Image 7). Even after the ravages of the Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution, the cultural elite still wished to portray Mao as a figure who both embodied and supported the people, and whose legacy would be firmly rooted in and tied to the development of the nation. With his passing, a change in national political representation was

74 This volume of Chinese Photography was unpaginated.

30 imminent, and the authorities tried to manage this change in as seamless a manner as possible.

The first issue of Chinese Photography in 1977 led with Mao’s representative portrait

(daibiaoxiang 代表像), followed directly afterwards with a strikingly similar representative photograph of Hua Guofeng, who by then had become Chairman Hua (Hua zhuxi 华主席). The visual and linguistic cues throughout the publication reverberate with a desire for transitional stability, normalising the new chairman as the logical, necessary successor for a nation in mourning. In attempting to valourise Hua Guofeng as the new leader, the editors peppered the volume with a variety of images and articles designed to both visualise and document the smooth transfer of power.75

Over the coming years, similar overtures to Hua’s political hegemony would continue to attempt to solidify his standing, and normalise the political transition. The first issue of Chinese

Photography for 1979, published on 20 January, led with a photograph by Liu Quanju 刘全聚 (b.

1936) depicting Hua Guofeng receiving a red neckerchief from a Young Pioneer of the

75 Hua Guofeng was designated as Mao’s successor on Mao’s deathbed, and immediately initiated the ‘smashing of the Gang of Four’ (Meisner 427). As well as being designated Chairman of the CCP, he also succeeded Zhou Enlai as Premier. Mao purportedly stated, as he lay dying, “With you in charge, I am at ease” (ni ban shi, wo fang xin 你办事，我放⼼) though this is not known for certain – is it apocryphal. The phrase would appear on multiple posters of Mao and Hua sitting together, produced and distributed in 1977. For an example, see Li Yansheng 李延⽣. “With you in charge, I'm at ease (ni ban shi, wo fang xin 你办事我放⼼). Beijing: Renmin meishu chubanshe (⼈民美术出版社), December 1977. Accessed 3 May 2018, https://chineseposters.net/posters/e13-436.php

31 Communist Youth League (Image 8),76 followed by a variety of flowery, positive images of nature and youthful revelry (Image 9). Symbolising the dawning of a new era - a new spring for the youth of China77 - ultimately such images defined the world of photo publishing in China for the next decade. Yet within this cultural milieu, and immediately following these banal configurations of beauty, the new documentary realism emerged; markedly at odds with the other published images of the time.

In the coming months, an array of images and articles began to appear that had a profound impact on how liberalisation and modernisation during the Reform Era was visualised.78 The images, taken three years earlier during the spring of 1976, were belatedly drafted into the historical narrative, streaking a path through the present while foreshadowing a purportedly progressive and inclusive future. History was literally being rewritten, for a future that was yet to be determined. Luo Xiaoyun’s 罗⼩韵 (b. 1953) now iconic photograph Cherish

76 Entitled “Chairman Hua puts on a red neckerchief” (“Hua zhuxi daishang honglingbu 华主席戴上红领⼱”), the image depicts a member of the recently reinstated Young Pioneers of China (Zhongguo shaonian xianfeng dui 中国少年先锋队), the organisation of the Communist Youth League of China (Zhongguo gongchanzhuyi qingniantuan 中国共产主义青年团) for children aged 6-14 which had been suspended during the Cultural Revolution, presenting Hua Guofeng with their trademark red neckerchief at the 10th National Conference of the Communist Youth League of China in Beijing on October 16th, 1978. Replacing the Red Guards, the reinstatement of the Communist Youth League was as much a symbol of national recuperation as it was of the enduring hegemony of the CCP (albeit the newly victorious faction). See Chinese Photography (Zhongguo sheying 中国摄影) Vol. 79 No. 1 (January 1979), 1.

77 This visually echoed the sentiments of Li Dazhao 李⼤钊, a co-founder of the Chinese Communist Party, in his seminal poem Spring (Qingchun 青春, alt. trans. Youth), who wrote of a similar tide of youthful change: “Young progressives, who are always in the middle of swirling and restless waves, should keep their spirit as resolute as a river moving forward, as steady as a mountain, firmly resisting every strong current.” (Li Dazhao 1995; 310).

78 The second volume of Chinese Photography from 1979 featured a portrait of Zhou Enlai. The issue led with numerous images of Zhou, including one of he and Deng Xiaoping from seemingly happier times, strolling in the park together and laughing, in 1963. Featuring national leaders in this manner was a direct result of the underlying factional struggles then taking place within elite political circles, particularly as the mass mourning of Zhou Enlai was the key event that led to the foundation of the April Photo Society, Deng Xiaoping had just recently launched a series of reforms, and the public denunciation of the Gang of Four was in full swing. The Gang of Four was often invoked as a cathartic foil for everything wrong with society, acting as a symbolic projection of the anger and frustrating felt by many within the cultural establishment. The influence of Zhou over the development of photography was profound, promoted by such key figures as Ding Zunxin (1979).

32 the Memory of Premier Zhou: Scathingly Denounce the ‘Gang of Four’ (Huainian Zhou zongli: tongchi ‘sirenbang’ 怀念周总理：痛斥 “四⼈帮”), taken at 11am on 4 April 1976, was one such image (Image 10).79 The photograph portrays the opera singer and director of a Beijing opera troupe Li Tiehua 李铁华 (fl. ca. 1979) speaking out against the injustices of the preceding years, and the radical politics that had so heartlessly destroyed the cultural world in China. Yet why was the photograph suddenly appearing at this particular historical juncture? What confluence of ideas and visual forms enabled such a critical reflection upon regime change and the factional politics of the immediate post-Mao era in early 1979? Why were these young photographers only now being valourised as the embodiment of the spirit and resilience of

China’s youth, while in 1976 they were castigated as a dangerous swarm of youth “run amok" (hengxing 横⾏)?80 And perhaps more importantly, what does this say about the complex politics of visuality that would continue to determine the field of photography throughout the

New Era?

Looking Outward, Looking Back: Art Publications in the late 1970s

79 See Chinese Photography (Zhongguo sheying 中国摄影) Vol. 79 No. 1 (January 1979). 7. The image has been rendered as Mainstay by Wu Hung (2008; 92), and more recently as Do the Utmost to Save a Desperate Situation (Liwankuanglan ⼒挽狂澜), as part of a dialogue on the life of the photographer (Luo Xiaoyun 17). Born in Beijing, Luo Xiaoyun is the daughter of noted CCP theorist Deng Liqun 邓⼒群, a hardline conservative ideologue who was also purged during the Cultural Revolution. Luo was sent down to the countryside to work in rural Shanxi province in December of 1968, when she was 15 years old, where she remained for 5 years. She taught herself photography starting in 1974, using an old Leica (laika 徕卡) 3G from the late 1950s found in her home. Her first visit to the square to mourn Zhou Enlai was on 9 January 1976, the day after his death was announced. She went with another key figure of the April Photo Society, Wu Peng 吴鹏 (b. 1948), and also returned to take more photos on the 11th, even though the activities of the mourners were actively suppressed by the Gang of Four. A solo exhibition of her photographs was held at the National Art Museum of China in 1984. She graduated from People’s University (Renmin daxue ⼈民⼤学) with a specialisation in photography in 1985, and in 1992 obtained a master’s degree in photography from New York University. See Luo Xiaoyun et al (2014).

80 See People’s Daily Worker Peasant Soldier Correspondents (1976; 38).

33 Beginning in the late 1970s, an array of academic, cultural, literary, and photographic publications either emerged for the first time, or reemerged after the lengthy hiatus imposed during the Cultural Revolution. The changes these journals wrought were both sudden and imminently cathartic, as a generation of academics and cultural workers yearned for intellectual autonomy.81 As with the preceding years, the first issue of the journal Fine Arts (Meishu 美术) from 1976 began with a quotation from the sayings of Mao Zedong on class struggle, and invoked a phrase that would come to have a markedly different meaning a mere year later: “Let a hundred flowers bloom, and push out the old to bring in the new. Make the past serve the present, and foreign things serve China.” (baihua qifang, tui chen chuxin. Gu wei jin yong, yang wei zhong yong 百花齐放，推陈出新。古为今⽤，洋为中⽤).82 Yet by 1977, the past they would be reconnecting with was embedded firmly in the revolutionary ethos of the May Fourth, and not the communist mass line of Mao’s China.83 A crisis of consciousness in the wake of the

Cultural Revolution ushered in novel ways of framing and articulating intellectual and cultural development, as publications, associations, and groups emerged to upend the hitherto entrenched monopoly on the visual order. Unofficial (minjian 民间) art groups began to flourish at the end of the 1970s, such as the little studied No Name Painting Association (Wuming huahui ⽆名画

81 See Xu Chengde & Yang Shaoming (1986), Xu Jilin (2000; 169-171), Xu Jing (1982), and Lü Peng & Yi Dan (1992).

82 See “Mao zhuxi yulu” (1976). The original version of this saying has the main clauses in reverse order, *** obtain proper citation for original. The phrase used in this particular order was also used by Deng Xiaoping, Congratulatory Speech at the 4th Representative Conference of China Literature and Art Workers, 30 October 1979, recalling the May 4th era.

83 For more on the relationship between art and politics in Mao’s China, see King (2010). The phrase quoted above was also used by Xinhua in promoting the revolutionary model operas of the early Cultural Revolution, which is adeptly analysed in Bai Di (2010; 188).

34 会), initiated by Zhao Wenliang 赵⽂量 (b. 1937) and Yang Yushu 杨⾬树 (b. 1944) in the

1960s84, the Stars Art Group (Xingxing huahui 星星画会)85, and the April Photo Society, all of whom were loosely connected to the most well-known unofficial publication of the era, the literary and cultural journal Today (Jintian 今天), initiated by Zhao Zhenkai 赵振开, who is perhaps better known by his pen name Bei Dao 北岛 (b. 1949).86

Though there was a profound antinomy underlying the visuality of the late 1970s, as while on one hand there was a concerted push away from the overt politicisation of visuality, either through the pursuit of realism, the reconnection with tradition, or through inventive experimental images, on the other hand this was articulated in and through state run publications and venues which themselves refrained from readily adopting this independent spirit. Many published images were deployed as a form of political posturing, and only nominally promoted a radically anti-authoritarian iconoclasm.87 But for the first time such journals were free to openly document and publish images which were not guided by state news agencies or official publications, even if they were still subject to censorship in any number of ways. The New

Documentary Movement (Xin jishi yundong 新纪实运动) which eventually emerged in the early

1980s, particularly in the realm of film, actively engaged ‘public topics’ (gonggong huati 公共话

84 For more on the No Name Painting Association, as well as art produced outside the purview of the state throughout the Cultural Revolution, see Wang Aihe (2014).

85 For more on the Stars Art Group, see Whittaker (2013) and Koch (2014).

86 For Yang Xiaoyan, these four unofficial cultural and art groups were the penultimate examples of the alternative culture (linglei wenhua 另類⽂化) of the late 1970s, despite the fact that they were often working in opposition to one another (Yang Xiaoyan 2008; 94).

87 This was the case for published discussions of the April Fifth Movement, as images were seen as a political statement, and a critique of the previous political climate. For examples, see Ben kan jizhe (1979; 40-43), Wang Yongan (1979; 2-3), Xiao Lei (1979; 44)

35 题), and saw ‘shooting live’ (xianchang 现场) as being of foremost importance.88 While photographers had previously often reported ‘on the scene,’ prior to 1976 the vast majority of such images were staged and heavily politicised representations of the supposed everyday lives of their subjects.89 Even if news photographers were allowed some degree of autonomy in the field, the images eventually selected for publication would often be heavily censored and subject to strict editorial controls.90 Photographers whose work was more experimentally oriented, and sought to deconstruct social conditions with a certain degree of inventiveness, such as April

Photo Society member Xu Zhuo 许涿 (b. 1947), were rarely if ever mentioned.91 The interrelated questions of the real (xianshi 现实) and truth (zhenshixing 真实性) figured prominently in many discussions of the period, ultimately defining the discursive space of post-Mao visuality. Debates surrounding the validity and efficacy of realist representation took on a variety of forms, and were found in a variety of sources, both officially sponsored and independent, though what linked them was a concern over the future trajectory of cultural representation in the post-Mao period. Translations of important texts from abroad formed the basis for much of the earliest art criticism of the period, though art critics quickly adopted their own incisive vernacular to address

88 This has elsewhere been highlighted by Robinson (2010; 177).

89 See Zhishi qingnian zai beidahuang (1973). This was still the case for a great many images throughout the 1980s as well. In a speech to photographers in Beijing in 1982, Zhou Yang 周扬 (1908-1989) outlined the importance of photography serving socialism, of promoting policies from the central propaganda department, and of representing a changing society in step with national policy. See “genzhe shidai de bufa qianjin” (1982; 1).

90 In the photo criticism of the early 1980s, images were often selected for their “social effect” (shehui xiaoguo 社会效果), as they were meant to represent state policy, such as the “four modernisations,” See Chen Weijun (1982; 2-3).

91 Xu’s work was briefly represented in Volume 1 of Popular Photography in 1979, on the inside front cover. Volume 8 of Popular Photography in 1980, which on page 13 included his photo “I Love ‘You’” (wo ai ‘ni’ 我爱’你’). The photographer discussed its method of production and the technical aspects of the image in volume 12 a few months later. Neither volume contained a critical appraisal of his work. For a recent discussion of Xu’s early conceptual work, see Chen Shuxia (2015).

36 the concerns of their present. In doing so, they would usher in a decade of visual exploration, and upend the monopoly on visuality which had so long been in place.

As artists and critics began to move away from the overtly politicised arts of the preceding decade, many sought a direct reconnection with the spirit and ideals of the May Fourth era. One of the earliest publications introducing international art into China was Overseas Fine

Art Materials (Guowai meishu ziliao 国外美术资料) (Image 11), which discussed work as wide ranging as Roman art and Paul Cézanne.92 First published in December 1977 by the Teaching and Research Section for Theory at the Zhejiang Academy of Fine Arts (Zhejiang meishu xueyuan lilun jiaojiushi 浙江美术学院理论教研室), the inaugural volume opened with a photograph of Lu Xun 鲁迅 (1881-1936) and his students during the heady years of the May

Fourth movement, along with a woodblock by the prominent artist Li Hua 李桦, entitled “Lu

Xun at the Woodcut Workshop” (Lu Xun zai muke jiangxiban 鲁迅在⽊刻讲习班) (Image 12).

This reconnection with the May Fourth-era modernist concern for promoting new forms of cultural development was echoed by the opening editorial, that, in celebrating the demise of the autocratic rule of the Gang of Four, aimed for a new period of cultural progress, and an appraisal of developments within the arts which had taken place elsewhere in the world.93 While the editorial still aimed to ‘deepen socialism’ through the arts, to which end it used stridently nationalist language and quoted at length from Marx, there was a clear effort to promote new

92 The journal has also been translated as The Review of Foreign Art (Gao 1998; 197), though was renamed Collection of Translations in the Fine Arts (Meishu yicong 美术译丛) in 1980. This changed name of the publication has been translated as Journal of Art Translations (Cacchione 2014; 7) and Compilation of Translations in Art (Wu Hung 2010; 48).

93 Others have discussed the reconnection with modernist art during the late 70s and early 80s, most notably Wu Hung (2009) and DeBevoise (2014).

37 cultural forms. As the editorial staff wrote: “The fundamental purpose of this work is to be conducive to advancing China’s new culture, [thereby] developing our nation’s fine arts enterprise.” (这⼀⼯作的根本⽬的是以利于推进中国的新⽂化，发展我国的美术事业).94

Along with translations of such prominent art critics as John Berger (Yuehan・Bojie 约

翰・伯杰; 1926-2017), the volume contained a translation of an essay by Linda Chase (b. 1942),

“Photo-Realism: Post Modernist Illusionism,” published as “Zhaoxiang xianshizhuyi: hou qi xiandaipai de huanjuezhuyi 照相现实主义：后期现代派的幻觉主义,” which appears to be the first Chinese language discussion of photorealism and postmodern art.95 In a symbolic reflection upon rural rustication, the edition also featured the celebrated painting by Jean-François Millet

(1814-1875) The Gleaners (Des glaneuses), which would foreshadow the reconnection with realist art that would occupy the arts for the next few years, as honest appraisals of the quotidian enabled a more emotive exploration of everyday life.96

Information about Hyperrealism and Superrealism (chaoji xianshizhuyi 超级现实主义),97 along with trompe l’oeil (huanjing hua 幻境画),98 was particularly in demand, as translations of then-current international texts formed the basis for discussions about representing the real in the

94 See Zhejiang meishu xueyuan lilun jiaoyushi bianjibu (1979).

95 See Linda・Yisi (1977; 53-63). In translation, the subtitle would literally read “The Illusionism of the Late Modernists,” which perhaps reflects the limited knowledge of postmodern theory at the time, which would later come to be translated as houxiandaizhuyi 后现代主义. The original appeared a year earlier. See Chase (1976).

96 Among painters, scar art (shanghen yishu 伤痕艺术) would define this early generation of post Cultural Revolution artists.

97 It has also been rendered as chaoji xieshizhuyi 超级写实主义.

98 Now rendered in translation as cuoshi hua 错视画.

38 New Era.99 With hitherto unconventional approaches gripping the global art world, articles by theorists and critics such as Edward Lucie-Smith (b. 1933)100 on Superrealism introduced a generation of young art students to the technical and intellectual underpinnings of critical realist art. Building on such articles, a series on the sculpture of Auguste Rodin (Luo Dan 罗丹;

1840-1917), which explored how his work transcended realism to capture the figurative unconscious, continued to sustain this resurgence in appreciation for critical realism, while other articles appeared on expressionism, impressionism, and abstract art.101 This reconfiguration of the real, beginning in early 1978, would by the next year have a profound impact on the broader visual field; the return to modernist art was in full swing, where the figure of the individual - and not the crowd - formed the basis of this monumental aesthetic shift.102 Such changes in the visual field underscored a profound political shift in the broader intellectual and cultural fabric of society, and the politics of cultural translation, much like the politics of ideas, would enter an era of profound questioning among the cultural elite. And the stakes were high.

99 A series of translations purportedly of the writing of Jean-Auguste-Dominique Ingres (Ange’er 安格尔) appeared throughout the year. A neoclassical painter of historical scenes, texts such as “On Beauty in Art” (“Tan yishu de mei 谈艺术的美”) and “On Criticism and Taste” (“Tan piping yu quwei 谈批评与趣味”) were given primary importance in the publication. They are presented as texts by Ingres, however these were mistakenly articles about Ingres that were misquoted in the publication, with the original author unknown.

100 See Aidehua shimisi (1978). Original source given as Fine Art and Artists (August 1975), listed as Meishu yu meishujia 美术与美术家. Translated by two individuals with the pseudonym’s Jing Chang 景长 and Bo Xiong 伯雄. Original source unknown. A year later, Lucie-Smith published his seminal text on the subject, Super Realism (1979).

101 Orianne Cacchione (2014) has adeptly analysed the history of cultural translation in China during the Reform Era, though does not discuss Overseas Fine Art Materials. Multiple texts in the journal sought to introduce the history of modernist art from Europe and North America.

102 In discussing the central importance placed on representing the figure of the human, Dai Jinhua has argued that “in the late 1970s and 1980s, the human not only provided an emotionally charged term of protest against political violence but also served as a metonymic figure of internal subversion within socialist ideology.” (Dai Jinhua 134). Multiple images of ‘modern’ life from around the world were featured on the pages of various photography publications over the coming years, such as a series of images of a cosmopolitan, thriving Hong Kong which appeared in Chinese Photography in late 1979. See Zhongguo sheying 中国摄影 (Chinese Photography) Vol. 6 (1979), 28-31.

39 Reading Within Limits: Debates on Intellectual Liberalisation

The Democracy Wall Movement (Xidan minzhu qiang yundong 西单民主墙运动), which lasted from November 1978 until the spring of 1981, was a watershed moment marking the yearnings of the people for a more pluralistic accounting of political discourse, along with direct participation in the political process and calls for human rights and the rule of law.103 The democratisation of ideas lay at the forefront of many of the debates that took place at this crucial historical juncture, which would usher in a crisis of consciousness concerning the complexity of intellectual liberalisation in an environment replete with factional political strife. These debates, which circulated within a variety of official publications,104 were often disconnected from the broader cultural world, and primarily deployed the language of Marxist criticism. Despite the fact that they were generally in service of state driven efforts at institutional and intellectual change, and were mainly written by academics, intellectuals, and party members, there were subtle overtures to cultural differentiation simmering under the surface. Emboldened by the resurgent political class, many of whom had been purged during the Cultural Revolution, their ideas were to have a profound impact on the direction of academic and public discourse over the

103 For a detailed discussion of the Democracy Wall Movement, and the ideological basis of the Marxist revisionism at play, see Paltemaa (2007), Guang Lei (1996), and Harrison (1983).

104 There were also numerous unofficial and self-published works circulating at the time. The most detailed collation of these related to the Democracy Wall Movement can be found in the Taiwanese state-sponsored series Collection of Underground Publications from the Mainland (Dalu dixia kanwu huibian ⼤陆地下刊物汇编), which collated dissident texts for intelligence purposes. See Zhonggong yanjiu zazhishe (1980-1985).

40 coming years, as they strove to either mould or transcend the limits of the intellectually permissible.105

The journal Dushu 读书 (Reading) was first published in 1979, and while the initial volume called for the opening of new intellectual frontiers, setting off a fierce debate among intellectuals as to the necessity and efficacy of liberalisation, in which scholars would be free to discuss any number of issues, many articles published throughout the year extolled the virtues of socialism, Marxism-Leninism, and Mao Zedong Thought. While the framework for intellectual pluralisation was effectively codified in innately proscribed terms, as a critique of the authoritarian policies of Lin Biao and the Gang of Four - a narrative that would be mirrored in multiple publications over the coming years - overtures to the public discussion of previously forbidden topics began to radically alter the nature of public discourse.

105 As Geremie Barmé highlights, Deng Xiaoping sought to connect art and culture to conceptions of political progress, and would play an integral role in enabling the cultural diversification of the late 1970s. Quoting Deng, in language reminiscent of the Hundred Flowers campaign, Barmé relates Deng’s contrarian insistence that: “We must serve with Comrade Mao Zedong’s policy to ensure that our literature and art serves the broad masses of the People. First and foremost, it must serve the workers, peasants, and soldiers. We must preserve with the policies of allowing a hundred flowers to bloom, abandon the old in favour of the new, use foreign things to serve China, and make the past serve the present. In terms of cultural creation, we advocate the free development of different styles and genres. In the realm of cultural theory, we advocate free debate between different points of view and academic schools.” (Barmé 1999; 20). Deng articulated these views in October of 1979, at the Fourth Congress of Chinese Writers and Artists, in the midst of a series of debates surrounding the limits of intellectual freedom.

41 The first editorial to openly call for change, by Li Honglin 李洪林 (1925-2016),106 set the stage for a clamourous debate among intellectuals which ran throughout the year. Entitled

“Reading Without Restrictions” (Dushu wu jinqu 读书⽆禁区)107, Li argued that academic debate should proceed unhindered from ideological restrictions. For Li, this new space of intellectual inquiry emerged out of the “catastrophe” (haojie 浩劫) wrought by Lin Biao and the

Gang of Four, when books of all types disappeared from bookstores and individuals who kept personal collections were seen as ‘the equivalent of those harbouring bandits’ (xiang wocang tufei 象窝藏⼟匪).108 Libraries effectively became "prisons for books" (shu de jianyu 书的监

狱), and many texts, condemned as forbidden by the state, were burned, “vanishing in a puff of smoke” (huifei yanmie 灰飞烟灭).109 In lamenting the ‘complete dictatorship’ (quanmian zhuanzheng 全⾯专政) that took hold of the cultural world, which he argued was

106 Li was the main party theorist from the CCP Central Committee’s Propaganda Theory Office (Zhonggong zhongyang xuanchuanbu lilunshi 中共中央宣传部理论室), as well as party historian at the Museum of Chinese History (Zhongguo lishi bowuguan 中国历史博物馆). In 1980, Li published three texts which he had been working on over the preceding decade - Science and Superstition (Kexue yu mixin 科学与迷信), Socialism and Freedom (Shehuizhuyi yu ziyou 社会主义与⾃由), and Socialism and Communism (Shehuizhuyi yu gongchanzhuyi 社会主义与共产主义). For a brief analysis if Li’s work on legal theory, see McCormack (1990; 98), while for a comparative analysis of Li Honglin and Wang Ruoshui, see Ma Licheng (2015; 90-92).

107 A literal translation of the title is “Reading without Forbidden Areas,” although the editorial and subsequent debates surrounding it explore the underlying issues of intellectual freedom, openness, and plurality, as well as the need to proscribe such freedoms. It is also unclear if the term “reading” refers to the journal itself, or reading in general, but in either case the argument is clear. In arguing that there should be no forbidden areas or limits placed on academic inquiry, they clamoured for a more critically oriented approach to scholarship. A literal reading would ascribe a spatial dimension to such affective explorations of intellectual endeavour, however the underlying discursive logic relates an exploratory, and seemingly transgressive sentimentality - though one still ironically and rigidly stuck within the boundaries of an authoritarian factional debate, which used heavily politicised language to entrench the new intellectual order. An editorial note at the end of a later article appraising Li Honglin’s piece, and critiquing negative responses to it, notes that Li Honglin’s original title was “Smash Forbidden Areas for Reading” (Dapo dushu de jinqu 打破读书的禁区; Zi Qi A 1979; 25). This was changed by the editors for publication in the initial volume.

108 Neither Li, nor subsequent authors, mention the Cultural Revolution by name, but rather place all blame on the policies of Lin Biao and the Gang of Four.

109 Li Honglin (1979; 2).

42 “unprecedented" (shiwuqianli 史⽆前例), Li proceeded to compare the Gang of Four to a slew of historical figures and dynasties who had banned books and the free circulation of ideas.110 It was now the Gang of Four who had run amok (hengxing 横⾏), echoing the phrase earlier used to critique students who had taken to the square in April of 1976. For Li, social and cultural formations should be allowed to flourish, and a return to autonomous scholarship should take root among academics and intellectuals. By arguing that politics was entirely disconnected from scholarship and culture, other authors in the opening volume sought to rethink the relationship between politics, academic theory (lilun xueshu 理论学术), culture, and the arts.111

This push for intellectual pluralisation, termed the Third Thought Liberation Movement

(sanci sixiang jiefang yundong 三次思想解放运动), emerged in 1979 as a countervailing force against the injustices of the previous decades. Deployed in multiple articles over the coming year, the movement sought to engender a more robust reading of cultural and intellectual change.

Writing under the pseudonym Bian Zhe 卞哲 (identity unknown, fl. ca. 1979), in an article entitled “Liberate Thought, Break Through Forbidden Areas” (Jiefang sixiang, tupo jinqu 解放

110 Ibid, 3. The critique is as much a denunciation of such acts, which Li tied to the actions of the first emperor, Qin Shi huang 秦始皇 (259-210 BCE), as it is of leftist politics, which the he argued was the arbiter of such cultural destruction. Li further brands the Qing dynasty, Chiang Kai-shek (Jiang Jieshi 蒋介⽯), and others as enacting policies banning books, though argued that in comparison their restrictive policies ‘paled in significance’ (anranshise 黯然失⾊) to those of Lin Biao and the Gang of Four. In his appraisal and denunciation, there is no mention of previous efforts by the Communist Party to restrict intellectual freedom, such as the Hundred Flowers Campaign. Li highlights that beginning in 1978, domestic and foreign literary classics as diverse as the Chronicles of the Eastern Zhou Kingdoms (Dongzhou lieguo zhi 东周列国志) and Anna Karenina (Anna Kalienina 安娜 · 卡列尼娜) became available, ushering in a period of cultural pluralisation not seen in decades.

111 See “Zhengzhi yu xueshu” (1979; 34). The anonymous article was taken from the Shanghai newspaper Wenhui bao ⽂汇报, originally published on 2 February 1979. For the author of this article, the quality of scientific or artistic achievement was entirely disconnected from political concerns. While not castigating the ‘political mistakes’ of the past, the author sought a break from politics for intellectual and cultural workers, and the establishment of a more objective worldview (shijieguan 世界观).

43 思想，突破禁区)112, the author argued that the study of Chinese history should be freed from authoritarian political power, as recent history had seen the proliferation of ‘forbidden areas’ in virtually every facet of academic research.113 The author argued in favour of examining history from multiple perspectives, as historical fact since 1949 was effectively "changed beyond recognition" (mianmu quanfei ⾯⽬全⾮), rendering the historical understanding of seminal events at the time innately one-sided, while a short editorial at the end of the article called for

“strengthening cultural democracy” (jiaqiang wenhua minzhu 加强⽂化民主), and for socialist democracy.114 It was within this nexus of intellectual liberalisation and political change, in the wake of the Democracy Wall Movement and the Third Plenary Session of the CCP in December of 1978, that these debates were born.

Yet calls among intellectuals for ‘liberation of thought’ were intrinsically couched in factional terms, as a reaction against the injustices of the Gang of Four.Consequently, these

112 The phrase jiefang sixiang 解放思想 could also be translated as ‘emancipate the mind.’ Many authors at the time wrote under pseudonyms, as in the wake of the Cultural Revolution, and certainly also the Hundred Flowers Campaign, intellectuals were wary of openly challenging the prevailing socio-political order, however liberal and pluralistic it might have seemed.

113 Though not from political power altogether, as the promotion of ‘thought liberation’ was itself a government driven initiative. The article opens with a powerful critique of the “poisonous" nature of the Gang of Four, stating that “during the ‘Gang of Four’s’ long period of cultural dictatorship, in research on modern Chinese history, and similarly with research in the other social sciences, forbidden areas were everywhere, like trees in a forest (在’四⼈帮’长期⽂化专制统治下，中国近代史的研究同其它社会科学的研究⼀样，禁区遍地，禁条林⽴; Bian Zhe 1979; 25). Despite this push for openness, however, the argument in favour of unfettered historical research was couched in terms which supported revolutionary struggle. The author argued that by learning from the struggles of the peasantry during the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom (Taiping tianguo 太平天国, 1851-1864), along with the policies and governmental system then in place, one could more adeptly analyse the success and failure of contemporary revolutionary struggle. Articles such as these would render the liberalisation of intellectual discourse in innately teleological terms - not as liberalisation in and of itself, but rather in service of the nation. For more on the history of the three thought liberation movements, see Ma & Ling (2011).

114 The anonymous editorial also called for “freedom of association” (ziyou jieshe ⾃由结社), as a "democratic right” (minzhu quanli 民主权利) enshrined in the constitution, which would be of great benefit to academics, writers and artists. There should henceforth be no "restricting reality” (xianzhi zhi shi 限制之实), just as there could never be "restrictions on the heart” (xianzhi zhi xin 限制之⼼). See “jiaqiang wenhua minzhu 1979; 30).

44 intellectuals? deployed the jingoistic the rhetoric of the state as a means of promoting a rather vaunted sense of intellectual emancipation. Writing a few months later, Qiao Shu 乔淑 (fl. ca.

1979) outlined the “guiding principle" (fangzhen ⽅针) of thought liberation, attempting to place it in historical context. His article traced the historical efficacy of the ‘third thought liberation movement’ in the wake of the Third Plenary Session, but criticised the notion that it should immediately be accepted among intellectuals, arguing instead that it should be seen as a long- term policy which at its root was predicated upon a singular materialist (weiwu 唯物) and dialectical (bianzheng 辩证) logic.115 Articulated in Maoist language, the thought liberation movement concerned the effort "to persist in seeking truth from facts" (jianchi shishiqiushi 坚持

实事求是) by "linking theory and practice” (lilun lianxi shiji 理论联系实际), “eliminating superstition” (pochu mixin 破除迷信), respecting scientific thought, and endeavouring to understand the “objective world” (keguan shijie 客观世界) so as to both comprehend and thus ultimately change the world.116 This focus on objective reality was echoed within the major arts movements of the period, embodied by a realist push towards an accurate historical accounting and the representation of actual historical experience. The debate concerning realism often focused on the role of art and literature as a strategy for representing rural struggle, hardship, and tenacity, yet was also intrinsically connected to the ideals of an educated, urban youth, who had recently returned from the countryside.

115 The first thought liberation movement references the May Fourth Movement, with the dissolution of the influence of Confucian thought and feudalism and the introduction and ascendance of Marxism. The second concerned the Yan’an Rectification Campaign of 1942-1944, led by Mao Zedong in an effort to entrench the position of the CCP and purge such “leftist dogmatists" as Comintern agent Wang Ming 王明 (1904-1974). This third thought liberation was merely another intellectual upheaval tethered to a unilateral historical logic, referencing the break with the corrupting and corrosive ideological influence of the Gang of Four and their ilk.

116 Qiao Shu (1979; 15).

45 Within these debates, realist representation was seen as the embodiment of national progress and socialist modernisation. Writing under the pseudonym Ding Nuo 丁诺 (identity unknown, ﬂ. ca. 1979), one author opined that the "fascist cultural despotism” (faxisi wenhua zhuanzhizhuyi 法西斯⽂化专制主义) of the Gang of Four had bankrupted the cultural establishment, and that those critical of realist representation were actually working against the ideals of socialist modernisation.117 In reflecting the actual historical experience of the people, realism was thus the most appropriate and ultimately honest strategy for cultural development.118

In exploring objective reality and "real life" (xianshi shenghuo 现实⽣活), Ding argued that artists and writers must move beyond staid political tropes, and depict the complexity of quotidian experience. Within photography circles, the objective nature of photographic

117 Writing in the influential journal Studies in Literature and Art (Wenyi yanjiu ⽂艺研究), an author using the pen name of Qin Bing 芹屏 looked back to the Hundred Flowers Campaign of the late 1950s as a period when the photographic arts had flourished, and like many from 1979 onwards, lamented the ‘fascist cultural despotism of the Gang of Four’ (‘Sirenbang’ de faxisi wenhua zhuanzhizhuyi ‘四⼈帮’的法西斯⽂化专制主义). The phrase emerged repeatedly during discussions surrounding the April 4th movement in journals such as Chinese Photography and Popular Photography, as well as within an array of academic journals. For many of these authors, radical politics had co-opted the ideals of socialist modernisation, and “radical leftist intellectual trends that harmed the development of the photographic arts” (Qin Bing 37).

118 Ding Nuo 1979; 21-22). The author wrote that many intellectuals and writers, such as Shao Quanlin 邵荃麟 (1906-1971), "died without being vindicated” (hanyuan siqu 含冤死去) in prison. As Vice-Chairman of the Chinese Writers Association (Zhongguo zuojia xiehui 中国作家协会), Shao convened a literary conference in 1962 in Dalian, with the aim of promoting realism in literature. During the conference, Shao advocated for “deepening realism” (xianshi zhuyi shenhua 现实主义深化) in an effort to more adeptly depict the complexity and diversity of rural struggles. He is quoted as arguing during the conference that “If [we] say that agriculture is the foundation of [our] national economy, [then] realism is the foundation of our creative work. Without realism there can be no romanticism. Our creative work should quite quickly advance towards real life, solidly reflecting reality.” (如果说农业是国民经济的基础, 现实主义是我们创作的基础。没有现实主义就没有浪漫主义。我们的创作应该向现实⽣活更突进⼀步, 扎扎实实地反映出现实). See Ding Nuo (1979; 22). Shao’s call for “deepening realism,” which has also been translated as ‘the intensification of realism,’ was later castigated by Jiang Qing as one of the "eight black theories” (hei ba lun ⿊巴伦) during the early part of the Cultural Revolution. For more on the eight black theories, see Li Kwok-sing (1995; 146-147).

46 representation was also at the centre of debates concerning the depiction of reality and truth,119 leaving a profound impact upon the manner in which modernist photography was reconceptualised among a new generation of young photographers working at the forefront of immense historical change.

Enacting social and cultural change required a renewed approach to education, and a thorough rethinking of the role of politics within contemporary culture. Wu Mu 吴⽊ (fl. ca.

1979) , also writing in Dushu, articulated a new vision of political education for China’s youth which sought to both realise the four modernisations and strengthen socialism, the dictatorship of the proletariat, Mao Zedong thought, and the observation of socialist morality.120 Rather than an overt move away from the divisive politicisation of pedagogy, scholarship clearly still retained the Marxist vocabulary of the preceding decades. These political invectives were emblematic of state-driven politics: while Wu argued that the youth of the nation had risen up against the Gang of Four in an heroic struggle in service of the nation in 1976, his primary concern surrounded how to effectively mould the state of their political thought, while avoiding their innate desire for internal disorder (neishang 内伤).121 Wu argued that the Gang of Four had ‘poisoned’ (duhai 毒

119 Photo critics throughout the 1980s discussed the representation of “reality” and “truth.” See Wang Wei (1980; 12-13) and Han Yunbo (1988; 5).

120 Wu Mu (1979; 2).

121 Wu further argued that many older cadres felt this was due to their inherent nihilism (xuwuzhuyi 虚⽆主义) and pessimistic embrace of philistinism (shikuai zhexue 市侩哲学) (Wu Mu 3). Another short commentary in the volume by Zi Qi ⼦起, entitled “What is There to Admire About Capitalism?” (“Zibenzhuyi you shenme ke xianmu de 资本主义友什么可羡慕的?”), endeavoured to examine issues such as democracy, human rights, and the concept of “one person, one vote” (mei ren yi zhang xuanpiao 每⼈⼀张选票). Although the author highlighted that the quality of life was better in the West, by utilising the now oft-invoked metaphor of a ‘pie’ (dangao 蛋糕) of national and personal wealth, capitalist nations had a tendency to monopolise wealth, and citizens had to bear the burden of taxes and high rents. The effective premise of the piece was that the four modernisations would serve to deepen socialism and thus further benefit the people, even if their share of global wealth was smaller than that of capitalist nations (Zi Qi 1979 B; 9).

47 害) the minds of China's youth, and that it was now up to the political and intellectual elite to shape their political, social, and cultural futures, while continuing to maintain social stability and order. The future of academic inquiry was therefore an uncertain project, as multiple intellectual perspectives sought to represent the new voice of post-Mao China, and differing conceptions of the veracity of cultural difference clamoured to be heard.

These calls for a more open society were not without challenges, however, as many scholars were wary of the negative externalities of political, intellectual, and social liberalisation.

The first article to openly challenge Li Honglin’s initial editorial was published in the 6th volume of Dushu in 1979 by Zhang Shoubai 张守⽩ (fl. ca. 1979), entitled “Reading Cannot be Without

Restrictions” (Dushu buneng ‘wu jinqu’ 读书不能’⽆禁区’). Though he was roundly against the

"cultural despotism" of the Gang of Four, Zhang argued that a complete liberalisation of the intellectual sphere could prove dangerous, and was thus thoroughly unacceptable.122 In comparing reactionary texts to pornography, Zhang sought to curtail the excesses of the youth by arguing that as they were "full of vigour" (xueqi fanggang ⾎⽓⽅刚) and easily intoxicated

(mizui 迷醉), while also lacking “revolutionary willpower” (geming yizhi ⾰命意志), they could quickly be led astray and sink into vice (chenlun 沉沦).123 These moral and logical conundrums, as hyperbolic as they are inconsistent, rely on staid moral tropes in conveying the necessity for social stability. Echoing Zhang’s concerns, other writers took a more subtle approach to the issue. In the same volume, Wu Yue 吴越 further argued that while a complete prohibition on

122 Zhang Shoubai (1979; 7).

123 Ibid, 8. Echoing state policy, Zhang ended his polemic by arguing that the youth should continue to be guided by books on Marxism, the Four Modernisations, and scientific culture. To do otherwise would lead the nation astray.

48 ideas would not be good for society, the liberalisation of intellectual discourse would be unproductive and produce uneven results.124 As rules and regulations (tiaotiaokuangkuang 条条

框框) existed concerning a variety of topics, and were often forcibly limited (hengjia xianzhi 横

加限制), Wu contended that because accurate historical knowledge had been restricted for so long, enabling individuals to write about history (or write historical short stories) would be both ahistorical and dangerous - as how can one write history without previously having read history.125 As many "did not engage in honest work" (buwuzhengye 不务正业), and historical records and archives were generally off limits, there was no way to verify the veracity of the claims made in new historical texts.126 For Wu, scholarly appeals towards ‘Reading without limits’ were certainly just, and even politically reactionary texts should be open for public consumption, though historical critiques should be directed towards the "poisonous weeds" (ducao 毒草) who had overrun the cultural establishment.127 Unless such ‘fascist’

124 Wu Yue (1979; 9)

125 Ibid, 9-10).

126 Wu argued that this was due to a "policy of cultural imprisonment” (wenhua jingu zhengce ⽂化禁锢政策), in which archives were off limits, and highlighted that as Marx was able to consult thousands of sources in English libraries while writing Das Kapital (Ziben lun 资本论), he was thus able to produce a robust critique. Wu’s reasoning was that without such access to historical data, contemporary historians could not possibly challenge current historical knowledge. Perhaps out of necessity, Wu neglected to address the authoritarian intellectual and cultural policies at root within the Party, focusing instead on a nationalist rendering of political salvation in the wake of the "bitter lesson” (cantong jiaoxun 惨痛教训) of the Cultural Revolution (Wu Yue 10-11).

127 This was certainly justified given the violence inflicted upon intellectuals during the Cultural Revolution. For Wu, only those with a clear head (tounao qingxing 头脑清醒) and of sound nerves (shenjing jianquan 神经健全) should have access to politically sensitive texts, as many historical texts contained misinformation from the enemies (diren 敌⼈) of reason, whose ideas might corrupt young minds (Wu Yue 10-11). While conceding that there were both positive and negative aspects to a completely open intellectual sphere, Wu worried that many would be "unable to distinguish right from wrong” (shifeibufen 是⾮不分) in a world of competing ideas, leading to a society of ‘hooligans’ (liumang 流氓) (Wu Yue 12). Perhaps unsurprisingly, after a decade of relatively peaceful development and order, it was these very hooligans who would emerge in the early 1990s as a self-deprecating underclass of artists and agitates. See chapter 4 for more.

49 political undercurrents were thoroughly extirpated, progress would be hindered, and society would again be led down the same disastrous path taken throughout the preceding decade.128

The debate continued in the following volume with an article by Zi Qi ⼦起 (identity unknown, fl. ca. 1979), which argued that Dushu should not have any forbidden topics or areas of discussion. Building on the initial editorial by Li Honglin, and in direct response to Zhang

Shoubai, Wu Yue, and others, Zi Qi argued that many of those against an unfettered intellectual sphere were arguing that the masses were all akin to the historical figure of the incompetent

Adou 阿⽃, while they themselves embodied the wisdom of the ancient military strategist and inventor Zhuge Liang 诸葛亮.129 Finding many authors inherently polemical, Zi Qi opined that their allegorical renderings of the trope of “poisonous weeds" were altogether unproductive, arguing instead that even reactionary texts were useful in determining whether or not intellectuals should be apprehended and punished.130

Tellingly, these efforts did not contain calls for intellectuals and cultural workers to divorce themselves from the state, but rather embodied subtle shifts within the state, with the

128 Wu wrote that “the tattered goods of fascism are taken to be regarded as the truth of the revolution” (法西斯的破烂货当作⾰命的真理). Wu Yue (1979; 11).

129 Zi Qi (1979 A; 19). Adou was the childhood name of Liu Shan 刘禅 (207-271 CE), the last emperor of the kingdom of Shu Han 蜀汉 during the Three Kingdoms period (220-280 CE), and is generally seen as weak and incompetent. Zi Qi’s parallel critique levied the image of Zhuge Liang 诸葛亮 (181-234 CE) as the epitome of the noble statesman and strategist, opining that China’s intellectuals saw themselves as the embodiment of the wisdom of the nation. For Zi Qi, even the Gang of Four did not rely on a public ban on ideas, despite a proliferation of "forbidden areas” within the world of culture and ideas.

130 For example, those engaging with the ideas of Chiang Kai-shek 蒋介⽯ or Chiang Ching-kuo 蒋经国 were to be arrested and sentenced, while such “clear-minded" scholars as Zhang Shoubai had spoken of were to be allowed to read and criticise such texts. See Zi Qi (1979 A; 20-21).

50 liberalisation of academic discourse designed to further strengthen the party. Writing later in the year, Li Honglin penned a piece entitled “Communist Party Members Should Speak of Their

Accomplishments” (“Gongchandang ren yingai jiang xiuyang 共产党⼈应该讲修养”), in an effort to re-legitimise the hegemony of the CCP at a time when many were calling for democratisation.131 Others, such as Zhu Song 朱松 (fl. ca. 1979), sought to theorise the relationship between democracy and society by examining the history of "despotic power" (yinwei 淫威) among intellectuals and theorists in China, whose ideas had led the people astray and created an "atmosphere of political repression" (wanmaqiyin 万马齐喑).132 Despite their respective positions, the focus for many of these authors was on issues of unchecked power, the corruption of young minds, and the dangers associated with the melancholic rage of youth - a direct reference to the Red Guards and the chaos of the preceding decade.

The corruption of the powerful and the manipulation of the youth was a dominant theme throughout much of the academic debates of in Dushu. Writing under the moniker Zi Yu ⼦愚

(identity unknown, ﬂ. ca. 1979), one author opened with the most oft-recited 19th century invocation from the liberal thinker Lord John EE Acton 约翰·阿克顿爵⼠ (1834-1902) on the

131 See Li Honglin (1979 B).

132 Zhu Son (1979; 12). Developing some of the themes from Mao Zedong’s 1957 essay “On the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the People” (“Guanyu zhengque chuli renmin neibu maodun de wenti 关于正确处理⼈民内部⽭盾的问题”), Zhu highlighted the hundred flowers period as a model for intellectual development, though also related how the policy itself was disastrously handled. Though Zhu was arguing in favour of a correct interpretation of the “fundamental principles” (jiben yuanli 基本原理) of Marxism, he demanded that there be no ‘forbidden areas’ for intellectuals. For Zhu, as “theoretical work serves politics, and theory and politics cannot be completely separated,” analysing competing ideas was integral in addressing real theoretical problems (xianshi de lilun wenti 现实的理论问题). Despite this, Zhu was not arguing in favour of the democratisation of ideas, or the “public discussion” of all opinions, but rather for a "cautious attitude” (shenzhong taidu 慎重态度) to academic debate (Zhu Song 12).

51 concentration of power: “Power tends to corrupt and absolute power corrupts absolutely” (quanli bi zhi fuhua, juedui de quanli juedui de fuhua 权⼒必致腐化, 绝对的权⼒绝对地腐化).133

Appraisals of the power of centralised authority over discursive unity determined the tenor of many of these debates, though no clear narrative emerged to define the new cultural criticism.

These competing visions sought to expand the influence of academic discourse, and had a profound influence on the direction of the broader cultural world, which began to adopt a considerably more progressive outlook on politics.134 The sentiments of these academics would in turn be echoed by those writing about photography, as advocates for the truthful framing of social life derived their discursive authority from critiques of what was real, true, and ultimately beneficial for society.

Forever April: Documentary Photography and the Politics of Reform

It was within this complex intellectual, cultural, and political milieu that the works of the

April Photo Society would initially be deployed within the state sponsored system of the photographic arts. Imagery was utilised in multiple contexts with a singular objective - as a politics of renewal and retribution against the cloistered atmosphere of the previously sanctioned

133 Zi Yu (1979; 100). The article ended with an invocation from the Indian writer Asoka Mehta 梅达, that while “socialism is an attractive goal, the concentration of power is as dangerous as the concentration of capital.” The critique was not of socialism in general, but was launched against the Gang of Four and their purportedly "theoretical authority” (lilun quanwei 理论权威). Ibid, 101.

134 The concept of liberalism has a long and storied history in China, beginning in the late 19th century and developing through the Republican era (Fung 2010; Grieder 1981; Goldman & Lee 2002), though the most prominent discourse on liberalism in China in the post-revolutionary period was Mao’s essay “Oppose Liberalism” (Fandui ziyouzhuyi 反对⾃由主义), which was written on 7 September 1937. By arguing that liberalism was incommensurate with the ideological struggle of communists and revolutionaries, Mao foreclosed the possibility of any foray into liberal discourse among Chinese intellectuals, which was most viscerally articulated during the Hundred Flowers Campaign.

52 official culture. The Thought Liberation movement had extended across the cultural arena, with discussions of the liberalisation of visuality emerging in Chinese Photography and other publications though in seemingly unique contexts. One of the earliest curiously situated this liberation of representation in the style of flower and plant photography (huahui sheying 花卉摄

影), as beautiful urban scenery was reconfigured through a critique of the injustices of the Gang of Four.

These works were seen as a form of "patriotic education" (aiguozhuyi jiaoyu 爱国主义教

育) which could help enlighten (qishi 启⽰) viewers, and ultimately serve to develop a more democratic arts (fayang yishu minzhu 发扬艺术民主). Beauty, in this context, was a move both beyond and within politics, which would engender creative freedom (chuangzuo ziyou 创作⾃

由) for artists, a phrase much in use at the time, and promote a more progressive and pluralistic form of visuality.135 As a critique of the “Three Prominences” (san tuchu 三突出), which held sway over the arts during the Cultural Revolution and strangled (esha 扼杀) all forms of creativity, Guang Yanfeng ⼴衍风 (fl. ca. 1979) argued that such frameworks were effectively

"repressing the creative passion of the masses" (yayi le qunzhong de chuangzuo reqing 压抑了群

135 Throughout 1979, Chinese Photography ran dozens of images which harkened back to the visual forms of artists such as Lang Jingshan 郎静⼭ and Chen Fuli 陈复礼. Chen Fuli’s work was discussed at length in volume 5 by the celebrated painter Huang Yongyu 黄永⽟, who also wrote widely on photography. Having been rebuked during the Cultural Revolution for producing counter-revolutionary art, including in one of the now infamous Black Painting Exhibitions, by the late 1970s Huang was one of the prominent voices in the art world arguing against the politicisation of the arts, and an influential professor at the Central Academy of Fine Arts. Writing in 1980, Huang argued that “truth is the life of the photographic arts” “zhenshi shi sheying yishu de shengming 真实是摄影艺术的⽣命.” See Huang Yongyu (1980; 4). For more on the reappraisal of landscape representation in the 1980s, see chapter 2.

53 众的创作热情). In stressing the documentary nature of photography, Guang focused on the importance of authentically observing and depicting everyday life, which would bring about distinctions between the visual styles of various photographers, illustrate their "spirit of originality" (duchuang jingshen 独创精神), and ultimately serve to promote a multiplicity of novel perspectives while “breaking through ‘forbidden zones’” (chuang ‘jinqu’ 闯’禁区’).

Echoing the discussion in Dushu, Guang sought to illustrate how photographers could imbue a

“sense of diversity” (duoyangxing 多样性) in their works, and upend the "rigidity of thought" (sixiang jianghua 思想僵化) that had characterised the previous era.136 Nonetheless, the visual politics of the era oscillated between proleptic renditions of social and economic progress, and traditionalist retreats into aesthetics.137 This focus on the aesthetic nature of representation, as a movement away from the politicised nature of photographic practice prevalent during the preceding decades, was a conscious effort to subtly alter the representational and discursive regime. Yet for at least a decade, there was no concerted movement away from socialist realism, but rather acceptance as one among many valid tools for representing social, economic, and cultural rejuvenation and progress.

136 Guang Yanfeng (1979; 51 & 56). Much of this discussion was in service of promoting landscape photography, as "poetic feeling , pictorial meaning” (shiqinghuayi 诗情画意) and quiet reclusion of natural landscapes opined a degree of individual escapism. Chinese Photography also featured numerous other articles on the resurgence of landscape photography as a form of art, including an account of the painter Wu Zuoren’s analysis of an exhibition of landscape photography which took place in Beijing late in 1978.

137 I use proleptic here to refer to the representation of an idea, such as socialist modernisation or liberalisation, with the aim of promoting its appearance within society. This is also used in Anagnost (1997; 179).

54 The publication of official photobooks has long been a means of promoting national unity in China, and throughout the Maoist era had helped promote government policy.138 The widely distributed book People’s Mourning (Renmin de daonian ⼈民的悼念) was no exception.

Published in January 1979, it featured hundreds of documentary images of the spontaneous mass mourning of Zhou Enlai during the Qingming festival on 4-5 April 1976.139 Though uncredited in the text, photographers Li Xiaobin and Luo Xiaoyun were among the editors responsible for assembling People’s Mourning, in which many of their images were anonymously featured.140

The preface to the publication proudly proclaimed that the photo book ‘truthfully documented’ (zhenshi de jilu le 真实的记录了) the events of the “revolutionary April 5th

Movement” (“si・wu”geming yundong “四・五”⾰命运动 ), in the wake of the “unprecedented calamity of a handful of feudal fascists” (yi xiao cuo fengjian faxisi de kongqian haojie ⼀⼩撮

封建法西斯的空前浩劫) represented by Lin Biao and the Gang of Four.141 With the youth on the square now vindicated as “heroes" (yingxiong 英雄) of the nation, who could no longer remain silent in the face of the oppression and exploitation (zaige 宰割) of the Gang of Four, a fuse (daohuoxian 导⽕线) sparking change had now been set by Deng Xiaoping. In the wake of

138 For an overview of many of these texts, see Parr & WassinkLundgren (2015).

139 While formerly lambasted as anti-revolutionary, the events which eventually became known as the April Fifth Movement were finally rehabilitated as truly ‘revolutionary activity’, which was declared on the cover of the People’s Daily on 18 November 1978. This official pronouncement would pave the way for sweeping changes in the world of photo publishing, beginning in 1979.

140 Interview with Li Xiaobin 1 June 2016 at his home in Beijing, and Luo Xiaoyun (2014; 33). They and others were grouped together as United Editors.

141 Original: 林彪，“四⼈帮”⼀⼩撮封建法西斯的空前浩劫. The editors charged the Gang of Four with seeking private gain (yingsi 营私), trying to turn back history (daoxing nishi 倒⾏逆施), and bringing disaster to the country and the people (huoguo yangmin 祸国殃民). Note: the volume did not contain page numbers.

55 the Qingming festival, the fury (nuhuo 怒⽕) of the youth could now “erupt like a volcano” (xiang huoshan yiyang baofa 象⽕⼭⼀样爆发) and usher in a new era of social, political, and cultural change. Using the Monument to the People’s Heroes as their rallying point,142 the youth could now “solemnly declare to the world: ‘China is already no longer the

China of the past, its people are no longer foolish, and the feudal era of Emperor Qin is already gone forever.’ The people are the natural masters of history.”143 Distributed widely among the intelligentsia and student body, the text was to have a profound resonance on the representation of political mobilisation and the liberalisation of public space, particularly as it came in the immediate aftermath of the Democracy Wall movement, which was also widely documented by

Li Xiaobin.144

Images which were previously denounced by the ruling class were now on full display, as the political tides had finally shifted. Which brings us back to the iconic image taken by Luo

Xiaoyun, documenting Li Tiehua’s youthful political grandstanding in Cherishing the Memory of

Premier Zhou, Sharply Denouncing the “Gang of Four” (huainian Zhou zongli, tongchi

“sirenbang” 怀念周总理，痛斥 “四⼈帮”). Included in People’s Mourning (Image 13), it was also prominently featured in volume 1 of Chinese Photography from 1979 (refer to image 10).

142 A photograph of the monument was featured on the cover of the book, symbolically connecting the mourners to the revolutionary legacy of the founders of the PRC, while simultaneously disavowing themselves from the political fascism of the Gang of Four. Though not yet a symbolic return to the ideals of the May Fourth, it was nonetheless an early indication of the efforts towards rethinking historical progress.

143 United Editors (1979; preface, unpaginated) Original: 它向全世界庄严宣告：“中国已不是过去的中国，⼈民也不是愚不可及，秦皇的封建时代已⼀去不复返了”，⼈民是历史的当然主⼈。

144 While Li has a wide array of images from the period, he has been prohibited from exhibiting or publishing them. Though I possess a collection of these photographs, I have been asked by Li not to include them in the present dissertation.

56 The image was hastily taken from the back of Luo’s bicycle, as the Beijing based opera singer Li

Tiehua belted out: “Who are they trying to overthrow with their opposition to Premier

Zhou.” (shei fandui Zhou zongli jiu dadao shei 谁反对周总理就打倒谁).145 Upon returning to the square the next day, Luo noticed that the wreaths had all been removed, and that there were bloodstains on the Monument to the People’s Heroes - an indication of the harsh crackdown instituted by the Gang of Four.146

The first three volumes of Chinese Photography for 1979 were dedicated to the events of

5 April 1976 and the denunciation of the Gang of Four (now referred to as the April 5th

Movement (Siwu yundong 四五运动). The government led by Jiang Qing had initially cracked down on the mourners, arresting thousands and removing their flowers, banners, and poems from the Monument to the People’s Heroes, in what has become known as the First Tiananmen

Incident (Di yi ci Tiananmen shijian 第⼀次天安门事件).147 The movement itself was to embody the reconnection with the May Fourth Movement, with its symbolic reversal of the dates

(5-4 vs. 4-5) dialectically reconnecting images of protest and progress to an earlier generation of politically engaged youth. Yet perhaps the most poignant image of the youth of the period was

Morning Reading (Chen du 晨读) by Gu Dehua 顾德华 (b. 1956), taken one foggy September

145 The text was published in People’s Mourning below the photograph, though the publication did not include page numbers. Luo had taken about 10 photographs in quick succession, and one of them became the now iconic image. See Luo Xiaoyun et al (2014; 20).

146 On 19 March, elementary school students placed the first wreath for Zhou at Tiananmen. It was quickly removed by the authorities, along with other wreaths. Even the head of Beijing’s Public Security Bureau, Liu Chuanxin 刘传新, who was ordered to keep tabs on those laying wreaths, nervously stated that “these wreaths reflect severe class struggle” (Teiwes & Sun 217). For more on Liu’s role at the time, see Guo Xuezhi (2012; 294).

147 A detailed appraisal of the First Tiananmen Incident, and the relationship between the Gang of Four and those factions formerly allied with Zhou Enlai, can be found in Teiwes (2004). For an excellent study of the symbolic power of Tiananmen, particularly concerning the ‘sacralization of power’ in relation to the representation of revolution and military power, see Lee Haiyan (2011).

57 morning in 1978, which captures a group of young university students reading quietly by the riverbank on the campus of Tsinghua University (Image 14).148 They were the first group of students to return to university after the Cultural Revolution, and were finally able to engage in the most basic of academic pursuits - reading. Rather than grandstanding on Tiananmen, these young students were immersed in reading and learning - a move sanctioned by the opening editorial of the volume, entitled “Liberate Thought, Let Creative Work Prosper” (jiefang sixiang, fanrong chuangzuo 解放思想，繁荣创作), which discussed the Four Modernisations at length.149

Despite this move towards sanctioning liberal ideals and unofficial cultural work, state- sponsored photography publications were deeply imbricated in the the promotion and promulgation of the state policy as many of the images and articles in Chinese Photography over the coming years - particularly from 1979-1983 - would attest.150 Echoing the rhetoric in Dushu and other publications, the journal seemed singularly focused on critiquing the ‘despotism’ of the

148 See Zhongguo sheying 中国摄影 (Chinese Photography )Vol. 1 (1979), 25.

149 The editorial opened with the phrase: “History is turning a new page” (历史翻开了新的⼀页). Despite this overture to liberalisation and progress, the rhetoric was nonetheless couched in terms of Hua Guofeng’s realisation of the Four Modernisations and Mao’s conception of “seeking truth from facts,” which aimed to “give free reign to the photographic arts to unite the people, educate the people, attack enemies, and eliminate the fighting role of [our] enemies.” (fahui le sheying yishu tuanjie renmin, jiaoyu renmin, daji diren, xiaomie diren de zhandou zuoyong 发挥了摄影艺术团结⼈民，教育⼈民，打击敌⼈，消灭敌⼈的战⽃作⽤). See ben kan pinglunyuan (1979; 38). Further echoing the discussion in Dushu, the editors urged photographers to “break through forbidden areas for photography” (chongpo sheying jinqu 冲破摄影禁区), ibid, 37. The volume also included a review of an exhibition of 155 photographs of Mao Zedong entitled Chairman Mao Together With Us (Mao zhuxi he women zai yiqi ⽑主席和我们在⼀起), which opened on 26 December 1978 in Beijing at the Museum of the Chinese Revolution (Zhongguo geming bowuguan 中国⾰命博物馆). See “Quanguo gedi” (1979; 39). On the return to university and academic life among China’s youth, and the politics of intellectual debate from 1949 until the end of the 1970s, see Taylor (1981).

150 The first issue of Chinese Photography from 1979 also featured the first series of images from non-aligned nations, including one of an audience watching an orca splash about at Sea World in Canada. See Zhongguo sheying 中国摄影 (Chinese Photography) Vol. 1 (1979), 22.

58 Gang of Four and Lin Biao, by celebrating how the April 5th Movement had finally been transformed from an “anti-revolutionary incident” (fan geming shijian 反⾰命事件) to a celebrated outpouring of popular expression, wherein the people had finally “ Break through the spiritual shackles of the Gang of Four” (chongpo ‘sirenbang’ de jingshen jiasuo 冲破“四⼈

帮”的精神枷锁).151 The young photographers who took part in documenting the movement, such as Luo Xiaoyun, Li Xiaobin, Yang Weidong 杨卫东 (fl. ca. 1976), Li Yuehua 李越华 (fl. ca. 1976), Li Yingjie 李英杰 (b. 1947), and Bao Naiyong 鲍乃镛 (b. 1938)152, and others were now the proud veterans or “soldiers of photography” (sheying zhantu 摄影战⼠),153 finally able to tell their story.154 Echoing Lu Xun and the spirit of the May Fourth era, the “angry cries of the youth” (qingnianren fennu de nahan 青年⼈愤怒的呐喊) were celebrated for demanding democracy and the rule of law (minzhu yu fazhi 民主与法制), in opposition to the despotism which had previously gripped the nation.155 Invoking the militant terminology common at the time, these photographers were celebrated as soldiers (zhanshi 战⼠) who rose up in defiance against the ban on mourning Zhou Enlai imposed by the Gang of Four.156 In doing so, these photographers continued the struggle "on the spot" (xianchang 现场), as courageous

151 Benkan jizhe (1979; 40).

152 Ibid, 40-43.

153 The original text is “photographic battleground” (sheying zhantu 摄影战⼟), which was most likely a typo, with tu ⼟ being mistakenly used instead of shi ⼠. While battleground is usually rendered zhanchang 战场 or zhandi 战地 (often translated as battleﬁeld), the figural reclaiming of the earth through arduous struggle on the part of these young photographers formed the title of one photograph by Ye Dan 叶丹 (b. 1929). Ibid, 43.

154 A note to contributors on the back cover of Vol. 1 sought images which expressed the "spirit of the times” (shidai jingshen 时代精神) - a motif which would define much of the cultural criticism and photography of the New Era.

155 Xiao Lei (1979; 44).

156 Ben kan jizhe (1979; 40-43).

59 documentarians of history whose efforts would usher in a "brilliant spring" (canlan chuntian 灿

烂春天) for the people.157 This militaristic language continued to pepper numerous publications over the coming years, as further evidenced by an editorial in Popular Photography from early

1980, which argued that “the photographic arts are the Dragoons (light cavalry) on the battle line of literature and art, able to quickly and in a timely manner reflect real life, [and thus] we want to give full play to its special skills” (摄影艺术是⽂艺战线的轻骑兵，它能迅速及时地反映现实

⽣活，我们要充分发挥它的特长).158 Such rhetoric sought to recast the April 5th Movement in a new light, illustrating that the relationship between official government policy and the valourisation of a highly politicised form of photographic realism would be used as a cunning conduit for depicting national progress.

Similar discussions surrounding the importance of truthfully depicting historical events appeared in multiple publications throughout the next two years, and formed the foundation for

157 Xiao Lei (1979; 44). The motif of a new spring for China was deployed in multiple publications at the time, again echoing the sentiments of May Forth intellectuals such as Li Dazhao.

158 See “Sheying yao geng hao” (1980; 1). Other imagery, and even poetry, such as Beijing University professor and celebrated linguist Wang Li’s 王⼒ (1900-1986) poem “Why Am I Laughing So Heartily?” (“wo wei shenme zheiyang huanxiao 我为什么这样欢笑”), published in Popular Photography two months later, would celebrate the role of the four modernisations in helping bring about change for a new generation of China’s youth. Wang wrote: “Why am I laughing so heartily? It’s not because I’ve eaten and drunk to my hearts content. I’m not giving out loads of money; nor have I found precious jewels. I’m laughing heartily today, because life is good. Why is life so good? Because I’m able to work in service of the ‘Four Modernisations’” (我为什么这样欢笑？并⾮因为酒醉饭饱。我不是发了⼤财，也不是拾得珠宝。我今天这样欢笑，是因为⽣活美好。什么事美好⽣活？就是我能为’四化’效劳). See Wang Li (1980; 1). The poem accompanies a photograph of Wang Li and other Beijing University professors laughing around a table. While in this context, the four modernisations appears to act as a profound catharsis for older intellectuals, who could once again go about the job of independently educating a new generation of students, the admittedly state-driven nature of such cultural work is readily evident.

60 photographic discourse during much of the New Era.159 The first edition of Popular

Photography (Dazhong sheying ⼤众摄影), from July 1979, featured numerous articles on the photographers who took part in the April Fifth Movement, and led with an editorial entitled

“Strive to Express the New Spirit of the Times” (nuli biaoxian xin de shidai jingshen 努⼒表现

新的时代精神).160 The first article, a critical appraisal of recent developments in photography in

China by Wang Yongan 王永安 (fl. ca. 1979), was entitled “A Magnificent Page from the

History of Chinese Photography: A Commentary on Photographic Works from the April Fifth

Movement” (“Zhongguo sheying shi shang guanghui de yi ye 中国摄影史上光辉的⼀页”). In the article, Wang outlined and thereby solidified for history the importance of the most representative works of the movement, which would in turn help cement the national reputation of these young photographers as the vanguard of a critical photographic practice.161 As this newly emergent vanguard was being written into a new historical discourse, it was also being used as a political tool to critique the Gang of Four.

The death of Zhou Enlai was a catalyst for the newly ascendent political factions supporting Deng Xiaoping,162 as well as a means of reformulating the discursive foundations of

159 See Lanate & Xiao Xushan (1979). The article also examined photorealism, and the importance of recording facts (shishi 事实) for journalists. I have been unable to determine who Lanate was. Other writers would seek to deconstruct the relationship between what was true and false, by mediating on the relationship between emptiness (xu 虚) and reality (shi 实). See Wang Wei (1980; 12-13).

160 No authorship is given for the editorial, which states that it was produced by a commentator for the publication, as was often the case at the time. See Ben kan pinglunyuan (1979; 1).

161 Wang Yongan (1979; 2-3).

162 For a discussion of the competing factions vying for power after the death of Mao Zedong, see Baum (1996; 8-12), Zweig (2016; 6), and Vogel (2013). It would be both specious and inaccurate to claim that all of these photographers supported Deng, or aligned with a particular faction. What unified them, was their distain for the politics of the preceding years, and their desire to openly explore, through their photography, the pressing social issues of the day.

61 the new visual regime, specifically through a critique of the Gang of Four. The publication of

People’s Mourning cemented this factional iteration of the newly ‘free’ society, unhinged from the burden of an oppressive and innately regressive political logic (that of the Gang of Four), and celebrated a mass political gathering of an altogether different sort than the ones which had previously galvanised the square just a decade earlier. One might easily read these images much as one would images from the Cultural Revolution – as markers of factional power and mass political support, in which the logic of power has simply been inverted, rather than displaced, despite claims by the photographers to be truly free from the auspices of the state. Yet this reading neglects the wide array of other critically engaged imagery produced at the time, subsuming their works under the staid reading of culture in China as somehow always already political.

The April Photo Society emerged out of this tumultuous rearrangement of the intellectual and cultural elite, and was initiated by Wang Zhiping 王志平 (b. 1947) and Li Xiaobin. Their inaugural exhibition, Nature, Society, and Man (Ziran, shehui, ren ⾃然，社会，⼈)163 set the stage for much of the work that would follow, and was led by photographers active in documenting the April Fifth Movement in 1976, including their good friend Wang Miao 王苗 (b.

1951). The exhibition opened on 3 April 1979 in Zhongshan Park in Beijing, and ran for 21 days, with 51 participants displaying roughly 300 works. It was to be the first of three such exhibitions by the group, and more significantly was the first unofficial art exhibition to take place after

163 In reflecting a gender neutral reading of the character ren ⼈, the name of the show has also been translated as Nature, Society, Human (See New Framework 2013; 8).

62 Mao’s death.164 As April Photo Society member and prominent photo critic Bao Kun has argued,

“This type of photography finally bids farewell to [state] power, detached from any single form of political awareness , [it has] returned to its rightful place in reflecting real life and the inner life of the people” (这样的摄影，终于告别了权⼒，脱离了单⼀的政治意识形态，回到了正

常的反映现实⽣活和⼈们内⼼⽣活的应有位置).165 For other influential critics, such as Li

Xianting 栗宪庭 (b. 1949), who was then the editor of Meishu, the exhibition marked a move towards a more truthful iteration of the emotional consciousness of the nation, and the reclamation of agency on the part of the people.166

Yet in this context, one must surely ask what is meant by the very term "people" (renmin

⼈民), particularly given the depoliticised and liberated conception of representational belonging being promoted in the late 1970s. Yet if the modern subject in 20th century China is defined as a thoroughly politicised subject, and a signifier not only of the promise of modernity (whether communist or capitalist), but of the struggles to achieve it, then a certain degree of individual autonomy or agency is lost, as the overdetermined category of the "people" erases all claims to

164 The most detailed overview of the exhibitions can be found in Wang Zhiping (2009), which provides dozens of primary documents, historical recollections, and contemporary interviews of key participants, such as Luo Xiaoyun, Li Xiaobin, Wang Liping, Wang Miao, and others. The book was produced in tandem with a thirty-year retrospective exhibition of the April Photo Society, and also featured more recent photographs from members of the society. Ahead of the 20th anniversary of the April Photo Society, Wang Liping (1999) also brought together a wide array of primary documents, images, and personal reminiscences of the group. The publication features an array of informative essays documenting the history of the society and the historical context from which it emerged. For a detailed list of the works that appeared in each of the three Nature, Society, and Man exhibitions, see Zhang Runjuan (2009).

165 Bao Kun (2009; 46).

166 Li discussed the exhibitions in his preface to the viscerally arresting work of Yuan Dongping 袁冬平, which documents “a truthful and absurd world” (zhenshi er huangdan de shijie 真实⼆荒诞的世界). He argued that the April Photo Society marked the beginning of the progressive developments that culminated in Yuan’s work (Li Xianting 1996; 1), though as I will illustrate, they were interrupted by state driven campaigns throughout the 1980s.

63 inner life. The term renmin ⼈民（“the people”）references a politically nebulous, and often patently loaded, conception of the body politic, for it is at once downtrodden, revolutionary, and progressive, represented as both the subject of oppression and the arbiter of change, yet reducible ultimately to an instrument of discursive politics. It references the subject as rhetorical tool, trope, and foundation of political desire, signifying the struggle of the multitude for national progress. The people, either within the disciplined regime of politicised representation or portrayed in a subtler and more genuine light, are always forever bound as subject to the discourse that gives them meaning, and therefore excluded from truthful representation.167

The documentary humanist photography of the 1980s was a form of resistance (fankang

反抗) to prevailing trends of representation, which, emboldened by the desire to negate the spectre of political ideology, led to the emergence of a “new realism" (xin xianshi zhuyi 新现实

主义) which could dismantle the officially sponsored socialist realism (shehui zhuyi xianshi zhuyi 社会主义现实主义) of the past. As Wang Ban has argued, such photographic and filmic realism can be seen as “a form of aesthetic penetration into real historical conditions” which

“challenge the reified convention of language, narrative and image,” and impart a more contemplative reading of contemporary “socio-historical realities.”168 These images were a form of social and political critique; they are intrinsically political, even if their subject matter did not revolve around politics.

167 A strong argument can be made for vernacular photography, yet even in this context, personal photos taken by amateurs often portray either idealised visions of everyday life, or unique and uncommon experiences.

168 See Wang Ban (2008; 498).

64 As a form of social, historical, and political analysis, documentary photography is easily open to manipulation. As Bao Kun has argued, while photography had previously been utilised as a “propagandistic tool for assisting political power” (fuzuo zhengzhi quanli de xuanchuan gongju 辅佐政治权⼒的宣传⼯具), with the photographers of the April Fifth Movement it came to be used “as a tool for the people in striving to express their own discursive authority” (minzhong zhengqu biaoda ziji huayu quanli de gongju 民众争取表达⾃⼰话语权利

的⼯具).169 Despite the photojournalistic nature of the images they produced, they did not see themselves as photojournalists, but rather as documentary photographers and artists engaged in an iconoclastic reinterpretation of the role of photography within society. Xiao Xushan 肖绪珊

(fl. ca. 1980s) and Ling Jun 凌俊 (fl. ca. 1979) were the first to introduce international photojournalism into China in the post-Mao period, with multiple articles in the Chinese Journal of Journalism and Communication (Guoji xinwen jie 国际新闻界)170, including recent photojournalism from the United States, articles on the portrait and surrealist photography of

Philippe Hausman, translations of essays by key photographers and critics, and discussions of

‘on the spot’ (xianchang 现场) reportage photography.171 Yet whether working as

169 See Bao Kun (2009; 45).

170 This is the official English translation of the publication..

171 This would have a profound impact on the documentary photo and video scene over the coming years. See Xiao Xushan (1979 & 1980), Ling Jun (1979), Weiersun・Xikesi (1980), and Feilipu・Haersiman (1980). Despite this early foray into international trends in photojournalism, by the end of the decade Xiao was denouncing many international photojournalists as callous opportunists - vultures preying off the suffering of others. See Xiao Xushan (1987).

65 photojournalists or independently, the vast majority focused their efforts on a resurgent critical humanism, and in their writings stressed the importance of accurate historical documentation.172

In documenting the present, photographers of the era searched for an honest appraisal of the past. This was not lost on photographers of the period, such as Li Xiaobin, whose influential essay “Forever Cherishing Memory” (“Yongyuan de huainian 永远的怀念”)173 engaged closely with the problem of historical memory.174 Written ahead of the twenty year retrospective of the

April Photo Society’s founding, Li argued that “on the basis of our own memories and in order to reflect upon the truth about history, we should think about real experiences in those years as much as possible, as evaluating historical figures is intrinsically individualistic.” (根据⾃⼰的记

忆，想尽可能以当年的真实感受来反映历史的真实。在⼈物评介上，仅仅是个⼈观

点。).175 Li reflected upon the Revolutionary Poems (geming shichao ⾰命诗抄) that were read in the square during the April Fifth Movement, and how he and others sought to document the

172 Many scholars have since stressed the importance of historical documentation as a means of cultural critique, including Yang Xiaoyan (2008).

173 It could also be translated as “Eternal Reminiscence”.

174 The essay is discussed by Wu Hung (2004), and in an interview with Bao Kun on 10 June 2014 was noted as being the single most important text from the period. While still in the throes of the Cultural Revolution, the first issue of Chinese Photography from 1976 included an essay with a remarkably similar title, “Forever Cherish the Memory of Those Dear to Us” (“Yongyuan huainian women de qinren 永远怀念我们的亲⼈”) by Yan Zhuqing 阎⽵青 (fl. ca. 1976). The article celebrated the People’s Liberation Army through an analysis of a photograph by Yuan Ling 袁苓 entitled “Rescuing Those Dear to Us” (Qiangjiu qinren 抢救亲⼈), which depicts a PLA soldier rescuing a woman from a bombed out building in Taiyuan, Shanxi province, in 1949, with the admonition that “Without the People’s Army, we wouldn’t have a people at all” (没有⼀个⼈的军队，更没有⼈民的⼀切; Yan Zhuqing 52). The symbolic connection between the people as saviour of the nation, and the effort to document their efforts, would form the bedrock of much April Photo Society work. The title of the book commemorating the twenty-year retrospective of the April Photo Society was Forever April (Yongyuan de siyue 永远的四⽉), though the phrase also appeared in a short article in Chinese Photography in 1997, written under the pseudonyms Yu Bian 余边 (fl. ca. 1997) & Nie Shan 聂杉 (fl. ca. 1997).

175 See Li Xiaobin 1999; 18)

66 outpouring of emotion during the mass mourning of Zhou Enlai. Adopting the progressive view of his contemporaries, and despite referencing the tremendous importance of accurately documenting history for posterity, Li’s invocation for the future was that “[we can] only go forward, [and we can] only look forward” (zhiyou xiang qian zou, xiang qian kan 只有向前⾛，

向前看).176 For Li, as for so many others of the era, documentary photography was a means of promoting social development, and negating the negative externalities of politicised cultural representation. Yet his essay was written twenty years after the fact, as an historical record of the seminal events of 1975, and eschewed the language adopted by many cultural critics of the late

1970s, which was still resoundingly Marxist, and tied to the ideals of the state.

By the early 1980s, the cultural establishment was beginning to change, and prominent intellectuals and cultural figures were instrumental in gradually shifting the language of cultural criticism, even if they still used a resoundingly Marxist vocabulary. As Xu Jilin has argued, prominent figures in the cultural world such Vice-Minister of Culture Zhou Yang 周扬

(1908-1989)177, who had recently been rehabilitated, as well as the People’s Daily writer and celebrated academic Wang Ruoshui 王若⽔ (1926-2002)178, were at the forefront of an ascendent critical “humanism” (rendao zhuyi ⼈道主义) particularly through a return to the humanism of

176 Ibid, 28.

177 Zhou was also the vice-director of the Propaganda Department of the Communist Party of China (Zhonggong zhongyang xuanchuan bu 中共中央宣传部), and vice-chairman of the China Federation of Literature and Art (Zhongguo wenlian 中国⽂联).

178 A prominent Marxist humanist, Wang would later be expelled from the party in 1987 as part of the anti-bourgeois liberalisation campaign, discussed in chapter 3. See also Wang Ruoshui (1986).

67 the early Marx.179 The adoration for the early Marx was promoted within photography circles as well, as evidenced by an exposé on how the first photographs of Marx were historically received in China, entitled “The First Portrait of Marx Seen By the Chinese People” (“Zhongguo ren jiandao de di yi zhang Makesi xiaoxiang 中国⼈见到的第⼀张马克思肖像”), which recounted the enthusiasm in the late 19th century for the egalitarian idealism of Marxist thought.180 Though rather than attempting to project an idealised future, these photographers sought to realistically document the perceived failure of the revolution, and with an innate sensitivity and pathos towards their subjects would capture the everyday lives of a generation for whom representation had hitherto been preordained by an organised political calculus.181

Within this shifting cultural landscape, a debate within the photographic press was brewing, as many questioned whether “directed" or "staged" (baipai 摆拍) images, which appear to be of a realist bent but which in fact are highly structured and often staged compositions, were in fact of any real social value. The first discussion of fabricated and staged photography in the

New Era was in an article by Jun Yin 均隐 (an apt pen name) from 1979, entitled “Photography

Cannot Be Fabricated” (“Sheying chuangzuo buneng yi xugou 摄影创作不能以虚构”). Jun Yin lambasted images produced under the watch of the Gang of Four as politically driven, fabricated,

179 Xu Jilin (2000; 172). These and other writers espoused a form of “Marxist humanism" (Makesi zhuyi de rendao zhuyi 马克思主义的⼈道主义) prominent in the early 1980s, particularly as a critique of utopian socialism within the Thought Liberation Movement. This trend will be discussed further in chapter 2, in the work of Tao Yutao and others.

180 See Yong Guiliang (1980; 11). Admittedly, few in China had heard of Marx in the late 19th century, with his ideas only gaining popular traction among intellectuals from the 1910s onwards.

181 Zhang Xudong has provided a detailed analysis of the new wave of independent film in the 1980s, which subversively attempted to overturn the “monolithic, transparent political meaning” of socialist realism. See Zhang Xudong (1997; 241).

68 and designed to manipulate and confuse (gaoluan 搞乱) the people. For the author, photography in China needed to be purified (dengqing 澄清) from the corrosive influence of such politicised renderings of "real life.”182 The highly orchestrated nature of many of these compositions was seen as structurally akin to the socialist realist images of years past. Photographers, critics, academics, and the general public all lent their voices to the debate, which ruminated upon the social value of photography, and the importance of accurately depicting the present for posterity.

Don’t Forget About the Children: Photography, Truth, and the Nation

From its re-emergence in 1979, realism as a category of social analysis within the arts was firmly entrenched by 1981.183 Within photography circles, the connection between documentary photography and realism - or realist representations of social change - had come to occupy many of the critics of the period.184 Of the many images which marked the documentary realist turn, and generated a significant amount of discussion and debate, Li Jinghong’s 李京红

(b. 1959) now seminal image Don’t Forget About the Children (Bie wang le haizi 别忘了孩⼦)

182 Jun Yin (1979; 52-53). Throughout the previous decades, the technical and ideological basis for contemporary photography was explored in Chinese Photography, though their staged nature was rarely discussed in explicitly ideological terms. As an example, volume 1 from 1962 featured a series of well-articulated staged images, with many (though not all) images of a socialist realist nature. At the end of the publication, a series of thumbnail images with captions was provided by the editors, illustrating how the images were cropped and edited prior to publication, along with their contemporary significance - usually commemorating socialist modernisation, whether of the military, in industry, or its benefits for average citizens. Such images were idealised visions of social change, rather than concerted efforts at exploring the challenges of modernisation.

183 Luo Zhongli’s 罗中⽴ widely celebrated painting Father (Fuqin ⽗亲), here titled My Father (wo de fuqin 我的⽗亲) (Image 15A) was featured on the cover of volume 1 of Fine Arts in 1981, and elicited fierce debate concerning the efficacy of realist representation in the subsequent volumes. A close-up detail of the painting was featured on the inside front cover, highlighting the hyperrealism inherent in the painting (Image 15B).

184 See Ding Nuo (1979; 21-25), Shen Baichang (1981; 20), Wang Liping (1980; 17-18), M・Lanfude (1983), Aidehua・luxi・shimisi (1978). For an early critique of the vogue for realism, see Li Xianting (1981; 46-47).

69 (Image 16) received particular attention by the official photographic press. Depicting four adolescent boys smoking in a public toilet in Beijing, the image was a radical break from the general depictions of China’s youth so prevalent in national photo publications, which in almost all circumstances highlighted their industrious, progressive spirit. The dissemination and reception of the image marked a significant turn for documentary realism in China, and directly correlated with other debates at the time concerning both the importance and legitimacy of representing existing social conditions. In many ways, the photograph was valourised upon its initial display and publication as a realist critique of an underdeveloped and fast changing society. The conditions of its dissemination warrant further examination, but its appearance and discussion in a publication which fully embraced and promoted the newfound political order would seemingly indicate its profoundly politicised nature - not as realist document but rather as the embodiment of representational power, instrumentalised as an avowedly apolitical yet profoundly progressive critique of the failures of socialist progress.

Li Jinghong’s photograph circulated widely, and its publication elicited fierce debate among critics. Having been displayed at the second Nature, Society, and Man exhibition, a series of discussions surrounding the image was first published in Popular Photography in the winter of 1981 under the general heading of “On the Method of Creating Don’t Forget About the

Children” (“Guanyu ‘bie wang le haizi’ de chuangzuo fangfa, 关于《别忘了孩⼦》的创作⽅

法”), which highlighted numerous reactions to this ‘revelatory’ (baoluxing 暴露性) image both during and after the exhibition.185 At issue were two competing narratives about the image, with

185 See guanyu ‘bie wang le haizi’ (1981; 10-11). The introduction was written by an unknown editor.

70 some seeing it as a work of art, while others as a documentary image. This distinction between documentary photography and photographic art is an important one, as it highlights the subtle transgression of boundaries then occurring within the world of photography - a tension that would continue until the late 1980s - with the editorial staff promoting both conceptions of the image. The first argued that the image was not a work of news or documentary photography, and should instead be seen as a work of art which “reflected the truth about life” (fanying le shenghuo de zhenshi 反映了⽣活的真实).186 The other, more contrarian perspective, argued that this was simply a fabricated (xugou 虚构) photograph which did not depict actual people or real events (zhenren zhenshi 真⼈真事).187

Whether a work of photojournalism or art, the editors of Popular Photography argued that the requirements for its truthfulness were effectively identical, as critically oriented imagery should expose the truth of social relations, engendering a nuanced reading of the quotidian underpinnings of social change. Along with the editorial, the magazine ran a series of three short responses to the work, the first of which, by Sheng Chao 盛朝 (fl. ca. 1980-1981), was markedly critical, despite initial praise for the "novelty” of the image. Sheng argued that while such a fabricated image portraying pernicious social customs merits attention, this particular image did not value objective reality (bu zunzhong keguan xianshi 不尊重客观现实). His retort intimated that smoking among China’s youth was a recent phenomenon brought on by the ten-year

186 Ibid, 10.

187 Bao Kun has related that while Li saw these children hanging around the washroom, he set up the shot inside in order to maximise its visual impact. Interview with Bao Kun at his home in Beijing 3. June 2016. This is also confirmed by the pseudonymous author Ke Yi 可⼀, and is discussed in further detail below.

71 catastrophe of the Cultural Revolution, but was not terribly widespread.188 Such images, for the author, had the ability to cast doubt among the broader public regarding the truthfulness of photography, and hinted that the photographer perhaps did not fully understand the importance of truth for the photographic arts. Sheng argued that there exists an underlying diametrical tension between the truth visualised by "on the spot” photographic representation, and the contrasting untruths of "fabricated compositions" (xugou baibu 虚构摆布), which are effectively irreconcilable.189 This tension between the two would come to embody a decade of debate, as perceptions of the truthfulness of imagery became a measure of all worth and value, while

"subjective fabrications” (zhuguan yizao 主观臆造) were seen as an intrinsic danger to the viewing public.190

Other critics were keen to stress the importance of such images in representing contemporary life. The second response came from prominent April Photo Society member

Wang Liping 王⽴平 (b. 1941), and was entitled “Don’t Forget that this is Art” (Bie wang le zhe shi yishu 别忘了这是艺术), in a play upon the title of the photograph. For Wang, this vivid, adeptly framed, yet simple image conjured up visions of social life which were of universal significance (pubian yiyi 普遍意义), and of tremendous importance for the nation.191 As a

“typical image" (dianxing xingxiang 典型形象), Wang argued that it embodied the truth about

188 Sheng Chao (1981; 10).

189 Using the phase "they cannot be compared” (buneng xiangti binglun 不能相提并论), Sheng was one of the first to highlight this tension.

190 This critique is similar to that levied on contemporary photographic art today, in which the manipulation of images is seen as inherently detrimental to the representation of contemporary social reality.

191 Wang Liping (1981; 10).

72 everyday life, and “although what it reflects is a negative aspect of our social life, its social function and effect are, however, undoubtedly positive. People need these types of exemplary works.” (虽然反映的是我们社会⽣活中的消极⽅⾯，但它的社会作⽤和社会效果⽆疑将是

积极的。⼈民需要这样的好作品).192 Whether a snapshot or a fabricated image, what really counted was whether or not what was represented was natural, as truth and untruth were seen as issues of content, while the distinction between a snapshot, i.e. a documentary image, and a fabricated image, was fundamentally a representational problem. Yet it was as a work of photographic art, rather than photojournalism, that Wang read the image, arguing that precise knowledge about the circumstances of its production, including time and place, and knowledge of its subjects, was effectively irrelevant.193

Indicative of the openness of public cultural debate at the time, an array of contrasting viewpoints were aired in the publication. One of the contrarian views, written under the pen name Ke Yi 可⼀ and entitled “This Method is Not Desirable” (Ci fa bu kequ 此法不可取), sought to deconstruct the validity of such images through a critique of its technical composition and fabricated nature. Ke Yi related that Li had initially taken a variety of photographs of the neighbourhood children, who would hide in the public toilet to smoke, though didn’t have any that were suitably composed. He thus bought them a package of cigarettes, posing the children in an ideal manner before taking their photograph. In rather blunt terms, Ke Yi argued that this was

192 Ibid, 10.

193 Wang continued to speculate as to how the image was produced, and whether or not it was merely fabricated, though noted that the power of its reception cannot be underestimated, as it had served to ‘open up the field of vision’ (fangkai yanjie 放开眼界) (Wang Liping 11).

73 simply wrong, as while art should permit a multiplicity of methods to flourish,194 there is eventually a limited scope (fanwei 范围) for such activities. If the object of the photograph

"loses true credibility" (shiqu le zhenshi kexinxing 失去了真实可信性), then it is no different than a painting, "losing the forcefulness of allegory (shiqu le fengyu bianta de fengmang 失去了

讽喻鞭挞的锋芒) (Ke Yi 11). Such images are simply insincere, deceptive, and downright dangerous.195

Yet Li Jinghong himself took a different perspective, as for him the image embodied the experience of “everyday life” (richang shenghuo ⽇常⽣活). As a subtle marker of the quotidian, it highlighted an issue of universal significance,196 and sought to raise awareness of a widespread and serious social phenomenon which required careful observation. In his short article, simply entitled “My Exploration” (Wo de tansuo 我的探索), he related that his aim was to reveal an issue which had previously been concealed (man 瞒) from public representation. Quite simply, he wished to represent the previously unrepresentable. For Li, the image did not embody a form of progress for photography as a medium, however sought to develop the ‘object’ (duixiang 对

象) of critical inquiry through an examination of the artists experience of the quotidian.

Resorting to deception (nongxu zuojia 弄虚作假) was simply a means of achieving this. “[To

194 Ke Yi invoked the phrase baihua qifang 百花齐放 in support of this.

195 Ke Yi concluded his appraisal of the image by noting that the use of allegory in art photography merits further discussion.

196 Echoing the sentiments of many others at the time, Li used the term ‘universal’ (pubianxing 普遍性) to discuss issues which had long been of social concern, but which had for some time been hidden from the broader visual sphere.

74 produce] a work of fine art photography, the artist must take their own thoughts and feelings and inject them into [the work]. Works of art emerge from the life experiences of the artist, into which their pour their emotional creativity.” (⼀幅摄影艺术作品，作者必须把⾃⼰的思想感

情注⼊到⾥边去。艺术作品就是作者对⽣活的感受，灌注了⾃⼰的情感创造出来的。).197

For Li, photography must therefore violate the foundations of truth, in order to arrive at a more adept and honest appraisal of it.198

Two months later, Popular Photography ran another editorial with the same title as the previous one, which again collated views on the creative method behind the photograph. The first, entitled “What is There to Say About Truth?” (cong zhenshixing shuoqi 从真实性说起) by

Shen Baichang 沈百昌 (fl. ca. 1981), argued that the truthfulness of an image is what gives it life, and provides evidence for actually existing social conditions. For Shen, though Li’s intentions were correct and the image displayed a degree of ingenuity (jiangxin 匠⼼), it had lost its believability. As the photographic arts were essentially different than the plastic arts (zaoxing yishu 造型艺术), documenting typical moments (dianxing shunjian 典型瞬间) of everyday life,

197 Li Jinghong (1981; 11).

198 Many other discussions about the efficacy of truthful or mimetic representation circulated at the time Writing in Meishu in 1981, in an article entitled “Realism is Not the Only Correct Way” (现实主义不是唯⼀正确的途径), Li Xianting 栗宪庭 (b. 1949) argued that “Realism is but one method of creation” (现实主义只是⼀种创作⽅法). In discussing the resurgent ‘realist spirit’ (xianshizhuyi jingshen 现实主义精神), Li also noted the pervasive influence of romanticism and realism on the arts of the 1960s. Li also related the historical influence of a Soviet translation of Sidney Walter Finkelstein’s (Fenkesitan 芬克斯坦) book Realism in Art (Yishu zhong de xianshizhuyi 艺术中的现实主义), which was widely read in China during the 1960s and “ highly respected in the world of art and culture” (wenyijie lingdao hen tuichong zhei ben shu ⽂艺界很推崇这本书) (Li Xianting 1981; 46).

75 "transgressing the limits of the real only leads to fabrications, and produces bad results” (超过了

限度，就会导致虚构，产⽣不良效果).199

History, Truth, and Representation: Towards a Photographic New Wave

Photographic realism, as a category of social analysis, enabled a national debate on the limits of representation, and was the visual form adopted by many photographers of the era.

Much as with the photographers of the era, other artists, authors, and writers of the late 1970s and early 1980s began to ruminate upon profoundly existential concerns, and sought novel ways of framing the rapid social transformations gripping the nation.200 Documenting the world around them, many photographers sought to break away from the staid dichotomy between documentary and fine art photography, and pursued more nuanced and creative iterations of the medium. While their progressive visions for the future of society were often highly editorialised, critical spaces were gradually beginning to open up in national publications, and by the early

1980s it seemed as though the representation of pressing social, political, and cultural challenges would proceed unhindered.

199 Shen Baichang (1981; 20).

200 Authors such as Zong Pu 宗璞 (Feng Zhongpu 冯钟璞, daughter of noted philosopher Feng Youlan 冯友兰), in her short story Who Am I? (Wo shi shei? 我是谁？) from 1979, sought to rethink the politicisation of human subjectivity which engulfed the preceding years, while ruminating upon the profound existential conundrums that characterised much post-Mao Chinese cultural discourse. See Zong Pu (1987). The story is also discussed elsewhere by Dai Jinhua, who argues that the underlying narrative of the short story illuminates the “dignity of the human” in opposition to the “political violence” of the past. See Dai Jinhua (2012; 133).

76 Chapter 2 – Popular Internationalism: Photography, Criticism, and the Logic of Modernisation in the New Era

Towards the World: Photography for a New Era

By the early 1980s, photo publications in China began to introduce an array of ideas and images from around the world, and a nascent internationalism, framed as embodying the ideals of cultural pluralism promoted at the end of the 1970s, came to shape the trajectory of photographic representation throughout much of the New Era. Commensurate with this incipient internationalism was the progressive view that images of a rapidly changing society could usher in the liberalisation and cultural pluralism that many photographers who took part in the April

Fifth Movement had longed for, including those working within official channels.201 Throughout much of the 1980s, national photo publications continued to promote many of the themes, such as cultural pluralisation, realism, and humanism that had developed since 1979, and a profound interest in the history of photography began to shape how photographers and critics came to

201 Interview with Wen Danqing 闻丹青 (fl. ca. 1976-present), 2 June 2016 at his home in Beijing. Wen went on to become the editor of Chinese Photography from 2008 to the present. For Wen, all photography in China after 1976 was effectively “official” (guanfang 官⽅) photography and followed state policy, though they saw themselves as progressive. Wen’s father was the painter Wen Lipeng 闻⽴鹏 (b. 1931), and his paternal grandfather was the poet Wen Yiduo 闻⼀多 (1899-1946). Wen first took part in the third Nature, Society, Man exhibition in 1981, though his family had a camera in their Wangfujing home throughout his youth, and he had long taken photos. He was on the square during the April Fifth Movement, and produced numerous photos during the mass mourning of Zhou Enlai.

77 represent and debate social change in China.202 This chapter argues that photo publications of the

1980s disseminated knowledge and information about national cultural policy and trends in international photography as a means of visualizing the modernization of society, and the goal of national policy makers to promote cultural pluralization and liberalization.

While photographers and artists started speaking of the new realism203, and of being freed from the necessity of producing politicised images, many of the photographs, particularly in journals such as Chinese Photography and Popular Photography, displayed a concerted effort to portray the positive nature of economic development, the happiness and contentedness of the people, and the diversity of the nation.204 The images were as much representations of national pride as they were invocations of a new representational logic, and therefore seem to embody a resurgent cultural nationalism. While no longer officially confined to the "straightjacket of socialist realism,” photo publishing in the 1980s was nonetheless governed and regulated by the state, and was not a free and inclusive enterprise.205 Photographers working outside of officially

202 For a detailed overview of these trends throughout the 1980s, particularly as relates to the influence of the April Photo Society, see Bao Kun (1989; 28-39) and Jin Bohong (1999; 52-55). For a thoughtful analysis of the turn to realism and humanism from 1976-1988, see Li Shi (2018; 121-129). Many figures working in official channels from 1979 until the late 1980s shared this progressive outlook, and wrote widely on the importance of documentary photography, realism, and the importance of truthfully recording social change, including Ding Zunxin (1979; 46-47 & 1985; 6-8), Long Xizu (1979; 51-52), Huang Yongyu (1980; 4-5), Liu Yuncai (1980; 19-20), Qin Bing (1980; 37-41), Pu An (1988; 5-6), and Jun Yin (1979; 52-53). Others took a scholarly approach to representing actual social conditions, such as Han Yunbo (1988; 5). This chapter will examine these developments in detail. The mid 1980s also saw a reemergent interest in collecting and exhibiting historical photographs of China. For an exhibition which took place in Beijing in 1985, showcasing the collection of Liu Hongjun 刘洪钧, see Wu Qun (1985).

203 While the tenor of many of these early articles was rather superficial, some of the key figures responsible for initiating and sustaining this discussion throughout the decade were Ding Zunxin, Yuan Yiping, and Wang Liping. Writing in Chinese Photography in March of 1980, Yuan Yiping explored the use of stereotypes as a means of gauging the relationship between the documentary nature of photography and the representation of truth, and the role of divergent approaches to the medium in representing social change (Yuan Yiping 1980; 7-9). The volume continued to discuss the new realism in critically oriented essays by Wang Liping (1980) and Liu Yuncai (1980), both of whom endeavoured to promote the notion that photography must portray real life, and move away from the visual fabrications of the previous decades.

204 For example, see Sheng Chao (1981; 10), “sheying yao geng hao” (1980; 1), Wang Li (1980; 1), Wang Wei (1980; 12-13), Xi Yu (1988; 1-2), and Wu Ming (1989).

205 Interview with Wen Danqing, 2 June 2016 at his home in Beijing. See also ben kan pinglunyuan (1979; 1).

78 sanctioned organisations found few avenues for publishing or disseminating their work, and so would turn to their own personal circles of like-minded individuals for inspiration, and to build a sense of community. Photographers such as Bao Kun instead produced images which eschewed the political, and evoked an array of visual styles, such as impressionism (Image 1).206

Throughout much of the 1980s, many photographers and critics became alienated from both the socialist and emergent global cultural order,207 and turned instead to history for inspiration, while by the end of the decade, photographers moved away from social documentary and towards more avant-garde208 forms of representation.

The magazine Popular Photography209 was one of the key publications in which these debates concerning cultural modernisation unfolded. First published in 1958, shuttered in 1960, it recommenced publication in 1979 when it began publishing the flurry of articles on the April

Fifth Movement discussed in the previous chapter. Together with Chinese Photography, it was the most prominent photo journal in the country, and was directly controlled by the Association of Chinese Photographers.210 The publication was instrumental in shaping early photo theory in

206 Taken in 1980, Bao’s impressionistic photograph of an individual reflected in Weiming Lake at Beijing University (Beijing daxue weiming hu 北京⼤学未名湖), evoked the refracted, illusory nature of a dream.

207 Much has been written on the topic, however for an early take on the tensions between socialism and capitalism in transnational postsocialist contexts, see Crozier (1999).

208 In the 1980s and early 1990s, the avant-garde was translated as xianfeng 先锋, and would only later become standardised as qianwei 前卫.

209 It should be noted that the magazine was nothing like the American publication of the same name, which was published from 1937-2017, as it was one of the seminal spaces in which national cultural debates surrounding photography and politics played out, even if in a muted, often non-critical manner.

210 In 1979, both Chinese Photography and Popular Photography listed their address as the headquarters of the Association of Chinese Photographers, at 61 Hongxing hutong, Dongcheng district, Beijing. (北京市东城区红星胡同61号). The association maintains its offices in the same building today.

79 China, and acted as a conduit for the transmission and transference of various visual styles and ideas about photographic representation.

Each issue of the journal contained a section of photographs printed on heavier stock and often in colour, with a subsequent section of “Analysis of Works’ (zuopin fenxi 作品分析) in which more experienced photographers would analyse the technical achievements of individual works, their aesthetic merits, and artistic contribution.211 Principally addressing the aesthetics of form and conceptions of beauty, these visual analyses were neither critically-oriented nor aimed at engaging specific theoretical, conceptual, cultural, or social issues. Each issue of the publication contained a section on photo theory,212 although writers tended to focus on technical aspects of the medium, and throughout much of the early 1980s published imagery which one wouldn’t normally consider contemporary. There was a certain gossamer quality to the critical interventions that played out on its pages, which used the rhetoric of criticism to promote images of national rejuvenation and progress.213

The criticism promoted in publications such as Popular Photography had more in common with the pursuit of modernity evident during the May Fourth-era than it did with other developments within the contemporary arts in China. The nature of their historical awakening

211 This would be accompanied by essays appraising the technical and artistic calibre of the work. For examples, see Mu Ye (1980) and Ren Ruihai (1980; 24).

212 These sections were alternately entitled “Focus [on] Theory” (zhuanlun 专论) and “A Brief Introduction to Photo Theory” (sheying duan lun 摄影短论). There were also sections on new photographic techniques (xin jishu 新技术), foreign photographic skill and technique (guowai sheying jifa 国外摄影技法), etc.

213 For example, the inside front cover of Popular Photography in 1980 ran with the headline “United as One to Achieve the Four Modernisations” (yi xin wei sihua ⼀⼼为四化), stating “At present, all walks of life are striving to realise the ‘four modernisations’” (当前，各⾏各业都在努⼒实现“四化”). See “yi xin wei sihua” (1980; inside front cover).

80 was driven as much by progressive conceptions of modernisation as it was by a desire for diversity and plurality. By the end of the decade, scholars such as Ding Zunxin 丁遵新 (fl. ca.

1950s-1990s)214 had begun to draw parallels with the May Fourth and New Era, though others, such as Wang Hui 汪晖 (b. 1959), questioned its historicity and cautioned against the often illusory, eidetic, and selective nature of historical memory. Writing in late February 1989, Wang

Hui 汪晖 was one of the first to delve into the phenomenon in depth, and while his analysis centred on the efforts of May Fourth intellectuals to reform society and engage in a process of

“human awakening" (ren de juexing ⼈的觉醒)215, the parallels between trends within the broader cultural world throughout the 1980s and the efforts of May Fourth enlightenment thought are obliquely referenced, particularly as regards the multiple ideological "revolutions" that characterised critical discourse in China during the twentieth century. Wang centred his analysis216 on the emergence of enlightenment thought as a critical component of Chinese modernity, though his approach was considerably more conceptually sophisticated and academically rigorous than many of the debates within photography circles.

Of relevance, however, was Wang’s appraisal of the history of cultural determinism within Chinese Marxist cultural theory, and the nationalist undertones of the pursuit of

214 Ding Zunxin (1993).

215 A direct translation would be “the awakening of mankind,” though Wang here is attempting to relate the self- awakening (usually rendered as ziwo juexing ⾃我觉醒) of all individuals in relation to broader social transformations. Wang Xiaoming provides a similar analysis of the post-1979 New Era. In discussing Lu Xun’s appraisal of the May Fourth Era, Wang highlights the renewed optimism of the 1980s as a “momentous era,” though lamented the “disorientation” brought about by the reform period. See Wang Xiaoming 2003; 585-586). See also Xu Jilin (1998) and Zhang Xudong (1997 & 2001).

216 The article was a two-part series entitled “Prophesy and Crisis: The 'May Fourth' Enlightenment Movement in Modern Chinese History”. Also discussed in Xu Jilin (1998), though incorrectly cited as Prophesy and History (yuyan yu lishi 预⾔与历史).

81 enlightenment rationality among those searching for the “liberation of mankind” (ren de jiefang

⼈的解放).217 He urged caution against the incipient nationalism being promoted, and the false equivalence of equating “freedom” or “liberty” (ziyou ⾃由) with “democracy” (minzhu 民主), or even individuality of expression.218 Wang further wrote:

It has already been seventy years since the May Fourth Movement, and seventy-five years since the The New Youth was first published. During these long years, China has produced revolutions, one after the other, and generation after generation of ‘New Youth’ are now no longer young. Advocacy for freedom of thought, freedom of speech, and the establishment of political guarantees today remain an old “new mission” awaiting completion. People profoundly recall the myth of “Freedom” of the May Fourth Movement and seek a spiritual motive force [with which] to transform China, but the May Fourth era is far behind. Is this fortunate or unfortunate? The “May Fourth” enlightenment figures made profound predictions about China’s modern history, and our generation will fight to implement this prophecy. It is precisely because of this that we need to seriously study history, and study the uniqueness of Chinese society in order effectively to promote social change. Let us use take this as a means by which to commemorate the forerunners of modernizing Chinese culture!

“五四”运动已经过去了七⼗年，《新青年》创刊迄今已有七⼗五年。中国在这漫长的岁⽉⾥发⽣了⼀次又⼀次的“⾰命”，⼀代又⼀代的“新青年”不再年轻，倡导思想⾃由，⾔论⾃由并建⽴政治化的保证⾄今仍是⼀项有待完成的古⽼的 “新使命”。⼈们深深的追忆“五四”的“⾃由”的神话，寻找改造中国的精神动⼒，“五四”时代远末过去!这是幸还是不幸？“五四”启蒙⼈物对中国现代历史发出深远的预⾔，我们这代⼈将为实施这个预⾔⽽⽃争，正由于此，我们才需要认真地研究历史，研究中国社会的独特性，从⽽有效的促成社会的变⾰。谨以此纪念中国现代化⽂化的先⾏者！219

Wang was interested in expounding upon the underlying connection between cultural modernity and nationalism, and the often intransigent nature of historical memory. Read in light of the

217 Wang Hui (1989 B; 35).

218 Ibid, 35. Wang also expanded upon the rise of liberalism (ziyouzhuyi ⾃由主义), critiqued the tendency towards individualism (gerenzhuyi 个⼈主义), invoking both Descartes (Dikaer 笛卡尔) and Nietzsche (Nicai 尼采).

219 Ibid, 47).

82 flurry of articles which examined issues of national progress and development, Popular

Photography was effectively a conduit for the promotion of national rejuvenation. Rather than the overtly political, youthful hedonism of the late 1970s, the photographic press turned towards the promotion of images which inspired a calculated, and avowedly liberal conception of progressive rationalism.

As part of the new institutional framework in the early 1980s, Popular Photography was also a journal rife with a new – albeit subtle – logic of representation for the prevailing political factions.220 The journal carried articles such as Yu Wen’s 郁⽂ (1918-2010) “An Actress Acting

Like A Buffoon in the Defendants Seat: On A Set of Successive Photographs Taken During the

Trial of Jiang Qing” (“Beigaoxi shang choutaibaichu de yanyuan: tan shenpan Jiang Qing de yi zu lianxu sheying 被告席上丑态百出百出的演员：谈审判江青的⼀组连续摄影”), which featured six rather unflattering photographs of Jiang Qing during her trial (Image 2), taken by the celebrated photojournalist Lu Xiangyou 吕相友 (1928-2007).221 The article began by invoking the tradition within China’s art and literary history of “exposing and castigating” (jielu he bianta 揭露和鞭挞) "villains” (fanmianrenwu 反⾯⼈物), referring to characters and literary images from the novel Journey to the West (Xi you ji 西游记) to justify its case, and noting that the photographic arts also possess this function. The series of unflattering photographs depicted the “ugly head of the extremely evil counter-revolutionary clique [Jiang Qing]” (shi e bu she de

220 As noted previously, many young photographers and editors were the sons and daughters of senior Party officials castigated during the Cultural Revolution or were themselves sent-down youth.

221 See Yu Wen (1981; 15). A veteran of the civil war and photojournalist during the Korean war, Lu worked for many years with the People’s Daily, and produced many of the most well-known images of China’s leading political figures. Lu’s images were also printed in Zhongguo sheying 中国摄影 (Chinese Photography) Vol. 5 (1981), 7.

83 fangeming jituan touzi choutai ⼗恶不赦的反⾰命集团头⼦丑态), as a means of publicly shaming the former revolutionary.222 Tantamount to an excoriating visual catharsis, the author highlighted precisely why the photographer did not merely document the trial, but rather endeavoured to portray her in an unflattering light: quite simply, for revenge.223

Photographic representation clearly remained a politicised tool for structuring political narratives, and the invocation of the role of visual and literary images within traditional cultural production solidifies the role of the photographer as a political (or at least politicised) actor within the various artistic traditions of China. Rather than eliding the role of the political, such work, particularly when combined with this sort of textual criticism, reasserts the emotive logic of vilification prominent in the factional political campaigns of the previous decade. Despite promising developments within the new documentary movement, and among more critically- oriented scholars, such overtly politicised imagery was still evident throughout much of the

1980s.224 If the internationalisation of the photo scene was not achieved at the time through a discursive critique of the medium itself, it was achieved through the transference of formal styles, knowledge of historical figures, and the technical means of producing an increasingly wide array of imagery.

222 Yu Wen (1981; 15).

223 The first mention of Jiang Qing and the Gang of Four as an anti-revolutionary clique in the photographic press appeared in Chinese Photography at the beginning of 1979, which examined a photo exhibition she had promoted in 1970, touted by the author as the first evidence of her anti-revolutionary crimes. See Xiao Zhou (1979).

224 Circulation numbers for the publication are not available, and gauging the influence of such publications is difficult.

84 The internationalisation of the photo scene would continue apace throughout the 1980s.

The publication and discussion of the work of Lewis Wickes Hine (Liuyisi・Weikesi・Haiyin

刘易斯・威克斯・海因, or simply Haiyin 海因 for short) in May 1979, followed by the first exhibition of his work in China, inaugurated the internationalisation of the photo scene.225 The exhibition opened on 25 February 1980 at the Beijing Exhibition Hall (Beijing zhanlan guan 北

京展览馆), included 222 of Hine’s photographs, and was organised by the Association of

Chinese Photographers and the China Exhibition Company (Zhongguo zhanlan gongsi 中国展览

公司).226 The publication printed three of his works from New York, including his seminal image from the construction of the Empire State building (Image 3).227 The theme of rebuilding was prominent throughout much of the early 1980s, as a generation clamoured for new images, ideas, and inspiration from around the world. Hine’s work was emblematic of the social realism, or

“social documentary photography” (shehui jishi sheying 社会纪实摄影), that had for so many

225 The American photographer Lewis Hine’s (1874-1940) photographs were first featured in Chinese Photography Vol. 3 1979, p. 26-27, which also closed with an article about his life and work by the noted historian of photography, Naomi Rosenblum. See Neiaomi・Luosenbulun (1979; 69-70). The name of the translator was not provided.

226 Illustrative of the openness of the state to rethinking both the regime of representation and China’s relationship with its former adversary, the United States, the opening remarks were given by Lin Lin 林林 (pen name of Lin Yinshan 林印⼭, b. 1910), Vice-President of the Chinese People's Association for Friendship with Foreign Countries (duiwai you xie 对外友协), who outlined Hine’s contribution to photography, and his status as one of the worlds foremost representatives of American photographic realism: “Hine is a pioneer of American art photography. His superb photographic technique (jingzhan de sheying jiqiao 精湛的摄影技巧) vividly reflects the outstanding achievements of the American people in the field of art and culture.” The opening ceremony was also presided over by Xu Xiaobing 徐肖冰, the chairman of the Association of Chinese Photographers. The event was organised by the US Embassy, and included a visit by Ed Koch (1924-2013), mayor of New York. See “Meiguo Haiyin sheying zuopin zhanlan zai jing kaimu 美国海因摄影作品展览在京开幕” (“The Opening of American Photographer Lewis Hine’s Exhibition in Beijing”) in Dazhong sheying ⼤众摄影 (Popular Photography) Vol. 4 (1980), 11. The same issue also included an analysis and exposition of Hine’s work in historical context. See Xie Deping & Liu Bang (1980).

227 See “Meiguo sheyingjia Haiyin” (1980; 22). An archive of Hine’s photographs of the construction of the Empire State Building can be found at https://digitalcollections.nypl.org/collections/photographs-of-the-empire-state- building-under-construction#/?tab=about&scroll=36.

85 years been criticised and in many ways banned in China, particularly during the Cultural

Revolution.228

One of the main figures responsible for introducing photography and criticism from around the world to Chinese readers was Di Yuancang 狄源沧,229 who was instrumental in promoting knowledge of global photographic trends within China. In his many articles, he wrote widely on avant-garde photography, abstract photography, surrealism, and many other styles, and introduced to a new generation of readers the work of such internationally acclaimed artists as

Man Ray (1890-1976) , László Moholy-Nagy (1895-1946), Edward Weston (1886-1958),

Constantin Brâncuși (1876-1957), Harry Callaghan (1912-1999), Aaron Suskind (1903-1991),

Andre Kertesz (1894-1985), Bill Brandt (1904-1983), and many dozens of other celebrated photographers.230

228 As a visual style, social realism is different than socialist realism. While socialist realism aimed to promote either socialist modernisation or the political ideologies of socialist nation states, social realism aims to document and critique social issues, particularly regarding the poor, as emblematic of the work of Walker Evans. For an analysis of social realism in China, see Long Xizu (1980; 42-45).

229 Born in 1926 in Taicang county 太仓县, Jiangsu province, Di was a graduate of Beijing University’s history department, where he organised the Beijing University Photography Society (Beida sheying xuehui 北⼤摄影学会). In the 1940s he became involved with the political division of the PLA’s Northern Military Command (Huabei junqu 华北军区), the publication Northern China Pictorial (Huabei huabao 华北画报), and the army’s internal publication, the Photography Network (Sheying gang 摄影⽹), later becoming its editor. He was also involved with the widely circulated People’s Liberation Army Pictorial (解放军画报), published by the General Political Department (zong zhengzhi bu 总政治部) of the Central Military Comission (Zhongyang junwei 中央军委). Di was very active in publishing throughout the 1980s, introducing an array of images from around the world while also mentoring many young photographers. He influenced many photographers from the April Photo Society, including Ren Shulin 任曙林 (b. 1954), who is perhaps best known for his photobook Middle School Students in the 1980s (80 Niandai zhongxuesheng 80年代中学⽣), translated in English on the cover as The Innocent in 80s. See Ren Shulin (2012), which featured essays by the photographer, as well as Bao Kun and Gu Zheng. Ren’s photographs from the late 1970s and 1980s are perhaps the most powerful and compelling sustained body of documentary work produced at the time, which at times verged on the abstract (Images 4, 5 & 6). Note: the vast majority of images in my possession are unpublished, and will form the basis of a future article.

230 For example, see Di Yuancang (1981 A; 14-15 & 1981 B;14-15).

86 The avant-garde as a category was widely discussed within art circles in the early 1980s, as translations of European texts began to flood Chinese art and cultural journals, with dozens of articles introducing artists and writers from around the world.231 Yet they primarily focused on modernist works, or cubist, impressionist, and expressionist artists, and in major art journals such as Meishu, there was little if any discussion of photography. In order to rectify this, Di looked to the history of photography for inspiration. One of his first articles of the 1980s introduced abstract architectural photography from Europe, including the work of Herbert List (He‘erbote・

Lisete 赫尔伯特・李斯特; 1903-1975), which played upon Dadaist and minimalist abstractions of light, shade, and line to convey monumental modernist architectural structures.232 It was this incipient internationalism, couched in terms of cultural exploration, that would define much of the photography and criticism of the New Era.

Explore and Innovate: Photography and Criticism in the New Era

After the success of the second Nature, Society, and Man exhibition in 1980, and the third and final exhibition in 1981, the photographers associated with the April Photo Society gradually

231 Yet the complex relationship between stylistic transference, visual appropriation, and artistic innovation underlies a much broader series of issues within the translation and transference of ideas. In his introduction to a series of discussions on China’s “Age of Enlightenment” (qimeng shidai 启蒙时代), Gan Yang ⽢阳 discussed the issue of the appropriation of ideas by using a term roughly equivalent “the attitude of mechanically borrowing” (nalaizhuyi 拿来主义), sometimes translated as ‘takeism’, and intimates that many terms and concepts were appropriated and translated without fully comprehending their historical development or meaning. See (Zhang & Wang 2008).

232 See Di Yuancang (1981; 22-23).

87 began to disperse, and would not reconnect until the first Modern Photo Salon in 1985.233 Yet despite this, the medium flourished throughout the intervening years, and saw both the proliferation of imagery and ideas from around the world, as well as efforts to connect photography to traditional cultural forms, particularly to the history of landscape painting.234

In promoting the reconnection with traditional ideals of visuality, an older generation of photographers and critics sought to restore the preeminence of the literati tradition within the photographic arts. This re-interpretation of landscape representation had begun in the late 1970s, with many attempting to replicate the genre of traditional landscape painting (shanshui hua ⼭⽔

画), including such influential photographers as Zhu Xianmin 朱宪民 (b. 1943) and Yuan

Lianmin 袁廉民 (b. 1932). Using classically-oriented images, they ardently promoted the reconnection with an earlier tradition established by such seminal figures as Lang Jingshan 郎静

⼭ (1892-1995) and Chen Fuli 陈复礼 (b. 1916).235

In the late 1970s this focus on tradition was in many ways emblematic of a desire to disconnect from the overt politicisation of the recent past, as focusing on the distant past acted as a panacea for the difficulty of representing a markedly unfamiliar, even untimely present, and an

233 One of the first introductions to the theme of the photo salon appeared in Popular Photography in early 1980. See Huang Yonghe (1980), who began his article by noting the rapidity of economic grown in Hong Kong in the postwar period, which had resulted in a great degree of diversity for the photographic arts, particularly as 1 in 4 Hong Kong residents then possessed a camera, unlike on the mainland, where cameras were rather rare. In tying economic development to cultural advancement, Huang was one of the few to explicitly explore the perceived cultural deficits of the Maoist era.

234 There was a concerted effort to link recent developments in American and European avant-garde art to classical Chinese thought. See Xiao Lei 萧勒 (1981).

235 A retrospective exhibition of Lang Jingshan’s work was held at the National Art Museum of China in 2013. See Fan Di’an (2013). For a thorough scholarly overview of the work of Lang Jingshan, see the PhD thesis of Edwin Kin-Keung Lai (2000).

88 almost illusory, unknowable future.236 The noted journalist and critic Yuan Yiping 袁毅平 (b.

1926)237 also promoted the re-connection with premodern aesthetics within the genre of landscape photography. Drawing on Xie He’s 谢赫 (479-502 CE) fifth-century “Six Laws [of

Painting]” (liufa 六法)238, Yuan argued that exemplary works of art exhibit a profound and lasting sensibility, by expressing the first law: “spirit resonance and life motion” (qi yun sheng dong ⽓韵⽣动).239 For Yuan, a truthful exploration of the natural world should connect with the spirit of the times and explore innovative aesthetic forms in representing the beauty of the nation.

This connection between aesthetics and the nation-state would figure prominently throughout the decade, as beauty and form were reconfigured to explore themes of modernisation, development, and cultural innovation.

236 Contemporary photographers have refashioned the tradition of landscape photography in innovative and visually arresting ways, such as Yao Lu 姚璐, who teaches at the Central Academy of Fine Art in Beijing, and Yang Yongliang 杨永亮, whose stunning digital works radically rethink urban space in landscape form. A younger generation of artists has continued the theme, such as Beijing based artist Lu Yanpeng, who creates stirringly captivating landscapes in the manner of Chen Fuli. Other scholars ruminate upon the relationship between traditional landscape painting and the actual subjects painted, seeking to document the spaces which populate the history of landscape painting. For an example, see Sun Yang (2012), who compares traditional paintings with photographs of the actual landscapes painted, and presents a detailed examination of landscape typologies in photographic form, such as differing rock formations, tree shapes, villages, and mountain ridges and peaks, etc.

237 Born in Changshu, Jiangsu province, Yuan was previously a journalist for the People’s Daily, as well as the editor of Popular Photography and Chinese Photography, and a long time member of the Association of Chinese Photographers.

238 Xie He’s six laws are outlined in the preface to The Record of the Classification of Ancient Painters (Gu hua pin lu 古畫品錄). See Yu Jianhua (1957).

239 See Yuan Yiping (1981; 10). This is quite possibly the most famous of Xie He’s Six Laws, and receives the most discussion. In analysing the syntax, some scholars have queried how to situate the four characters, as well the relationship between them, specifically between qiyun and shengdong when considered as separate pairs. For more, see Han Gang (2009; 117-144). Regarding the translation, for yun 韵 the term “consonance” could equally well be used, as Alexander Soper (1949) did with his translation. Harold Osborne translated it as “spirit resonance which brings life movement” (Osborne 110). See also Bush & Shih (1971). James Cahill has argued that Soper’s translation, “animation through spirit consonance,” is the most accurate. See Cahill (1961; 372). Wen Fong translated it as “breath-resonance-life-motion.” See Wen Fong (1992; 4). See also Mair (2004; 81-122).

89 The reappraisal of the history of landscape photography was well underway by the early

1980s, and touched upon far more than aesthetics. Critics such as Long Xizu 龙憙祖 (b. 1934)240 endeavoured to rethink the relationship to the land - both at present, when he was writing in

1980, and historically. Writing in the journal Studies in Literature and Art (Wenyi yanjiu ⽂艺研

究), Long opined that the genre most adeptly depicted the rugged beauty of the land.241 Yet in the cultural milieu of the early 1980s, landscape photography was reconfigured as a form of social practice, capturing, in the words of virtually every critic, the "spirit of the times" (shidai jingshen

时代精神).242 In his analysis of the photographer Xue Zijiang 薛⼦江 (1910-1962), Long argued that his “landscape photographs… are rooted in the land,” and honestly depict the ruggedness of rural life.243 Long also outlined the historical precedent for realist depictions of labour, through a reappraisal of images taken decades earlier by photographers such as Xue who had fallen out of favour with the regime during the previous decades.244 Many of Xue’s works, documenting

240 Born in Wuhan, Long was a celebrated war photographer and member of the PLA, having documented the civil war against the nationalists, known in the PRC as the War of Liberation (Jiefang zhanzheng 解放战争), the Korean War, known as the War to Resist US Aggression and Aid Korea (Kang Mei yuan Chao zhanzheng 抗美援朝战争), and the Vietnam War, known as the War to Aid Vietnam (Yuan Yue zhanzheng 援越战争).

241 Long Xizu (1980; 42). Long further criticised those who argued that the genre embodied “capitalist tastes” (zichan jieji quwei 资产阶级趣味), citing Xue’s work as a counterpoint, which “took the lives and labour of farmers and fishermen as its subject matter” (yi nongmin he yumin shenghuo he laodong wei ticai 以农民和渔民⽣活和劳动为题材).

242 See Long Xizu (1980; 43), ben kan pinglunyuan (1979 B; 1), Yuan Yiping (1985; 2), Bao Kun (1985; 43).

243 Ibid, 43.

244 Ibid, 42. Throughout much of the early 1980s, there was a concerted effort to rehabilitate the reputations of older photographers, intellectuals, and authors who had fallen foul of the authorities during the Cultural Revolution. The influential author Mao Dun 茅盾 (pen name of Shen Dehong 沈德鸿) was discussed at length in dazhong sheying ⼤众摄影 (Popular Photography) Vol. 11 (1981). 3-4. Prominent photographers of earlier eras would come to reflect upon their prior experiences, though would often convey their earlier work through discussions of photographic technique. For example, see the writing of celebrated photographer Zhang Yaxin 张雅⼼ (1986) & (1987), who is best known for photographing the model operas and ballets of the Cultural Revolution. See also Zhang Yaxin (2009).

90 socialist modernisation and imbued with what Long called “social content" (shehui neirong 社会

内容),245 were collected in an edited volume in 1983.246 For Long, the value of a work of landscape photography was not reducible to Aestheticism (weimeizhuyi 唯美主义), but was rather driven by subtle modulations of form and light, which captured the essence (benzhi 本质) of the natural world.247

Driven by a "revolutionary sense of responsibility" (geming de zerengan ⾰命的责任感),

Xue’s work certainly sought to capture the natural beauty of China, yet his images were no accidental invocations of literati visuality, but rather the embodiment of an historical, revolutionary, and modernising project. As Xue Zijiang himself wrote in the 1950s, in On the

Experience of Photographing Scenery (Paishe fengguang de yidian tihui 拍摄风光的⼀点体会):

[As for our] great socialist motherland, each and every aspect of construction is continuously developing. On account of this, every time one shoots scenery, everyone should deeply consider what purpose can be achieved by shooting this scene, correctly analyzing whether the subject matter of the scene is an accidental phenomenon or an essential [one]. If you want to take photos of scenery that can play an educational role, then you must first educate yourself.

245 Long Xizu (1980; 43).

246 See Huang Jianpeng (2013). Though critiqued during the Cultural Revolution, Xue’s work was widely celebrated upon his death in 1962 for its contributions to the representation of a progressive, modern, socialist China. See Wu Jiang (1962).

247 Critics in the early 1980s began to debate the history and efficacy of aestheticism, with a particular focus on the relevance of aestheticism to contemporary art critical discourse. Wu Lifu 伍蠡甫 (1900-1992), a noted guohua 国画 painter, educator, translator, critic, and proponent of Western/international art and literary theory, was particularly interested in moving beyond the politicisation of art and culture, and began to research the history of aestheticism and the ideas behind the French Decadent Movement of the late 19th century. With his analysis of the writings of Théophile Gautier (Gediai ⼽狄埃), Baudelaire (Bodelaier 波德莱尔), Walter Pater (Peite 裴特), and Oscar Wilde (Wangerde 王尔德), Wu was one of the key critics of the post-1978 era to engage in this practice of intercultural translation. See Wu Lifu (1981). Gloria Bien’s Baudelaire in China: A Study in Literary Reception (2013) provides a detailed history of the authors reception and influence within China, which began during the Republican period.

91 祖国伟⼤的社会主义建设各⽅⾯都在不断地蓬勃发展。……因此，当我们拍摄每⼀个风光景物时，都应该深深考虑拍摄这个景物能达到什么⽬的，正确地分析拍摄的景物题材是偶然现象抑或是本质，要拍摄能起到教育作⽤的风光照⽚就必须先要能够教育⾃⼰。248

Despite Xue’s own articulation of a revolutionary socialist realist aesthetic, rooted in practical experience and driven by a desire to fully apprehend the aesthetic object in utilitarian terms,

Long relates that Xue attached great importance to a sense of mood (yijing 意境)249 in his works, akin to that evoked by “prose-poems" (sanwenshi 散⽂诗).250 Landscape photography was able to both record “objective scenes” (keguan jingwu 客观景物), but also “bring about a profound sense of artistic mood” (chuangzao shencui de yijing 创造深邃的意境). Rooted in labour, yet aestheticised to promote the nobility of rural rustication, landscape photography was reconfigured as a form of social practice, as representations of the land began acting as both documents and symbols of the rapidly changing rural environment, and were therefore integral in embodying the catch phrase of the New Era: they symbolised the "spirit of the times" and the struggle for modernisation.251 In an earlier essay from 1979, Long wrote that photographs should capture key moments in history, as well as the contradictions inherent in objective reality

(keguan shiwu maodun 客观事物⽭盾).252 Given the complex reality of documenting broader historical processes and events, Long argued that photographic representation embodied a "clash of contradictions" (maodun chongtu ⽭盾冲突); specifically, he noted that in capturing singular

248 Long Xizu (1980; 43-44).

249 The term could also be translated as “artistic conception.”

250 Ibid, 44. For more on Xue Ziliang’s photography, see Huang Jianpeng (2013).

251 See ben kan pinlunyuan (1979 B; 1).

252 Long Xizu (1979; 51).

92 moments, a photographer could never encapsulate the broader narratives behind any singular image.253

Within this struggle for the future of contemporary photographic representation, a clash of opinions was also simmering under the surface. In an interview with the photo critic Bao Kun, a key member of the April Photo Society and long-term arts editor for the literary and cultural journal Today (Jintian 今天), Bao argued that ninety percent of the landscape photography produced during the 1980s and 1990s was simply banal aestheticism, and photo critics “touted landscapes” (chuipeng fengjing 吹捧风景) in a "fundamentally uncritical atmosphere” (genben meiyou piping de fenwei 根本没有批评的氛围).254 At stake was the distinction between the straight or composite photography promoted by the vast majority of landscape photographers and critics, in opposition to more critical analyses and representations of the land. Throughout much of the New Era and into the 1990s, landscape imagery in photo publications primarily either revolved around concerns of beauty or served as a means of promoting modernisation and reform.

Critics such as Ding Zunxin sought to explore the interconnection between a modernising society and its visual representation, adopting progressive language - the “new" (xin 新) was ever present - to direct positive conceptions of photographic practice.255 A proponent of the narrative

253 Ibid, 52.

254 Conversation with Bao Kun via WeChat (Weixin 微信), 12 April 2016.

255 See also Liu Dimin (1989), B・Niuhuoer (1986), and Li Yuan (1986 B).

93 function of photography, he argued that photographic stories (sheying xiaoshuo 摄影⼩说) should be free to adopt any particular formal approach required to truthfully articulate the nature of contemporary experience. This, however, would require a “formal breakthrough” (xingshi de tupo 形式的突破) for the medium.256 The task for photographers was to rethink the representation of social change and the formal categories traditionally used for doing so.

According to Ding, “New quotidian subject-matter, new ideological themes, [and] new aesthetic tastes all require formal innovation and creativity” (新的⽣活题材，新的思想主题，新的审美

趣味，都要求艺术形式上有所⾰新和创造).257 In stressing the importance of individuality,

Ding ruminated upon the need to move far beyond the aesthetic conventions of “red, bright, and shining” and "tall, great, and expansive" (gao, da, quan ⾼，⼤，全) which dominated the previous era, and which for Ding were merely “stereotypes" (chengui 陈规). Unlike novels or reportage literature, photography belonged to the “arts of the moment" (shunjian yishu 瞬间艺

术), which captured discrete moments of social change, and illuminated broader “historical trends” (lishi de qushi 历史的趋势).258 In this respect, it was the defining medium through which to represent the process of modernisation.

256 Ding Zunxin (1985; 6). Echoing the debate from the late 1970s, Ding was effectively arguing in favour of removing formal constraints, or limits on what could be represented by photographers.

257 Ibid, 6.

258 Ibid, 7. Ding was deeply interested in what he termed the ‘critical inheritance’ (pipan de jicheng 批判地继承) of China’s visual tradition (Ding Zunxin 1985; 8). Rather than promoting the politicisation of imagery to fit within predetermined rubrics, his concern lay with the role of images in promoting a more individual, innovative, and socially responsible form of photographic representation.

94 The word “innovation” virtually defined the world of criticism, particularly when the goal of modernisation drove many appraisals of photographic practice. The 1982 National Youth

Art Photography Exhibition (1982 Nian quanguo qingnian sheying yishu zhanlan 1982年全国青

年摄影艺术展览)259, which took the title “Explore and Innovate” (Tansuo yu chuangxin 探索与

创新), was the first in a series of exhibitions to promote the work of young photographers within the official photographic press.260 Featuring positive images of a progressive, seemingly apolitical society, the editorial committee selected individuals whose images explored candid expressions of quotidian experience, youthful revelry and relaxation, and the "spirit of courageous exploration" (yongyu tansuo de jingshen 勇于探索的精神) among the youth, which was said to epitomise the ideals of the era. In celebrating this inclusive and progressive vision, the organisers proclaimed that:

This exhibition is the first since the founding of the Peoples’ Republic of China , and its significance will be understood by more people in the future. We have the responsibility to print complete collections [of this material, i.e., catalogues] for readers to observe, appreciate, and research. Readers continuously offer invaluable suggestions. 这次展览是建国以来第⼀次，它的意义在⽇后会被更多的⼈所理解。我们有责任把它印成集⼦，供读者们观摩，欣赏，研究。读者们多多提出宝贵意见 .261

Despite such inclusive rhetoric about the importance of documenting the present for posterity, the images they promoted were intrinsically staid, uncritical, and generally banal iterations of the

259 This was different than the National Art Photography Exhibitions, which have been held every two years since 1957.

260 The publication featured calligraphy on the cover by noted calligrapher and photographer Huang Zhongjun 黄钟骏 (1931-2010), while the executive editor and designer of the book was Xu Jing 徐静.

261 Xu Jing (1982; 1)

95 modernising initiatives of the state, and were thus considerably at odds with the work of the

April Photo Society.

In an ironic reversal, it was an older generation of photographers who had taken control of the official photographic press and exhibition selection committees, while members of the

April Photo Society were effectively sidelined.262 It was photographers and critics such as Yuan

Yiping263 and Ding Zunxin who would determine the boundaries of photographic representation for young photographers, while suppressing more critical voices from within the broader community. This bifurcation of photographic practice would have profound implications for the photographic arts, and would essentially relegate young photographers to celebrating national progress, rather than critiquing the pressing issues such rapid development had produced. The theme “explore and innovate” was a relatively constant feature for much of the early and mid

1980s264, as the phrase ‘visual exploration’ formed the basis for many discussions of the internationalisation of photography in China. The influential publication Modern Photo (Xiandai sheying 现代摄影)265 also contained an entire section entitled “Explore and Innovate” (Tansuo

262 Bao Kun noted that after the last Nature, Man, Society exhibition, there were few avenues for April Photo Society members to promote their work, until the first Modern Photo Salon, discussed below. Interview with Bao Kun, 24 May 2016.

263 Yuan Yiping was the editor both Chinese Photography and Popular Photography throughout much of the 1980s.

264 Exposés such as “The Window of Exploration” (Tansuo zhi chuang 探索之窗), which promoted the realist, abstract, and symbolist work of photographers such as Yuan Dehong 袁德洪, Xu Diankui 徐殿奎, and Sun Yingbo 孙影波, continued the theme of visual ‘exploration’ in the national photo press. See Zhongguo sheying 中国摄影 (Chinese Photography) Vol. 2 (1986). 22-23. While the rhetorical basis for such photographic practice would seem to move beyond the strict confines of politicised representation, the representational regime itself remained thoroughly entrenched in socialist realism at the national level, as positive images of a glowing socialist modernity still graced the pages of the publication.

265 The name of the journal was translated to English on the cover as In Photo. First published by Li Mei 李媚 (b. 1952) in 1984, the journal was tremendously influential among more academically inclined critics and intellectuals, as it consistently promoted critically oriented documentary and conceptual photography.

96 yu chuangxin 探索與創新),266 which promoted a wide array of thematic, narrative articles on issues of social change.

Throughout much of the mid 1980s, Yuan Yiping was the general editor of Chinese

Photography, and thus penned many of its editorials and exhibition reviews. In his detailed analysis of the national photo competition and exhibition Contemporary Life (Dangdai ren 当代

⼈)267 from late 1984, Yuan wrote that the images displayed most promisingly embodied the

‘spirit of the times’ through the visual figuration of social change.268 Critics were enamoured with capturing the peculiar temporality of the New Era, in which society and time seemed to race forward towards a clearly demarcated future. Capturing the ‘spirit of the times’ was both a cautious reminder to document a hyper-charged and thereby fleeting era, but also an invocation to speed up the rate of change, by using images as a catalyst for modernisation.

Modernisation was depicted as struggle, sweat, and toil in Jiang Yang’s 姜洋 (ﬂ. ca.

1984) photograph From Dripping Sweat to Molten Iron (didi hanshui huan tieshui 滴滴汗⽔换

266 The publication used traditional characters.

267 Rather than translating the exhibition using the gender specific Contemporary Man, which was surely intended, or Contemporary People, which is admittedly rather awkward, I have translated it as Contemporary Life. As the images within the exhibition and its subsequent critical overview stress the importance of documenting the changing nature of contemporary society, Contemporary Life seems a more apt rendering of the name of the exhibition. This was the fourth such exhibition, the first of which was held in 1981. The original call for images required: “distinct subject matter, original ideas, exquisite forms, and vivid images” (zhuti xianming, gousi xinying, xingshi youmei, xingxiang shengdong 主题鲜明，构思新颖，形式优美，形象⽣动) - an ethos which continued up until 1984. See Zhongguo sheying 中国摄影 (Chinese Photography) Vol. 1 (1981). 46.

268 The article was entitled “Light and Shadow Follow the Times” (“Guangying dang sui shidai 光影当随时代), which the author alluded was in reference to the Qing painter Shitao’s ⽯涛 (1642-1707) saying: “Brush and Ink Follow the Times” (maobi dang sui shidai 笔墨当随时代) (Yuan Yiping 1985; 4).

97 铁⽔).269 In this work, three exhausted steel workers huddle over a table, smoking and drinking tea while on break (Image 7). As with the ruggedness of the land, the rugged reality of labour was laid bare in this powerful image of toil.270 In his detailed analysis of the images, Yuan Yiping failed to mention Jiang Yang’s poignant image, and instead lavished praise on a wide array of other winning images, many of which were innately banal, and often highly staged iterations of national life.

Yuan quoted at length from Deng Xiaoping’s consideration of the role of art and literature in society, from his speech at the Fourth Congress of Writers and Artists (di si ci wendaihui 第四

次⽂代会) in November 1979. In his speech, Deng famously argued that:

The complex spiritual labour of art and literature especially requires writers and artists to give full play to their individual creative spirit […] Under the guidance of correct thought, literary and artistic themes together with representational techniques must be increasingly rich and colourful, and dare to be innovative. We must be sure to guard against and overcome the tendency to be monotonous and stiff, to work in machine like and formulaic styles, as well as the inclination towards abstraction. ⽂艺这种复杂的精神劳动，⾮常需要⽂艺家发挥个⼈的独创精神[……]在正确思想指导下，⽂艺题材和表现⼿法要⽇益丰富多彩，敢于创新。要防⽌和克服单调刻板，机械划⼀的公式化，概念化倾向271

Following Mao’s Yan’an talks of May 1942, Deng continued to argue that the concrete experience of the people should be the locus of national representation, though in his particular

269 The title was translated in the publication as Steel workers at break. Photographed in Liaoning, the image won first prize in the competition. See Zhongguo sheying 中国摄影 (Chinese Photography) Vol. 1 (1985), 5 & 14.

270 Many documentary realist works from the 1980s document and dissect the unevenness that has characterised the economic transformations which have radically reshaped contemporary Chinese social life. For a critical appraisal of China’s uneven economic development, see Gong Haomin (2010).

271 Yuan Yiping (1985; 4).

98 reading, innovative and diverse forms of representation should be promoted in addressing the concerns of the nation.272

The Contemporary Life exhibition sought to promote the very same ideals, and included many artists and photojournalists who would go on to document key national events throughout the 1980s. One such photographer was Liu Jun 刘军 (fl. ca. 1980s), whose harrowing images of the Sino-Vietnamese war would appear in the last Modern Photo Salon.273 Liu's second prize photo in the competition, entitled In Her Own World (Ta yu ta shijie 她与她世界) (Image 8), depicted a beautiful woman reading in front of an array of periodicals. A seemingly commonplace image in the vein of a stock photo, for Yuan Yiping the image was “a metaphor for the vast world of knowledge” (biyu guangkuo de zhishi tiandi ⽐喻⼴阔的知识天地) now open to the reading public in China (Yuan Yiping 1985; 3).274 Other images from the Sino-Vietnamese conflict appeared in the competition, including one by Li Youcheng 李友诚 (ﬂ. ca. 1984) entitled

On the Way to Battle (Chuzheng tuzhong 出征途中) (Image 9). The image of soldiers on their way to the front lines, while purportedly being followed by an organic outcropping of the

“masses” (qunzhong 群众) among whom they had recently stayed, was discussed by the photographer himself in Chinese Photography a few months later.275 This was the third time Li had been to the front lines to report on the conflict. He noted how the “troops always have to live

272 See Mao Tse-tung (1965) and Deng Xiaoping ().

273 Discussed in chapter 3.

274 Liu’s image appears in Zhongguo sheying 中国摄影 (Chinese Photography) Vol. 1 (1985),18.

275 See Li Youcheng (1985 A; 45). His images of the conflict, along with those of other military photojournalists, were featured later that year in the publication Li Youcheng 李友诚 (Ed), Quan jun sheying zhanlan zuopin ji 全军摄影展览作品集 (Collected Works of the Military Photo Exhibition). See Li Youcheng (1985 B). The publisher of the book, The Great Wall Press, was affiliated with the PLA and published a wide array of photo books on military matters throughout the post 1949 period.

99 in the homes of the masses” (budui zong yao zai qunzhong jia zhu 部队总要在群众家住), who were “broken-hearted at having to see them off” (yiyibushe de songxing 依依不舍地送⾏) to battle.276 In depicting the calm, determined valour of troops heading into battle, this image, and far too many like it277, do a disservice to the tremendous sacrifices of military personnel on both sides of the conflict. They are not produced to reflect the reality of conflict, despite claims to be truthfully documenting the war, but were rather staged invocations of national glory. Li wrote about the positive sentiments evoked by the troops in the hearts of the people, and their valorous conduct on the front lines: “The fine style of our army was in stark contrast to the scene evoked by the inhumane conduct of the Vietnamese troops, who [continuously] opened fire to kill and wound our border population.” (我军的优良作风与越军惨⽆⼈道，开枪开炮打死打伤我边民

的情景形成了鲜明的对照).278 Rather than exploring issues of death, loss, insecurity, fragile and fractured populations, or the breakdown of normality, these and other images celebrated the coming conflict. These representations were merely a ruse for articulating an officially sanctioned vision of national power, which though visually different, and seemingly shot in a realist style, had hardly changed from the proleptic aestheticism of the previous decade.279

276 Ibid, 45. Li further spoke of the tears (liulei 流泪) shed by individuals seeing the troops off, and the genuine nature of their feelings. Li seems to be attempting to humanise the coming violence, by discussing the tragedy of war in a way that would not have been visually permitted at the time. The image does not show these tears, but rather an array of young women giving the troops tea as they depart. This is perhaps due to the inability of the photographer to publish photographs of violence at this time in the popular photographic press.

277 See, for example, Wang Jianmin’s 王建民 (b. 1954) photograph entitled the People’s Armed Policemen (Renmin wuzhuang jingcha ⼈民武装警察), also in the same volume (Image 10). Chinese Photography published heroic images of the military in virtually every volume throughout the 1980s.

278 Ibid, 45.

279 The modern photo salons arose precisely in response to these nationally oriented, though seemingly depoliticised figurations of historical representation.

100 Shifting visual sensibilities emerged primarily through the introduction of imagery from around the globe, and the efforts of those seeking to transmit new visual styles to an eager array of talented young photographers. When images of conflict and war began appearing within the

Chinese photographic press in mid 1985, during the peak of fighting between China and Viet

Nam, a series of articles on international war correspondents was published in a variety of publications.280 One of the most widely celebrated was Robert Capa (Luobote・Kapa 罗伯特・

卡帕), whose career was memorialised by Jiang Ningsheng 江宁⽣ in his article “In Memory of the Eminent War Photography Robert Capa” (“Jinian jiechu de zhandi sheyingjia: Luobote・ kapa 纪念杰出的战地摄影家——罗伯特・卡帕) , which included a photograph Capa had taken of Zhou Enlai in Wuhan in the late 1930s (Image 11).281 The publication also included an array of Capa’s most prominent images, from the Spanish Civil War and the D-Day landings to the public shaming of collaborators in post-war France (Image 12). A further exposé on the life of Capa, examining his photographs produced during the Spanish Civil War, was written by

British communist, activist, and long-time resident of Beijing David Crook (Daiwei・Keluke 戴

280 Somewhat surprisingly, the tremendously violent and raw photographs that won Ross Baughman the Pulitzer in 1977, documenting the violence of the Rhodesian Security Forces, was published at the time, along with a long exposé on his work. See Li Haining (1985) and “Meiguo xinwen sheying jia R・Baoman zuopin xuan” (1985). This was perhaps because of China’s longstanding critique of European imperialism in Africa, despite Chinese support for insurgencies on the continent and in the Middle East until 1972, with the rapprochement between China and the United States. See Hughes (2011) and Westad (2005).

281 Multiple images Capa had photographed throughout his career were republished throughout the volume. See Zhongguo sheying (Chinese Photography) Vol. 4 (1985), 26-27. See also Jiang Ningsheng (1985; 39-40). There was a long exposé on Capa’s work in International Photography by Lin Shaozhong (1985), followed by an introduction to the work of his younger brother Cornell Capa by Yin Ying (1985). Capa himself had died in 1954 while covering the First Indochina War, after stepping on a landmine while photographing a French patrol. For more on the conflicts between China and Viet Nam, see O’Dowd (2007) and Zhang Xiaoming (2015).

101 维・柯鲁克; 1910-2000) (Image 13).282 Through articles such as these, critics explored the more pernicious aspects of violent conflict, as critical representations of the Sino-Vietnamese war were effectively barred from national publications.283 In response to this cloistered atmosphere, many would turn towards history to explore the complexities of the present, by examining developments within the photographic arts from around the world.

Going Towards the World: International Photography and Cultural Pluralisation

Journals such as International Photography (Guoji sheying 国际摄影), a bi-monthly offering from the China Photographic Press based in Beijing, introduced an array of internationally acclaimed photographers to China, as well as the ideas, concepts, and techniques which had shaped the evolution of photography internationally throughout the 20th century. Each issue of the journal contained articles on a variety of topics, and an array of approaches for thinking about the complexity of photographic representation. A wide ranging publication that was responsible for helping shape knowledge about photography throughout much of the 1980s, each issue of the journal included sections on photographic theory (sheying lilun 摄影理论), photographic technique (sheying jishu 摄影技术)284, photographic knowledge (sheying zhishi 摄

282 See Daiwei・Keluke (1985). Cook had himself fought in the Spanish Civil War, where he was recruited by the KGB, who subsequently had him sent to China.

283 Though there were numerous instances of the representation of war and conflict on the part of international photojournalists in 1985, as out lined above, I have found no evidence across all of the prominent publications in China that Chinese photojournalists were able represent conflict in such a manner, and certainly not as regarded conflicts to which the PLA was a party. The first such instance, in photographs by Liu Jun at the 1988 Modern Photo Salon, is discussed in detail in chapter 3.

284 The title of which later changed to ‘techniques for taking photographs’ (paishe jishu 拍摄技术).

102 影知识), a general introduction to photography (sheying jieshao 摄影介绍), [leading] figures in photography (sheying renwu 摄影⼈物)285, photographic organisations (sheying zuzhi 摄影组

织)286, darkroom technology (anfang gongyi 暗房⼯艺), along with sections discussing translated terms and names (yiming taolun 译名讨论)287, places to find new equipment (xin qi cun 新器村), and much more.288

As part of its mandate, the journal published a wide array of translations of essays by prominent international photographers, critics, and historians, which were eagerly dissected by many young photographers. While the magazine focused more on photographic technique and history than theory or social criticism, it was nonetheless of tremendous historical importance.289

In a sign of the openness of the times, the inaugural issue included essays on prominent

285 Later changed to “introduction to leading figures” (renwu jieshao ⼈物介绍).

286 This section included profiles of photographic organisations such as Magnum Photo.

287 This section was particularly useful in providing standardised translations of photographic terms, such as slide film (huandengpian 幻灯⽚), Kodachrome (Kedakeluomu caise jiaopian 柯达克罗姆彩⾊胶⽚), Fujicolour (Fushi caise 富⼠彩⾊), etc.

288 There was no standard arrangement for these sections, and not every one appeared in each volume. Other sections that appeared in the publication included: trends in camera development (xiangji fazhan de qushi 相机发展的趋势), photography books and periodicals (sheying shukan 摄影书刊), dispatches from abroad (guowai tongxun 国外通讯), historical photographic material (sheying shiliao 摄影史料), translations of well known texts (mingyan zhaiyi 名⾔摘译), photographic trends (sheying dongtai 摄影动态), foreign works (waiguo zuopin 外国作品), friendly exchanges (youhao wanglai 友好往来), a word from the editor (bianzhe de hua 编者的话), questions answered (wenti jieda 问题解答), readers, writers, and editors (duzhe, zuozhe, bianzhe 读者・作者・编者), and the final section, foreign works (waiguo zuopin 外国作品). The publication was also a key tool in promoting technical knowledge about the medium, including the science behind photographic composition, lighting, etc.

289 For example, volume 6 of International Photography from 1981 included five articles on photographic technique, two articles on photo theory, two articles introducing the “experiences” (jingyan 经验) of international photographers, one on darkroom technology, two on photographic knowledge, six on new equipment, one on a famous international photographer, one on a photo book, and nineteen examples of the work of international photographers. See guoji sheying 国际摄影 (International Photography) Vol. 6 (1981), index. None specifically engaged pressing social or political issues in China.

103 politically engaged photographers such as John Heartfield (Helmut Herzfelde; 1891-1968). An essay by Shao Wen 邵⽂ (fl. ca. 1981) entitled “Editing and Montage” (“Jianji yu hecheng 剪辑

与合成”) casually introduced Heartfield's highly politicised work under the guise of promoting the technique of photomontage. For such critics, the analysis of photographic technique was a means of circumventing censorship and publishing a wide array of hitherto forbidden imagery.290

From a pedagogical perspective, International Photography included many articles that sought to introduce the history and theory of photographic practice, such as Xie Hanjun 谢汉俊’s (fl. ca.

1980s and 1990s)291 multi-part series of translations from the work of Michael Langford (M・

Lanfude 兰福德; b. 1933) the first of which was on “Realist Photography" (xieshi sheying 写实

摄影), followed by further translations on “pictorial" (huayi 画意)292 and “abstract” (chouxiang

抽象) photography, the latter of which examined Cubism, Dadaism, and Surrealism at length

(Images 14 and 15).293 Langford, who was one of the foremost international educators writing about the practical side of image making, explored the technical achievements of a wide array of photographers, including Marcel Duchamp (1887-1968), Man Ray (1890-1976), Eadweard

Muybridge (1830-1904), Étienne-Jules Marey (1830-1904), and Alfred Langdon Coburn

290 Heartfield’s work again appeared in International Photography in 1984. See Ren Shugao (1984).

291 More recently, Xie wrote a book on the work and ideas of Ansel Adams. See Xie Hanjun (2004).

292 For more on pictorial photography, see Xu Peng 徐澎 (1985).

293 The series of short articles was presumably translated from Langford’s seminal text, Langford's Basic Photography: The Guide for Serious Photographers, which was first published in 1965, and is still in use today. For all five versions of the series, see M・Lanfude (1983 A-E). The series marked one of the earliest discussions of surrealism, dadaism and abstract photography in a Chinese photo journal, though as discussed in chapter 1, the publication Photographic Work had discussed these stylistic developments as early as 1952. Xie Hanjun (pen name Yan Sen 彦森) was the inaugural director of the editorial department at International Photography, and had studied in the United States after 1949, where he opened a photo studio. When he returned to China in 1956, he worked as a translator in the photography department at Xinhua News Agency.

104 (1882-1966).294 The series returned to realism a few months later, introducing the New Vision

(Neues Sehen)295 movement, the seminal Film und Foto exhibition in Stuttgart in 1929, "straight photography” (zhijie sheying 直接摄影), and the work of Paul Strand (1890-1976), Edward

Weston (1886-1958), the modernist Group f/64 (which included Edward Weston, Ansel Adams

1902-1984, Imogen Cunningham 1883-1976, John Paul Edwards 1884–1968, Willard van Dyke

1906-1986, Sonya Noskowiak 1900-1975, and Henry Swift 1891-1962),296 as well as the styles of John Heartfield and Minor White (1809-1976) (Image 16).297 In the fifth and final part of the series, Langford introduced the concept of "contemporary photography" (dangdai sheying 当代

摄影), by exploring how popular media such as Vogue and Harpers Bazaar were conduits for innovative and boundary pushing work (Image 17).298

This sustained focus on the imagery of the great masters had the most lasting influence on the trajectory of photographic representation throughout the 1980s, particularly concerning

294 Langford also discussed the influence of the Bauhaus movement and futurism, artists such as Paul Klee and Wassily Kandinsky, as well as the development of the rayograph (guangying tupian 光影图⽚). See M・Lanfude (1983 C).

295 Translated as Xin shiye 新视野.

296 M・Lanfude (1983 D; 26-27). The article also mentioned the work of “communist” artist John Heartfield. The group was discussed in the publication a few years later in an essay on art photography. See Guoji sheying Vol. 5 (1987), 40.

297 M・Lanfude (1983 D; 28). Perhaps most strikingly, the work illustrated in the text, by Edward Weston and Paul Strand, wasn't realist in the traditional sense, and was more abstract.

298 Beginning with work from the 1930s, the article traced the development of contemporary photography, and explored everything from the widely acclaimed (and sometimes derided) Family of Man exhibition at the MOMA in 1954, to the work of Harry Callahan, Dorothea Lange, and Richard Avedon, as well as the affects pop art on photography in the 1970s. See M・Lanfude (1983 E; 28).

105 the aesthetics of the medium.299 Other photographers whose work was introduced at the time included Ansel Adams (A・Yadangsi 亚当斯), Andre Kertesz,300 Gisele Freund,301 and Arthur

Rothstein (Images 18, 19, and 20).302 A translation of Ansel Adams’s short essay “Imagination and Image” (xiangxiang yu yingxiang 想象与影像) by Xie Hanjun,303 which was adapted from

Adams’ 1981 book The Negative (lun dipian 论底⽚), examined the history of photographic representation from ‘reflecting the real’ (fanying xianshi 反映现实) to the ‘break with realism’ (tuoli xianshi 脱离现实). This dialectical relationship between the real and the illusory or fleeting was quite common in the criticism of the era. A translated essay by Soviet author

Valeriy Stigneev (Валерий Стигнеев; b. 1937), entitled “Reality and Fantasy” (zhenshi yu huanxiang 真实与幻想), explored the historical deconstruction of realist representation, issues

299 The art critic Li Nan 李楠 produced an excellent volume examining the photographic influences of 21 Chinese photographers, who drew influences from a wide array of figures such as Josef Koudelka and Henri Cartier-Bresson, as well as within China, such as Wu Yinxian 吴印咸 (1900-1994) and Hou Dengke 侯登科 (1950-2003). Wu was perhaps best known for the image Dr. Norman Bethune (Baiqiuen daifu ⽩求恩⼤夫) (Image 21), which was selected in Li’s book by documentary photographer Ning Zhouhao 宁⾈浩. Hou’s most celebrated documentary series, Wheat Hands (maike 麦克), is a detailed, long-term study of rural labour. Other photographers saw their influences in artists such as Robert Rauschenberg, or entirely outside of the arts. Documentary photographer Zhang Xinmin 张新民 (b. 1952) cited journalist and historian William Manchester’s (1922-2004) book The Glory and the Dream: A Narrative History of America, 1932–1972, which was translated into Chinese as Guangrong yu mengxiang: 1932-1972 nian Meiguo shilu 光荣与梦想：1932-1972年美国实录 in 1978.

300 See Wu Zhenxin (1983).

301 See Ren Shugao (1983; 7). A series of Freund’s portraits was also featured in the volume. They included the painter Henri Matisse (Xiangli・Madaisi 亨利·马蒂斯; 1869-1954), author and Nobel Prize winner André Paul Guillaume Gide (Andelie・Jide 安德烈・纪德; 1869-1951), the poet and artist Jean Cocteau (Jiarang・Keketuo 家让・科克托; 1889-1963) and dramatist Romain Rolland (Luoman・Luolan 罗曼・罗兰; 1866-1944). See “faguo xiaoxiang sheyingjia” (1983; 18).

302 See Xie Cheng (1983; 36-37). Xie was the translator of the text, which originally appeared in the US publication Photographic Arts, published in November 1982. The original author is not provided, though the text appears to be a liberal translation of the original, as Xie inserts commentary throughout.

303 Writing under his pen name Yan Sen 彦森.

106 of hidden meaning, and the relationship between form and content.304 Stigneev delineated what he called “edited photography” (jianji sheying 剪辑摄影), which in China often fell under the broad heading of “staged photography" (baipai sheying 摆拍摄影)305, and explored how such formalist abstractions represented the "self" (ziwo ⾃我) at the expense of the "real” (xianshi 现

实).306

In an effort to deepen the influence of realism, the publication featured photographs of an array of international cultural figures whose work centred on the politics of realist representation.

One of those featured was George Bernard Shaw, in a photograph by Edward Steichen

(Aidehua・Shitaiken 爱德华・施泰肯), who was championed as one of the world’s foremost

"realist dramatists" (xianshi zhuyi xijujia 现实主义戏剧家) (Image 22).307 As the pursuit of realism was commensurate with the modernisation of society promoted by the state, the early

304 The article was originally from an August 1983 issue of Soviet Photography (Suweiai sheying 苏维埃摄影; Sovetskoe foto Советское фото). While the translated Chinese title was “Reality and Illusion: On Photo Editing” (Zhenshi yu huanxiang: tan sheying jianji 真实与幻想——谈摄影剪辑”, the original Russian title was “Reality and Fantasy” (“Real’nost' i fantaziya Реальность и фантазия”). See B・Siqinieyefu (1984), while for the original, see Stigneev (1983). The term “illusion”/"fantasy" (huanxiang 幻想) appeared often in translated texts from the mid 1980s. See Guoji sheying 国际摄影 (International Photography) Vol. 3 (1985), 25-27. It would reemerge with greater critical force towards the end of the decade, in texts by Ding Zunxin and work by Mo Yi and others, discussed in chapter 3.

305 For Stigneev, however, the works illustrated were more in line with abstract photography and photomontage.

306 B・Siqinieyefu (1984; 4). Founded in 1926, by the late 1920s writers in Soviet Photo levied harsh critiques on the formalist, avant-garde photography of artists such as Aleksandr Rodchenko. Instead, the journal turned to promoting the social content of photographic work. For a brief introduction, see https://www.moma.org/interactives/ objectphoto/publications/785.html

307 See Han Songke (1983; 4). Like many others who hearkened back to the ideals of the May Fourth, and the critically oriented cultural milieu of the Republican and interwar periods, Han related Shaw’s visit to China in 1939, where he met with Song Qingling 宋庆龄, Cai Yuanpei 蔡元培, and apparently Lu Xun 鲁迅, though he had passed away in 1936. Han likely meant to relate that Shaw had met with Lu Xun on an earlier visit to China, as the two met in Shanghai in 1933. The article discussed Shaw’s impression of the work of architectural photographer Frederick H. Evans, and the sense of mood created in his hauntingly beautiful images of cathedrals.

107 1980s also saw a resurgent interest in scientific rationality and scientific method among photo critics, whose works examined the visual representation of a wide array of scientific topics, from micro photography to the planetary sciences. International Photography published a series of photographs of Einstein (Aiyinsitan 爱因斯坦) by the celebrated photojournalist Lucien Aigner

(L・Aige’na 艾格纳; 1901-1999) (Images 23 and 24),308 as the embodiment of scientific and academic genius.309 This sustained focus on realism, rationality, and the truthful representation of everyday life helped foster a sense of social responsibility among many photographers and critics, whose images and writings endeavoured to expose the complexities of social change.

The introduction of new photographic technologies was also paramount in helping advance the quality of the images being produced. In the late 1970s and early 1980s most of the advertisements for photo equipment were by domestic brands, such as Great Wall (changcheng

长城) (manufacturers of cameras) or Tianjin 天津 (manufacturers of film),310 although starting in

1980, advertisements for foreign camera brands such as Canon and Minolta began appearing in domestic photo publications (Images 25 and 26)311, while the widespread introduction of

Kodachrome and Fujichrome slide film markedly advanced the quality of the imagery.312

308 See “Meiguo sheying jia, zuo jia” (1983; 22), and L・Aigena (1983; 37).

309 Einstein also appeared in an article the year before. See Gu Yunxing (1982; 3).

310 For a discussion of cameras used in the 1970s, see St. Denny (1989) and Nicole Huang (2010).

311 The first of which was in Dazhong sheying ⼤众摄影 (Popular Photography) Vol. 8 (1980), back cover. Nikon did not begin advertising its wares in China until later in the decade.

312 The publication Popular Photography was dedicated to introducing the latest developments in photo technology. For example, Yu Songjia’s 于松嘉 article “An Introduction to Foreign Cameras” (Guowai zhaoxiangji jieshao 国外照相机介绍), provided an overview of a trade fair which took place in Cologne, West Germany, in September of 1980. The exhibition showcased the latest cameras, film, processing technologies, and video equipment that was as yet unavailable in China. See Yu Songjia (1981).

108 Technical advancements in the medium were accompanied by an array of articles on photographers whose work was celebrated for its technical skill, including many who had recently visited China, such as the British photographer Martin Parr (Mading・Paer 马丁・帕

尔; b. 1952). Parr visited China in 1985, and his images from the trip were published in Chinese

Photography later that year, under the heading "The Chinese Through the Eyes of an English

Photographer” (Yingguo ren yan li de Zhongguo ren 英国⼈眼⾥的中国⼈)313 (Image 27). The celebrated American photographer Reagan Louie (b. 1951), a student of Walker Evans

(1903-1975) in the MFA programme at Yale, visited China numerous times from 1980-1990, and published a book of China photographs in 1991 under the title Towards A Truer Life:

Photographs of China 1980-1990 (Images 28, 29, and 30).314 The title was adapted from an anonymous hunger strike manifesto written on 2 June 1989 in Beijing, in the heady days of the student movement, which stated that “We are above all citizens! We are not seeking death! We are searching for a true life!”315 His powerful images capture an array of candid scenes throughout the country, in the vernacular of straight photography promoted by his teacher and

313 See Mading・Paer (1985). Though this was entirely unbeknownst to the photographer, as he was unaware that his images were published in China at the time. His work from England appeared a few months earlier in International Photography, through an introduction to his work by Jiang Hailin 江海临 (1985). Parr has since remained intimately connected to photography in China, particularly as a keen collector of Chinese photobooks. Along with the Dutch photo duo WassinkLundgren (comprised of Thijs Groot Wassink & Ruben Lundgren), he published The Chinese Photobook: From the 1900s to the Present. See Parr & WassinkLundgren (2015).

314 See Louie (1991).

315 Louie (1991; 11). The historian Jonathan Spence wrote the introduction to the photobook, though this quote is taken from Louie’s own foreword to the text. Louie, whose father was born in China, explored the theme of heritage and ethnicity in his foreword, writing that “My first visit exposed an aspect of my life I had felt but never seen. Time collapsed as my past was continuously reformed in the present. Wherever I turned, I saw the familiar in the unfamiliar. I recall photographing a village garden and suddenly seeing vegetables my father had grown in our backyard, which in Sacramento had looked exotic, out of place… I envied my fathers connection to his village, but it was not my home… I was above all a photographer. An outsider.” Ibid, 11.

109 mentor Walker Evans, as a means of exploring the true, unmediated lives of his multifaceted subjects.

The search for truth determined the vast majority of appraisals of cultural work throughout much of the 1980s. Critics such as Xie Hanjun, who wrote widely on historical developments in documentary photography around the world, sustained this critical focus on the search for representations of real life. His didactic approach to cultural translation provided a direct, apolitical, and ultimately timely introduction of international photographic developments.

In an exposé on the work of Yousuf Karsh (Yousufu・Kashen 尤素福・卡什; 1908-2002), which examined a portrait of British Foreign Secretary and Prime Minister Robert Anthony Eden

(Aideng 艾登; 1897-1977) (Image 31) from his first publication, Faces of Destiny,316 Xie explored how the “unique style” (dute fengge 独特风格) of Karsch enabled him to capture images of seminal historical figures could delineate direct, seemingly apolitical representations.317 Through straight photography, history and the figures who had shaped it could be factually recorded. Xie did not mention this outright, though it was in stark contrast to how the leadership was represented in China, where portraits were often inflected by political and ideological concerns. International Photography often promoted the work of particular photographers or historical figures over many volumes, in order to sustain popular interest in these diverse visual styles. Karsh reappeared a few months later in a composite article translated

316 Translated as Shijie mingren xiaoxiang ji 世界名⼈肖像集. See Xie Hanjun (1984; 34-35).

317 Xie Hanjun (1984; 34). Karsch would also “shoot in situ” or “shoot on the spot” (xianchang paishe 现场拍摄), and emphasised their “individual character” (gexing 个性) and “mood” (qingxu 情绪), rather than trying to valourise or promote them as grand political figures. Ibid, 34-35.

110 by Zheng Xinlong 郑欣龙 (fl. ca. 1984)318, and again in the following volume, as part of a broader appraisal of the great masters of documentary photography.319

As was profoundly clear to many young photographers at the time, the publication lacked images which one might call contemporary, and until 1986 it was entirely disconnected from recent developments within the photographic arts around the world. To connect contemporary photography in China with American photography of the 1970s, Li Yuan 李元 (b. 1936)320 introduced the writing and criticism of Beaumont Newhall (Baomengte・Niuhuoer 鲍蒙特・纽

霍尔; 1908-1993) in the journal, exploring his influence as director of the photography department at the Museum of Modern Art, and his role in furthering debate about contemporary photography.321 Li Yuan also addressed the work of John Szarkowski (Yuehan・Sakaosiji 约

翰・萨考斯基; 1925-2007), Ernst Haas (Eensiti・Hasi 厄恩斯特・哈斯; 1921-1986), and

318 The text notes that it was translated from the French, and was a composite of three separate publications (Paris Match - Bali jingsai 巴黎竞赛; the Sunday Times Magazine - Xingqi ri Taiwushi bao zazhi 星期⽇泰晤⼠报杂志; and the Encyclopedia Americana - Meiguo da baike quanshu 美国⼤百科全书. The original authors were not provided.

319 See J・Nuobate (1984). While the original article appeared in the New York Times, I have been unable to track it down, nor determine who J ・Nuobate was. The author also discussed the work of Philippe Halsman, Arnold Newman (1918-2006), Gertrude Kasebier (1952-1934), Cecil Beaton (1904-1980), W Eugene Smith (1918-1978), and Henri Cartier-Bresson (1908-2004). The article was followed by two short translations from the writings of Louis Daguerre (1787-1851) and George Eastman (1854-1932), by Xie Hanjun. See Guoji sheying 国际摄影 (International Photography) Vol. 5 (1984), 9. Each issue of International Photography from 1984 onwards contained a short section which featured the work or writing of a prominent photographer, providing a snap introduction to a key figure in the field.

320 Born in Ningbo in 1936, Li was a prolific writer, having penned multiple articles and books on Chinese photography, with a particular focus on landscape. He received his PhD from Rutgers University in New Jersey in 1966.

321 See Li Yuan (1986 B; 36). Li placed particular emphasis on his widely celebrated exhibition and text The History of Photography (sheying shi 摄影史). See Newhall (1964).

111 others.322 Li teased out the role of modernism and postmodernsism within visual representation, and debated the ‘visual impact’ (shijue shang de chongjili 视觉上的冲击⼒) of Cubism,

Superrealism, and Photorealism, the latter two of which, while first introduced in the early 1980s within painting circles, were sparsely debated among photo critics (Li Yuan 1986 B; 36-38).323

The first to introduce the concept of postmodernism to photographic circles in China, Li was at the forefront of contemporary transcultural practice. His writings and translations from

America were integral in helping to reshape discussions about contemporary photography, as most photographers were entirely disconnected from developments within the avant-garde art movements of the mid 1980s.324 This sustained process of cultural exchange was helped along by the cultural programmes operated by the US Embassy in Beijing. For example, photographers from China had begun to exhibit their work in the US in the early 1980s, often with the assistance of the US Embassy in Beijing.325

Through such cultural exchanges, photographers and critics were exposed to an increasingly diverse array of perspectives, which had a lasting influence on the ideals of many young critics. Yet as the reform process continued, and cultural critics broadly took up the mantle

322 Li Yuan (1986 B; 36-37).

323 This was the second of a two part series, the first of which examined the history of photo salons, and the role of the Photographic Society of America (Meiguo sheying xuehui 美国摄影学会). See Li Yuan (1986 A). The third part of the series featured a translation by Li Yuan of Beaumont Newhall’s essay “New Trends in Photography,” which examined the resurgence of interest in straight photography and the fad for polaroids in the early 1980s. The original source was not provided, save for a note relating that the article was published in 1982. See B・Niuhuoer (1986).

324 The publication Fine Arts in China (Zhongguo meishu bao 中国美术报) dedicated an entire issue to postmodern art in 1987 (volume 3).

325 Huang Xiang 黄翔 (1904-1990), Vice President of the Association of Chinese Photographers, had his work shown in Oklahoma City, not a seemingly obvious choice, in November 1984. See “Huang Xiang sheying zuopin zai Mei zhanchu” (1985).

112 of social and political critique, those affiliated with the April Photo Society, such as Bao Kun, had been notably absent from the published discussions that appeared in many of these journals.326 By mid-decade, however, they returned in force and offered critical interventions into the most pressing social issues of the day.

New Images for a New Era: Social Reform and the Rise of Realism

The ahistorical nature of the cultural translation embarked upon by many photo critics and historians was perhaps the result of a keen disinterest in politics, and a desire simply to connect with the aesthetic pleasures of an array of compelling and internationally renowned images. Few at the time endeavoured to connect these shifts to the broader logic of the reform period in a self-conscious, historically focussed manner.327 What characterised many articles on the history of photography was the discrete valourisation of stylistic, visual inventiveness, formal technique, and historical import.328 The social content of the works was almost entirely neglected.

The return of many April Photo Society members to the photo scene in the mid 1980s, and particularly those who had historically adopted a radically iconoclastic approach to the

326 Between 1982 and 1985, I have found no examples of prominent April Photo Society members being featured in national photo publications. This was confirmed by Bao Kun in an interview on 3 June 2016, at his home in Beijing.

327 Numerous articles highlighted the importance of connecting with the “spirit of the times” (shidai jingshen 时代精神), yet none explored how this developed over time until the more recently. See Li Nan (2013). The first to tie these developements to the broader cultural politics of the era was Wang Yichuan (1996; 206-221).

328 Most texts focussed on style, techniques such as photocollage, or humorous approaches to the medium. For examples, see L・Yagebusi (1984; 5-7), Jia Haining (1984; 25), and H・Woerfu (1986; 6).

113 medium, would attempt change that.329 In early 1985, Bao Kun330 published an article entitled

“Social Reform and the Reform of Photography” (“gaige de shehui yu sheying de gaige 改⾰的

社会与摄影的改⾰”),331 in which he wrote that “the reform of society is like a powerful spring wind, blowing to ripple up bursts of waves” (社会的改⾰象仪阵强劲的春风，吹荡起阵阵波

澜).332 Bao argued that as society had developed through the reform period, the photographic arts had produced a bountiful harvest (fengshou 丰收) of imagery, beginning with the April Fifth

Movement. Yet somehow the imagery had become formulaic (gongshihua 公式化), leading him to argue that “conceptualization still imprisoned our minds” (gainianhua rengran jingu zhe women de tounao 概念化仍然禁锢着我们的头脑), as many failed to comprehend the guiding policies for literature and art promoted in the New Era, and the requirements of the party to promote “great enthusiasm, great unity, and great prosperity” (da gujin, da tuanjie, da fanrong

⼤⿎劲，⼤团结，⼤繁荣) within the arts.333 If formalism and conceptualization were therefore not properly addressed, there could be no true development of the photographic arts, as images, for Bao, must represent the “spirit of the times" (shidai jingshen 时代精神), and should aim to

"reflect social life" (fanying shehui shenghuo 反映社会⽣活).

329 This included, among others, Bao Kun, Li Xiaobin, Yang Shaoming, Wang Zhiping, and Wang Miao.

330 A member of the April Photo Society, Bao Kun is currently the arts editor of the journal Today (jintian 今天), and a Professor at the Tianjin Academy of Fine Art (Tianjin meishu xueyuan 天津美术学院).

331 The article was originally translated in the publication as “Reform Photography in the Course of Reforming Society”.

332 Bao Kun (1985; 43).

333 Ibid. While the text reads as though it were intrinsically ideological, and aligned with the ideals of the four modernisations, Bao had effectively applied the discourse of reform to critique the prevailing penchant for abstraction and aesthetics, and in its stead promoted a socially conscious, critically oriented approach to the analysis of images of reform.

114 In this reading, photographic representation acts as a reflection of the social symbolic, and denotes the profound contradictions inherent in the representation of social change. On the one hand, images should truthfully reflect reality, while on the other, they should depict broader social issues and transcend the singular focus on on-the-spot (xianchang 现场) representation.

For Bao, “social life keeps pace with developments in productivity; thus transformed, peoples’ social-psychological ideas are also changing” (社会⽣活随着⽣产⼒的发展⽽变化了，⼈民的

社会⼼理观念也在变化).334 Photographers, it was argued, must develop “new social concepts” (xin de shehui guannian 新的社会观念) and “ new moral concepts” (xin de daode guannian 新的道德观念) if such a “key issue" (guanjian wenti 关键问题) was to be solved, and for there to be progress and reform within the world of photography.335

Modernisation was thus to be achieved through a truthful reflection upon the problems facing society, the exchange of ideas between younger and older photographers, and an appreciation for the complexities and contradictions inherent in representing real life. Though realism and cultural pluralism had formed the locus of photographic representation since the late

1970s, Bao felt that there was a pervasive move towards uniformity among many photographers throughout the early 1980s. This was perhaps nowhere more evident than in the world of photo-

334 Ibid.

335 Ibid.

115 criticism itself, in which many plagiarised texts outright, and lacked original perspectives on the issues facing society.336

Photo theory throughout the 1980s seemingly evolved as a politicised rendering of individual subjectivity - at once distanced from the atrophy of socialist realist representation, while at the same time curiously beholden to the discursive preconditions of New Era political progress. There was a profound visual and discursive disconnect within photographic circles in the 1980s, as while photo theorists proclaimed their irreverence toward the recent past, adroitly appropriating and promoting the new, the progressive, and the critically modern, the work displayed in these same publications was neither new, progressive, or critically oriented.337 With their singular focus on the ‘new,’ the contemporaneity of photographic representation became the singular motif of many critics in the New Era. Tao Yutao’s 陶瑜涛 (fl. ca. 1986) “Ways of

Thinking About Transforming Photographic Creation” (“Tan biange sheying chuangzuo de siwei fangshi 谈变⾰摄影创作的思维⽅式”) framed the issue in Marxist terms, yet used Marx in calling for a break with traditional orthodoxy. For Tao, cultural homogeneity continued to stifle creativity, leading him to argue that “the principal representation of backward ways of thinking is, firstly, our uniform way of thinking” (思维⽅式落后的主要表现是：1）⼤⼀统的思维⽅

式).338 He continued by stressing that:

336 Bao Kun published an essay in Youth Photography entitled “Two Different Choices: Some Thoughts on the Divide Between Photojournalism and Art Photography” (“Lang zhong butong de xuanze: dui xinwen sheying yu yishu sheying fenye de sikao 两种不同的选择——对新闻摄影与艺术摄影分野的思考”), which was republished verbatim by an author named Wu Ming 吴铭 in You Di’s edited volume Trends in Contemporary Chinese Art Photography. See Wu Ming (1989; 181-190).

337 For example, see Sheng Jirun (1985; 9-10). Many texts continued to extoll the importance of socialism for photographic theory and practice. See Shi Shaohua (1985; 2-5).

338 Tao Yutao (1986; 1).

116 We must pay attention to receiving new ideas [and] new knowledge, research new questions [and] absorb new methods, thereby making [our] own ways of thinking adapt to the needs of the new era, [in order] to create even more outstanding works of fine art photography that belong to the present moment.” 我们必须注意接受新思想，新知识，研究新问题，吸取新⽅法，从⽽使⾃⼰的思维⽅式适应新的时代需要，创作出更多的属于今天的优秀摄影艺术作品。339 In order to adequately address the pressing challenges of the era, an array of new approaches to the medium of photography was therefore urgently required.

The humanistic undertones of these appraisals of the role of photographic representation often hinged upon the documentary, photojournalistic nature of the work.340 The resurgent interest in "social realism" (shehui xieshi 社会写实)341 in photography was tied to this shift in critical priorities, with critics touting the important distinctions between "reportage" (sheying baodao 摄影报道), "documentary" (jishi sheying 纪实摄影), and

"photojournalism" (xinwensheying 新闻摄影).342 One of the most prominent publications that touched upon photojournalism was Chinese Journalists (Zhongguo jizhe 中国记者), a monthly first published in 1985 that regularly explored various approaches to photojournalism, including

339 Ibid, 27.

340 More on the underlying logic of humanist photography can be found in Zhang Li’s essay “Some Thoughts on Humanist Photography” (2011).

341 The phrase now normally used is shehui xianshi zhuyi 社会现实主义.This is distinct from socialist realism (shehui zhuyi de xianshi zhuyi 社会主义的现实主义).

342 See L・Yagebusi (1987 A & B), both of which have the same title, and were published in concurrent volumes. I have been unable to determine the name of the original American author.

117 how to tell narrative stories using the camera.343 The focus on the narrative function of photography was by no means monolithic or entirely dominant, as still others wrote widely on everything from humanist and documentary work to experimental, abstract, and symbolic forms throughout the late 1980s.344 Despite this, however, many photographers and critics such as Bao

Kun felt that there were few spaces in which to display and promote more critically oriented work.345 They lamented the formalism and aesthetic judgments of the older generation of photographers and critics, and instead wished to invoke more critically oriented assessments of a rapidly changing society.

The Modern Photo Salons: Exhibiting History

343 Other journals such as Popular Photography contained numerous articles on the distinctions between photojournalism, documentary, and fine art photography. Yuan Ling’s 袁苓 article “An Inquiry into Some Questions on the Relationship Between Photojournalism and Art Photography” (Xinwen sheying he yishu sheying guanxi wenti de tantao 新闻摄影和艺术摄影关系问题的探讨) is one such early example. See Yuan Ling (1980). He Xiugui 贺修桂 and Xiao Xushan 肖绪珊 also wrote extensively on the importance of photojournalism in their Photography Handbook (1983). Xiao Xushan also wrote widely on international photojournalism, such as his essay “On Truth in Western Photojournalism,” which was published in tandem with the national photojournalism theory annual conference (quanguo xinwen sheying lilun nianhui 全国新闻摄影理论年会) in 1985. See Xiao Xushan 肖绪珊. “tan Xifang xinwen sheying de zhenshixing 谈西⽅新闻摄影的真实性” in 1985 quanguo xinwen sheying lilun nianhui 1985全国新闻摄影理论年会⽂集 (Collected Works of the National Photojournalism Theory Annual Conference). Beijing 北京: Zhongguo xinwen sheying xuehui 中国新闻摄影学会, 1985, 143-145. As one of the seminal figures responsible for introducing international photojournalistic images and theory, Xiao’s views seemed to evolve in tandem with national political and cultural policies. His was previously discussed in chapter 1,and is again discussed in chapter 3.

344 The collection of essays and images edited by Wang Hebi 王⽲壁 (referred to outside of the PRC by her Cantonese name, Wong Ho Bik) and He Shanshi, entitled Photographic Perspectives: Hong Kong, [Mainland] China, Taiwan (Sheying toushi: Xianggang, Zhongguo, Taiwan 摄影透视：⾹港，中国，台湾), contains numerous essays on the photography of the 1980s and early 1990s. Further compendiums of conference proceedings and independent publications on photographic theory were important in shaping the discursive space of the late 1980s and 1990s, such as the edited volume by You Di 游棣 Trends in Contemporary Chinese Art Photography (Dangdai Zhongguo sheying yishu sichao 当代中国摄影艺术思潮) and the compendium A Collection of Papers on the Art of Photography (Sheying yishu lunwenji 摄影艺术论⽂集), which together contain the most prominent texts on the photography of the period.

345 For example, see Lin Jiucheng (1986; 2) and Di Min (1986; 2-4).

118 The photographers who had been members of the April Photo Society had for the most part dispersed in the years after the last Nature, Society, Man exhibition in 1981. Some had gone abroad, such as Wang Zhiping, who went to France, while others turned to commercial photography, photojournalism, or took up careers in other fields. Given the stifling environment within the broader cultural world in the early 1980s, and the constraints placed upon photo publishing, the organisers of the first Modern Photo Salon desired a more democratic, independent, and free space in which to exhibit their work.346 Inspired by the salons of France in the late 19th century, and the burgeoning photo salon culture in Hong Kong, there were a total of three Modern Photo Salons held in 1985, 1986, and 1988.347

Organised by influential members from the April Photo Society, the modern photo salons of the 1980s were an attempt at returning a degree of autonomy to the exhibition of contemporary photographic art. Yang Shaoming 杨绍明 (b. 1942) was the primary driving force behind the organisation of the salons, along with other prominent April Photo Society members such as Wang Miao.348 According to Bao Kun, the first Modern Photo Salon in 1985 was organised by a core group of five people, but ultimately included 18 people, almost all of whom were part of the April Photo Society.349 As the April Photo Society had stopped organising events in 1981, this was their opportunity to reconnect and exhibit an array of visually engaging work

346 Interview with Bao Kun at the Inter-Art Gallery (Ying hualang 映画廊), 24 May 2016.

347 According to Bao Kun, there was no Modern Photo Salon in 1987 due to the pressure placed on photographers during the anti-bourgeois liberalisation campaign. Interview with Bao Kun at the Inter-Art Gallery (ying hualang 映画廊), 24 May 2016.

348 Interview with the former editor of Chinese Photography Wen Danqing at his home in Beijing, 2 June 2016.

349 Interview with Bao Kun at the Inter-Art Gallery (ying hualang 映画廊), 24 May 2016.

119 that had hitherto not been publicly shown. Yang Shaoming was primarily responsible with securing funding, preparing the event spaces in Beijing, and printing the exhibition catalogues in

Hong Kong, where he was able to secure better quality paper and ink for printing (Image 32).350

As the son of then President of the People’s Republic of China, and Vice Chairman and

Secretary-General of the Central Military Commission Yang Shangkun 杨尚昆 (1907-1998),351

Yang led a markedly cosmopolitan lifestyle during the 1980s.352 Given his privileged lifestyle and widespread connections to both the cultural establishment on the mainland and publishers in

Hong Kong, the Modern Photo Salons simply would not have been possible were it not for his sustained efforts.353 For Wen Danqing, the modern photo salons from 1985 to June 6th 1989 were perhaps the most important period in Chinese photography in the 1980s… most of those who took part in the salons were photojournalists, and at that time the reform of news photography broke through older conventions. Much of this was directly accomplished by the support of Yang Shaoming.”354

The first exhibition was in effect a friendly reunion for many members of the April Photo

Society, and an opportunity to exhibit work they had produced over the previous few years. It opened on 14 May 1985 in Beijing’s Zhongshan Park (Zhongshan gongyuan 中⼭公园), the same location as the first Nature, Society, Man exhibition in 1979. The invitation to the

350 Wen Danqing proclaimed that “it was the first time we had come across such a good catalogue, as the printing and design were completely unlike [anything else at the time].” Interview with Wen Danqing, 2 June 2016.

351 Yang Shaoming’s mother was the dramatist Li Bozhao 李伯钊 (1911-1985).

352 Interview with Wen Danqing, 2 June 2016.

353 Interview with Wen Danqing at his home in Beijing, 2 June 2016. Yang also paid for many of the expenses for the exhibition out of his own pockets.

354 Interview with Wen Danqing at his home in Beijing, 2 June 2016.

120 exhibition showcased the inventive typography that was typical of the April Photo Society

(Image 33), harkening back to the engaging typographic representation of Republican China.

While the photographers who took part in the exhibition were primarily those who had been part of the April Photo Society,355 along with a few photographers from around mainland China,356 the exhibition also featured work from Hong Kong, including images by Leong Ka Tai 梁家泰

(b. 1946), Alfred Ko Chi Keung ⾼志強 (b. 1953).357 The images from the salon explored a wide array of themes, though primarily promoted documentary images of a rapidly changing society.

Exploring issues of rural life, urban construction, as well as more abstract explorations in the medium, the images promoted in the first exhibition were for the most part relatively apolitical and lacking in curatorial focus. Yet an array of candid and technically sophisticated portraits from the exhibition were evidence of shifting technical abilities among young photographers in

China. Providing new perspectives for viewing rural life, for instance, images such as Zhang

Haibo’s 张海波 The Solitary Shepherd (Gudu de muyangren 孤独的牧⽺⼈) or Lei Ping’s 雷平

Stone (Shi ⽯), capture the withdrawn, distant, and hidden visage of rural labour (Image 34).

The second, and by far the most influential salon, drew an array of compelling images produced in the decade since the end of the Cultural Revolution. Entitled “Ten Years in an

Instant” (Shi nian yi shunjian ⼗年⼀瞬间),358 the exhibition opened on the symbolic date of

355 They included such as Li Xiaobin, Wang Liping, Luo Xiaoyun, Wu Peng, Yang Shaoming, Zhu Weiping, and Wang Miao.

356 Including Xu Yong, Hou Dengke, Wang Wenlan, Zeng Huang, Peng Zhenge, Zou Ping, Jie Hailong, and others. See Xu Chengde & Yang Shaoming (1985).

357 See Xu Chengde & Yang Shaoming (1985; table of contents).

358 The salon was translated at the time as “A Decade of Flashbacks”.

121 April 5th 1986 at the National Art Museum of China. The date marked exactly ten years since the members who would go on to form the April Photo Society were out celebrating the life of Zhou

Enlai during the Qingming Festival in April 1976. It had been ten years since the birth of contemporary documentary photography in China, and it was thus a chance for April Photo

Society members to showcase the work they had produced in the intervening years, while also cementing their place in history for their efforts as the vanguard of photographic representation in the post-Mao period. The second salon was of seminal importance, according to Wen

Danqing, as the period from 1976-1986 represented a distinct phase or "stage" (jieduan 阶段) within the history of photography in China. The exhibition ran for only two weeks, until April

20th, however it marked a watershed moment for photo exhibitions in China, as it was the first time an array of exceptionally compelling work from the past decade was exhibited in China.

The exhibition showcased previously unseen work from many April Photo Society members, and thus promoted images of a markedly critical nature. Most notably, Li Xiaobin’s now celebrated work Petitioner (Shangfangzhe 上访者) was exhibited for the first time, though he had originally taken the photograph in 1979 (Image 35). The image was favourably commented upon by many in the cultural and political establishment, including Xi Zhongxun 习

仲勋 (1913-2002), the father of the current General Secretary of the CCP and President of the

PRC, Xi Jinping 习近平 (b. 1953), as well as Deng Xiaoping and Bo Yibo 薄⼀波

(1908-2007).359 Li recalled that Deng, Bo, and Xi saw the image together, as they were being guided through the exhibition by Yang Shaoming. Yang proclaimed that the image was “against

359 Interview with Li Xiaobin at his home in Beijing, 2 June 2016.

122 the Cultural Revolution” (fandui wenge 反对⽂⾰), and as all three had suffered (shouhai 受害) throughout the Cultural Revolution, they were inclined to view the image favourably. Upon seeing the image, “they all proclaimed at the same time [that it was] good!” (tongshi biaotai shuo hao 同时表态说好!), with Xi repeating their sentiments, saying: “This one is good!” (zhei ge shi hao 这个是好!).360 According to the photographer, because of this simple pronouncement, the image has been continually in circulation ever since.361 Li produced nearly two hundred such images of petitioners, though this was the only image that he has ever exhibited from the series, as the rest have been banned.362 Upon initial exhibition, the image was seen not as a critique of the failures of the political system and the CCP, but rather as a critique of the dislocation, social fragmentation, and poverty brought on by the Cultural Revolution.363

The last Modern Photo Salon in 1988 showcased an exceptionally wide array of images, though many evoked the same “state of the nation" (guoqing 国情)364 as images from the official photographic press, without delving deeply into any particular subject or representational

360 Interview with Li Xiaobin, 2 June 2016. Also discussed during interview with Wen Danqing at his home in Beijing, 2 June 2016.

361 Interview with Li Xiaobin, 2 June 2016.

362 Interview with Li Xiaobin, 2 June 2016. The photographer showed the author numerous other examples from his series of photographs documenting petitioners, though he was unwilling to provide copies of the images, and has never publicly shared them.

363 Interview with Li Xiaobin, 2 June 2016. While Li did not use the terms dislocation and social fragmentation specifically, he spoke of the how they could have been received at the time, as an indication that people were “not satisfied with the Communist Party” (dui gongchandang bu manyi 对共产党不满意), or perhaps that he was merely a “Western spy” (xifang tewu 西⽅特务) intent on capturing images critical of the CCP, which of course he wasn’t. Li stipulated that all of his photographs were merely a representation of the “manner of real life” (xianshi shenghuo de taidu 现实⽣活的态度), and simply “bore witness to the history of that period” (jianzheng danshi de lishi 见证当时的历史).

364 The term guoqing could also be translated as “national characteristics.”

123 strategy. Held at the National Art Museum of China, the exhibition ran for a brief showing from

5-17 April 1988. The catalogue that accompanied the exhibition varied from established precedent by not containing a preface from editors Yang Shaoming and Wang Miao, and did not seem to have the same overall curatorial objective as the salon of two years earlier.

Lacking a coherent focus or narrative, the exhibition simply showcased an oddly paired array of images from around the country, with no curatorial logic or critical overview presented.

The exhibition was divided into three overarching categories: art photography (sheying yishu 摄

影艺术), news photography (xinwen sheying 新闻摄影), and individual styles (geren fengge 个

⼈风格), and was to include only photographs taken since 1986.365 There were a few surrealist and social documentary images,366 though few stood out as intrinsically engaged in either deconstructing history, as with the 1986 salon, or exploring some of the many social tensions that were then gripping society.367 While images such as Qiao Xiaolian’s 喬孝廉 poignant portrait

Eight Drunken Immortals (zui ba xian 醉⼋仙) (Image 37) captured the rugged character of eight older gentlemen, and presents a casually framed snapshot on a cold wintry day, there is no

365 These requirements were ultimately not set in stone, as work produced as far back as 1979 was included in the exhibition. The call for images was published in Popular Photography in the autumn of 1987. See “xiandai sheying shalong ’88 yingzhan” (1987; 16).

366 For example, Zheng Ming’s 鄭鳴 (fl. ca. 1980s) poignant documentary work “The taste of bankruptcy” (daobi hou de ziwei 倒閉後的滋味), which contains the caption, in English, “The director of China's first bankrupt factory waiting for his first month’s relief fund” (Image 36). See Yang & Wang (1988; 15). Further social documentary and surrealist work from the salon is discussed in comparison with the work of Mo Yi, in chapter 3.

367 This included rising corruption, and state efforts to curb it. See Wedeman (2004; 902) and Guo Xuezhi (2014; 600-601). There were also increasing tensions from urban development and land reform. For a case study of Harbin’s land reform politics in the 1980s and 1990s, see Rithmire (2013).

124 information to situate the image other than the titular reference to the Eight Immortals of Chinese mythology.368

The Modern Photo Salon was by no means the only active photo salon in the country during the 1980s, as other groups, such as the North River League (Bei he meng 北河盟), produced both an array of compelling images, as well as a critical historical appraisal of the role of photography in documenting a rapidly changing society.369 The invitation to their first salon, which opened in Shanghai on 1 September 1986, cautiously proclaimed: “We do not know what we will become; we only know that we are searching for it.” (我们不知道我们会变成什么，我

们只知道我们在寻找什么。) 370 They were seeking the unexpected, unseen, and often unrepresentable nature of contemporary life, though the real challenge to photographic representation in the New Era came from an unexpected, and in many ways unconventional source.

Beyond Realism: Towards Photographic Experimentation

368 Within Chinese martial arts, Shaolin gongfu 少林功夫 practitioners of drunken boxing often adopt a series of moves said to derive from the “Eight Drunken Immortals”.

369 One of the most prominent members of the North River League was Gu Zheng, the noted historian and scholar of modern Chinese photography based in Shanghai, who also works as a photographer and curator. See his essay on the group in Youth Photography Vol. 1 (1987), 26-27.

370 The original, which appeared on the front of the invitation to the First Exhibition of the Works of the Beihemeng Photo Salon, stated: “women bu zhidao women hui biancheng shenme; women zhi zhidao women zai xunzhao shenme 我们不知道我们会变成什么，我们只知道我们在寻找什么。” There is considerable scope for further research on this influential photo group, which along with Rupture Group (liebian qunti 裂变群体) was prominent throughout the 1980s.

125 Towards the end of the 1980s, photographers moved away from social documentary and towards more avant-garde371 forms of representation. New photographic genres emerged to delineate these developments, such as the new documentary photography (xin jishi sheying 新纪

实摄影), experimental photography (shiyan sheying 实验摄影), fabricated photography

(pinzhuang sheying 拼装摄影), and conceptual photography (guannian sheying 观念摄影).372

The Anti-bourgeois Liberalisation Campaign of 1987 would change everything, however, and it would be up to those working entirely outside of the state sponsored system of the arts to develop a critically-oriented photographic practice in opposition to the cloistered atmosphere promoted by such national cultural policies. In this context, artists such as Mo Yi, working outside of both official and academic contexts, pioneered a more conceptually sophisticated, abstract, and avant-garde photographic practice..373

371 In the 1980s and early 1990s, the avant-garde was translated as xianfeng 先锋, and would only later become standardised as qianwei 前卫.

372 The name for conceptual art has also oscillated among art circles in China, and is predominantly referenced as guannian yishu 观念艺术, though some authors have also used gainian yishu 概念艺术. For a discussion of the distinction between the two terms, see Peggy Wang (2014; 9-10), and Gao Minglu (2011; 199).

373 Reiterated by an exhibition which took place at Blindspot Gallery in Hong Kong from May-June 2013 attempted to delineate and contextualise the emergence of such avant-garde photographers, who “used the medium to establish a new visual framework outside of the [sic] academia and institutions, and to create artworks that resonate with experimentalism.” (“New Framework” 6).

126 Chapter 3 - Illusory Spaces: Mo Yi Documents the Real

“In the late 1980s, everyone was taking photographs of beautiful things. I had no interest in that.”374 --Mo Yi 莫毅

“By the 1990s, there was a general perception that the previous, powerful idealistic anticipation of the approaching arrival of a transcendent modernity in all its plenitude had been shattered or revealed as illusory. Such utopian illusions included not only the communist paradise envisioned by revolutionary Maoism but also the ideals of enlightened progress held by intellectuals in the 1980s.”375

The photographic oeuvre of Mo Yi 莫毅 (b. 1958) represents over three decades of visual exploration, and foregrounds the earliest endeavours within China to concoct a conceptually oriented experimental photographic practice. Working within a variety of photographic styles, from documentary realism to avant-garde deconstructions of the photographic form, Mo Yi’s work presents numerous challenges to historical representation.376 As a form of narrative history, yet also a visceral critique of the dominant form of visuality at the time, these images provide an entry into the complex set of discursive and representational relations within the tumultuous

374 Interview with the artist in his studio, a converted greenhouse in the Iowa studio complex (Aierhua nongzhuang 艾荷华农庄), just north of Caochangdi 草场地, Beijing, on 1 December 2013. The complex was purportedly owned and operated by a retired university mathematics teacher who taught in Iowa, USA. A few of the greenhouses were still operational at the time of the interview, while many spaces were rented out to artists, however the complex was demolished in late 2017.

375 McGrath (2008; 42).

376 There is a tendency within 20th century art to privilege the category of the avant-garde, though any such categorisation must of necessity include the numerous differing conceptions of avant-garde theory and art, as well as the often reductive and categorical framing of the avant-garde as a systematic effort towards subversion. The subversion or inversion of tradition, or traditional forms of visuality, is often the primary signifier of the avant- gardist work of art, though the dominant mode of visuality which forms the foil of the avant-gardist critique need not be traditional, and may indeed by inherently modern. Such was certainly the case with the ascendent documentary realism of the 1980s in China, where claims of objective critique were buttressed by the purported withering of socialist realism, though all the while subsumed under an overtly proleptic functionalism. The issue of a global, non-local avant-garde, or of competing autochthonous avant-gardes, as well as issues of stylistic or theoretical transference, further problematise this singular reduction of avant-garde discourse.

127 history to which they are intricately connected.377 The cultural politics and intellectual discourse of 1980s China was dominated by the ideals of enlightenment rationality and humanist progress, and the primary debates among intellectuals surrounded endeavours to promote more iconoclastic conceptions of cultural and social formations.378 Artists of the period were in the process of deconstructing the social function of art, and promoting an autonomous avant-garde that would by the end of the decade culminate in the now infamous China Avant-Garde exhibition at the National Art Museum of China in Beijing.379 Yet within photography circles, the debates and published images of the mid-late 1980s were predominantly driven by the culturally coded political exigencies of the state, as official publications and photography groups such as the Association of Chinese Photographers (Zhongguo sheyingjia xiehui 中国摄影家协会) found themselves acting (in some cases unwittingly) as arbiters of state power.380

377 Viewed from the present, these works are not simple documents of the past, for the very concept of historical representation - as a glimpse or trace of a temporally remote present - cannot be extricated from the social, political, and cultural histories of which it is an integral part. As traces of a particular historical moment, Mo Yi’s works are conscious instances of revolt against prevailing visual trends, and as such, an attack on the historicity of documentary representation.

378 The aesthetic dimension of the humanist spirit debates of the early 1990s is perhaps most adeptly characterised by Wang Yichuan (1996), who sought to deconstruct the aesthetic failure of the enlightened humanist rationality of the 1980s within the broader sphere of art and literature.

379 Originally scheduled for 5-19 February 1989 at the National Art Museum of China (Zhongguo meishu guan 中国美术馆), also referred to as the National Gallery of China, the exhibition was titled Zhongguo xiandai yishu zhan 中国现代艺术展 in Chinese, a literal translation of which would be An Exhibition of Modern Chinese Art. It was closed on the opening day, after Xiao Lu 肖鲁 shot at one of her installation pieces. While the show did not include any works of photography, perhaps the most well-known image from the exhibition is a photograph of Xiao Lu 肖鲁 (b. 1962) taking aim with a pistol at the installation she had prepared with Tang Song 唐宋 (b. 1960). For a detailed analysis of this seminal exhibition, see Gao Minglu (2003), while for an analysis of the complex social and cultural history surrounding the exhibition, and its lingering aftereffects throughout the ensuing decade, see Huang Danhui (1999), who dissects the various directions the arts took after 1989.

380 Notable exceptions to this can be found in the writings of Bao Kun 鲍昆, Yang Xiaoyan 杨⼩彦, and others throughout the 1980s. Publications which sought to go beyond these constricted conceptions of photography were produced during the New Era, though were still primarily constrained within the sphere of documentary realism. The most influential was the compendium Trends in Contemporary Chinese Art Photography (Dangdai Zhongguo sheying yishu sichao 当代中国摄影艺术思潮) from 1989, edited by You Di 游棣. For more on photo theory in the 1980s, see chapter 2.

128 Within this complex cultural milieu, Mo Yi’s works mark a distinct yearning for a more autonomous, independent, and critical appraisal of everyday life in 1980s and 1990s China.381 A professional football player turned photographer, Mo Yi developed his iconoclastic photographic style in the 1980s after moving to Tianjin from Tibet, where he was born.382 His numerous works can be divided into three overarching categories: 1) social documentary images, which document everyday life within the rapidly changing old city of Tianjin; 2) conceptually oriented avant- garde representations of the urban environment, which present a critique of life in the ‘new city’; and 3) portraits of banal, everyday objects, which are a series of ‘new landscapes’ (xin fengjing

新风景) documenting the quotidian.

Considered by many as one of the first avant-garde photographers working in China, Mo

Yi’s works have received considerable attention within China among critics, galleries, and institutions, though remarkably less attention internationally.383 In tracing an outline of Mo Yi’s

381 Mo Yi describes his artistic development from 1982 until the present as follows: the period from 1982 until 1989 was “a creative period brimming with passion” (yi ci jiqing chongman de chuangzuo qi ⼀次激情充满的创作期); from 1990 until 1994 he was merely ‘floating’ (piao 漂) about from one place to another, much like other artists and the drifters (mangliu 盲流) of the broader cultural class. During this period he also returned to Tibet, where he spent three years from 1990 until 1993 taking portraits of Tibetans; the period from 1995 until 1998 was characterised by a different type of creativity and passion, while from 1999 until 2002 he felt ‘confused, emotional, was struggling and in pain’ (miluan, qinggan, zhengzha he shangtong 迷乱，情感，挣扎和伤痛). The period from 2004 to the present has seen a renewed creative passion instilled in his work (Mo Yi 2014; 12).

382 Mo Yi’s family were CCP cadres who had been assigned to Tibet in the late 1950s. He moved to Tianjin in 1982, where he played professional football while also working as a photographer for a local children’s hospital. Mo Yi produced numerous photographs while living in Tibet, the first of which was in early 1982. Between June and August of of that year, Mo Yi produced a remarkably poetic black and white series of medium format images documenting everyday life in Tibet. While these photographs are engaging in their own right, this chapter is limited to his work produced in Tianjin from the mid 1980s to the mid 1990s, as well as the work produced at Yuanmingyuan in Beijing in 1994.

383 Mo Yi was included in the mammoth photo project and exhibition initiated by the Chinese Photographic Press and edited by Bao Kun, Photographing China: 50 Years of Chinese Photography (2006), along with only 16 other contemporary photographers. For further discussions of Mo Yi’s work, see Gu Zheng (2004), Angie Baecker (2010), and Yao Yao (2014). His work was also included in the seminal exhibition Between Past and Future: New Photography and Video from China, curated by Wu Hung and Christopher Phillips in 2004. See Wu & Phillips (2004).

129 work, and its relation to that of his contemporaries and the broader cultural politics of the period, this chapter endeavours to explore the tensions inherent in the documentary and avant-garde aspects of Mo Yi’s work. To this end, it questions how divergent forms of representation, when taken as a sustained body of work, enable us to rethink the role of photographer/artist as social critic.384

Illiberal Boundaries: Photographic Politics in the New Era

When Mo Yi came to produce his now iconic, though little studied photographic experiments, the field of photography in China was still resolutely modelled after the political apparatus, which strove to align the efforts of photographers with the goals of the state.

Throughout the early-mid 1980s, humanist social documentary photography (renwen shehui jishi sheying ⼈⽂社会纪实摄影) took root among photographers affiliated with the Association of

Chinese Photographers, and was promoted in a variety of publications.385 In contrast, towards the end of the 1980s, a heavily politicised and innately state-driven conception of the role of photography within society began to take shape.

In late February 1987, the Fourth Meeting of the Fourth Standing Council of the

Association of Chinese Photographers (Zhongguo sheyingjia xiehui di si jie si ci changwu lishi

384 The distinction here between photographer and artist is minimal in relation to Mo Yi’s own conception of his work, and the terms will be used interchangeably.

385 This includes Modern Photo (xiandai sheying 现代摄影), translated on the cover as In Photo, as well as Youth Photography (qingnian sheying 青年摄影), Light & Shadow (guang yu ying 光与影), and in some cases in Chinese Photography. See Bao Kun (1985 & 1989), Ding Zunxin (1985), and Jiang Ningsheng (1985).

130 huiyi 中国摄影家协会四届四次常务理事会议) was held in Beijing, with the aim of promoting the ideals of socialism while criticising the dangers of liberal capitalism.386 This meeting sought to spread information passed down by the recently appointed Minister of the Central Propaganda

Department Wang Renzhi 王忍之 (b. 1933),387 particularly surrounding the notice issued by the

Central Committee of the CCP on 28 January 1987. The notice stipulated that the state should continue to “oppose the discourse of bourgeois liberalisation” (fandui zichan jieji ziyouhua de jianghua 反对资产阶级⾃由化的讲话).388 The association argued that artists and photographers should endeavour to study the evolution and development of Deng Xiaoping’s thought since

1979, and espouse his Four Cardinal Principles (Sixiang jiben yuanze 四项基本原则)389 in their work. The editorial proudly proclaimed the main trends current among those engaged in

386 The conference took place in Beijing from 20-24 February 1987, and included forty-one executive members of the Association of Chinese Photographers from every province, city, and autonomous region in the country. Shi Shaohua ⽯少华 (1918-1998), then Chairman of the Association of Chinese Photographers, presided over the meeting. See “Zhongguo sheyingjia xiehui di si jie huiyi” in Chinese Photography Vol. 3 (1987), 2.

387 Cheng Zhiwei 成志伟, of the Bureau of Literature and Art in the Central Propaganda Department, also presided over the meeting.

388 Wang Renzhi had already given a speech on this issue on 18 February 1987. The proclamation was initially promoted on the front cover of the People’s Daily on 28 January 1987, and was entitled “Notification Concerning Some Questions About Opposing Bourgeois Liberalisation at Present” (Guanyu dangqian fandui zichanjieji ziyouhua ruogan wenti de tongzhi 关于当前反对资产阶级⾃由化若⼲问题的通知). Hu Yaobang 胡耀邦 (1915-1989) had just been forced out of the party for his purportedly liberal stance, while the previous year Wang Meng 王蒙 (b. 1934), then Minister of Culture, had advocated for the re-introduction of the Hundred Flowers Campaign. This new campaign against bourgeois liberalisation was similar in tone to the earlier “Anti-Spiritual Pollution” (qingchu jingshen wuran 清除精神污染) campaign launched by Deng Liqun 邓⼒群 (1915-2015) in late 1983; incidentally, Deng Liqun was the father of April Photo Society member Luo Xiaoyun, discussed at length in chapter 1.

389 These four principles stipulated that China: 1) must keep to the socialist road (bixu jianchi shehui zhuyi daolu 碧玺坚持社会主义道路); 2) must uphold the people’s democratic dictatorship (bixu jianchi renmin minzhu zhuanzheng 必须坚持⼈民民主专政); 2) must uphold the leadership of the Communist Party (bixu jianchi gongchandang de lingdao 必须坚持共产党的领导); and 4) must uphold Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought (bixu jianchi Ma Lie zhuyi Mao Zedong sixiang 必须坚持马列主义⽑泽东思想).

131 “photographic work” (sheying gongzuo 摄影⼯作) as “good" (hao 好) and "healthy" (jiankang

健康), though had in some instances been corrupted by the influence of bourgeois liberalism.390

This reduction of artistic production to work is particularly prescient, as it intimates an overtly political function for the social documentary photography of the era, in that

"photographic work" should effectively serve the needs of social progress - not as criticism, but as a form of national valourisation.391 The “photographic battlefront” (sheying zhanxian 摄影战

线) should thus work to maintain the “particular characteristics of Chinese socialism" (Zhongguo tese de shehuizhuyi 中国特⾊的社会主义) and promote “the policies of reform, opening-up, and revitalisation” (gaige, kaifang, gaohuo de fangzhen 改⾰，开放，搞活的⽅针), particularly amongst young photographers.392 The editorial continued to criticise the ascendent liberalism within the intellectual circles of the New Era, and argued that:

“At present, what requires particular emphasis is fully understanding the essence and dangers of bourgeois liberalisation. In this struggle we must be resolute and take a clear stand, and must attend to policy and method, strictly distinguishing boundaries” 在当前，需要特别强调的是充分认识资本主义阶级⾃由化的实质和危害。这⼀场⽃争中既要态度坚决，旗帜鲜明，又要注意政策和⽅法，严格分清界限.393

390 See “Zhongguo sheyingjia xiehui di si jie huiyi” (1987; 2). While earlier government driven campaigns, such as the “Anti-Spiritual Pollution” campaign, had little impact on the photography scene, Bao Kun asserts that the impact of the anti-bourgeois liberalisation campaign was quite strong. Interview with Bao Kun, 17March 2015.

391 For an analysis of the proleptic nature of documentary video in the 1980s, see Robinson (2010). See also Anagnost (1997) for a discussion of this reductive conception of artistic practice within socialist realism in China.

392 Gloria Davies argues that discursive basis for the ideological landscape of post-Mao China can be seen as a form of ‘ideolanguage,’ and holds that “in an environment dominated by the ideolanguage of an authoritarian state, critical discourse is subjected not only to the restrictions of state and self-censorship but also to the naturalized effects of the ideolanguage as part of everyday communication.” (Davies 175). I would argue that the same holds true for visual representational.

393 “Zhongguo sheyingjia xiehui” (1987; 2).

132 The editorial was followed by a summary of another conference held by a group of younger photographers in early March.394 The summary of the conference, by Wu Changyun 吴

常云 (b. 1944),395 began by rehashing the ideologically cloistered conception of political, intellectual, and cultural participation promoted by the Central Committee of the CCP, stating that:

“On the first day of the conference, everyone seriously studied the Central Committee of the CCP’s Document Number 4 of 1987, which further clarified that in the struggle against bourgeois liberalisation, we must straightforwardly uphold the Four Cardinal Principles, and with respect to the exploration of artistic styles, schools, methods of representation, techniques, etc., we must correctly implement the policy of ‘letting a hundred flowers bloom and a hundred schools of thought contend.’ 会议第⼀天，⼤家认真地学习了中共中央1987年四号⽂件，进⼀步明确了在反对资产阶级⾃由化的⽃争中，必须理直⽓壮地坚持四项基本原则，对在艺术风格，流派，表现⼿法和技术等的探索上，必须正确地贯彻百花齐放，百家争鸣的⽅针396

The inherent contradictions within this focus on both artistic expression emanating from individual experience on the one hand, and the necessity of adhering to state policy concerning the implementation of photographic technique and representation on the other, continued to foster divisions among those aligned with prominent photography publications and those working more autonomously. This is particularly evident when one considers the type of images

394 The conference, entitled A Research Symposium on Theories of Photographic Work for Young and Middle-Aged Photographers (“Zhongqingnian sheying gongzuo lilun yanjiuhui 中青年摄影⼯作理论研究会”) was held in Dalian ⼤连 from 10-14 March 1987. It brought together young photographers from all parts of China to discuss issues in contemporary Chinese photography and photo theory. Vice-Chairman of the Association of Chinese Photographers, Yuan Yiping 袁毅平 (b. 1926), presided over the conference. He not only encouraged these young photographers to approach photographic art from the perspective of their own ideas and thoughts, but reiterated that photographic theory should not be divorced from practice, and should closely follow the proclamations of central state authorities concerning the role of art and culture within society (Wu Changyun 1987; 3).

395 Wu Changyun was the primary reporter for Chinese Photography during the 1980s, and also served as assistant editor.

396 Wu Changyun (1987; 3).

133 then being promoted within these publications, which were predominantly concerned with positive depictions of national progress.397

The connection between state policy and cultural representation continued apace throughout the year. The subsequent volume of Chinese Photography from 1987 was dedicated to the continued relevance of socialist photography, with a long exposé on Mao’s talks at Yan’an in commemoration of its 45th anniversary.398 The volume ended with a photograph of the ruins at

Yuanmingyuan, seemingly signifying the despondence and ruin encountered within foreign ideas and power. The way forward was thus to be determined by intrinsically autochthonous forces, which was further reinforced in the cover image for Volume 5 of Chinese Photography that year, which presented a strikingly nationalistic rendering of Tianamnen entitled The Glory of the

China (Zhonghua de guanghui 中华的光辉) by Liu Gangyi 刘刚毅 (Image 3). This was followed on the inside cover by a photograph depicting a sketch of the Chinese flag drawn by the hands of a small child, with the help and guidance of an older hand, entitled The Great Love

397 The majority of photographs published in the issue were selected from the winners of the Happy Family (Jiating le 家庭乐) photography competition, which was jointly sponsored by Chinese Photography and Kodak (Keda 柯达) (Images 1 and 2). The selected images portray overwhelmingly positive scenes of domestic life, which is certainly natural given the name of the competition, though among the winners’ images were also selected which displayed overtures to militaristic forms of nationalism. Admittedly, not all discussions at the time revolved around such proleptic figurations of photographic practice. Curiously, particularly given the redolently reductive nature of the preceding discussions in the volume, an article entitled “Art Comes From Life: An Appreciation of the Works of Henri Cartier-Bresson” (“yishu laizi shenghuo: Buliesong zuopin xinshang 艺术来⾃⽣活：布列松作品欣赏”) by Yao Yu ⼳宇 argued for a more naturalised rendering of objective representation, which in reconstructing and representing (zaixian yu biaoxian 再现与表现) the natural world should combine reason and emotion to “unceasingly pursue the originality of ideas” (buduan zhuiqiu yinian shang de duchuangxing 不断追求意念上的独创) (Yao Yu 12).

398 See Chongxin xuexi 《Jianghua》 fanrong shehuizhuyi sheying yishu: jinian 《Zai Yan’an wenyi zuotanhui shang de jianghua》 fabiao 45 zhounian 重新学习《讲话》繁荣社会主义摄影艺术：纪念《在延安⽂艺座谈会上的讲话》发表45周年 (“Restudy the ‘Talks’ and Promote Socialist Photography: In Memory of the 45th Anniversary of the Publication of the Talks at the Yan’an Forum on Literature and Art”) in Zhongguo sheying 中国摄影 (Chinese Photography) Vol. 4 (1987), 1-2.

134 (weida de ai 伟⼤的爱) by Li Shisheng 李时⽣ (Image 4). The opening editorial of the issue further entrenched the political foreclosure of photographic representation at the time. Entitled

“In Order to Move Towards a New Prosperity” (Weile zouxiang xin de fanrong 为了⾛向新的繁

荣), it provided a report on the 1987 Modern Photo Salon Photographic Trends Research

Seminar (xiandai sheying shalong 87 sheying qushi yantaohui 现代摄影沙龙87摄影趋势研讨

会), which recounted discussions surrounding the 1987 Modern Photo Salon Exhibition that had taken place in Zhuhai ⽵海, Guangdong, from 1-8 July 1987. The conference promoted innovation within photographic theory and practice and the reform of the "photographic system" (sheying tizhi 摄影体制), however within these debates realist photography was still meant to reflect and ultimately help further deepen reform.399

In opposition to these politicised and redolently nationalist conceptions of artistic production, it was precisely this boundary that Mo Yi endeavoured to cross and render innately unproductive. Effectively working isolation from these reductive conceptions of photographic representation, his experimental photographic explorations were to be his solitude, and his withdrawal from the enduring embrace of visual conformity. His works offer a caustic intervention into a trenchantly constrained discursive environment, and present a critical appraisal and visual document of the turbulent intellectual politics of the time, which while often driven by the auspices of state power, was also characterised by a push towards a "new enlightenment" (xin qimeng 新启蒙), wrought by a blend of Marxism and humanist criticism.

399 The conference was presided over by Yang Shaoming 杨绍明, whose speech is recounted in detail in Chinese Photography Vol. 5 (1987), 1. A detailed report of the conference can also be found in Popular Photography. See Wang Dali (1987; 13).

135 Intellectuals of the period were also in the process of reflecting upon these profound shifts within the broader cultural landscape. In his essay “The State of Contemporary Chinese

Thought and the Problem of Modernity” (Dangdaidai Zhongguo sixiang zhuangkuang yu xiandaixing wenti 当代中国思想状况与现代性问题”), Wang Hui argued that:

Throughout the entire 1980s, the most dynamic trend in the world of Chinese thought was ‘New Enlightenment’ Thought. Initially, the trend of ‘New Enlightenment’ Thought operated under the banner of Marxist humanism, but after the ‘anti-spiritual pollution’ movement against the Marxist humanism of the early 1980s, ‘New Enlightenment’ Thought gradually transformed into a type of movement for intellectuals demanding radical social reform, [and] increasingly possessed a tendency towards the unofficial, the anti-orthodox, and Westernisation. 在整个80年代，中国思想界最富活⼒的是中国的“新启蒙主义”思潮；最初， “新启蒙主义”思潮是在马克思主义⼈道主义的旗帜下活动的，但是，在80年代初期发⽣的针对马克思主义⼈道主义的“清除精神污染”运动之后， “新启蒙主义”思想运动逐步地转变为⼀种知识分⼦要求激进的社会改⾰的运动，也越来越具有民间的、反正统的和西⽅化的倾向。”400

The conceptual and theoretical foundations of the movement were primarily articulated within a variety of literary and academic journals, and there were admittedly few direct collaborations with figures in the broader art world, however the underlying focus on individual subjectivity and the pluralisation of cultural representation correlates directly with the aims of many artists working in the mid to late 1980s.401 Gloria Davies has argued that “for Wang, Chinese intellectuals of the 1980s affirmed individualism and subjectivity in opposition to the ‘mass movements of the Maoist era’” (Davies 62), in their efforts to pluralise the "intellectual

400 Wang Hui (2010; 55).The term ‘minjian 民间’,” here translated as ‘unofficial’, is admittedly a rather nebulous term. While often translated as ‘popular’, it could also be rendered as ‘populism’ or ‘non-governmental’, or ‘folk’. Each intervention should be a footnote at the moment in your translation where you translate the term in question. I am following Liu Kang’s translation of the term from his analysis of contemporary cultural politics. See Liu Kang (2000; 131).

401 For an in-depth discussion of this material, see chapter 2, pp. 28-40.

136 sphere" (zhishijie 知识界) and thereby transform public discourse.402 Yet this pluralisation of discourse was specifically articulated among those arguing for a more humanistic conception of social progress, which themselves were as utopian and teleologically oriented as their predecessors.403 These humanist undertones stemmed from an intrinsic existential crisis among intellectuals of the 1980s, and the profound ‘sense of desperation’ that pervaded the cultural sphere (Dai Jinhua 131).404

It was precisely this "sense of desperation" concerning the world around him that compelled Mo Yi to produce images which he felt adequately reflected and explored this profound feeling of social alienation.405 Though in his effort to circumvent the predominant representational regime and enlightened utopian desires of his contemporaries, Mo Yi was criticised for submitting works which were too dour, depressing, and inimical towards society as a whole. His intent, however, was not to invoke images which were themselves intrinsically critical of society, but rather to create images which reflected upon his own experience in wandering the modern city - an experience that was markedly different from his upbringing in

402 In her analysis of intellectual discourse in the post-Mao period, Gloria Davies further argues that “the enforced homogeneity of formulations that any ideolanguage demands is a characteristic feature of Party discourse. It is against this imposed ideological unity that independently minded intellectuals have, as a tacit ethical goal, sought to pluralise (duoyuanhua 多元化) the discursive realms of scholarship and critical inquiry.” (Davies 148). Within art circles, particularly among those associated with the avant-garde of the late 1980s, the pluralisation of discourse was combined with its fragmentation and deconstruction, as artists sought to construct their own visual vernacular in opposition to any particular narrative figuration.

403 For example, see Zhou Jianming (1988; 31-35).

404 As Dai Jinhua has recently argued, “the discourse of the human in China is thus a utopian discourse that articulates both the desperation about our condition of existence and the desperate need to resist this sense of desperation.” (Dai Jinhua 131).

405 Interview with Mo Yi on 1 December 2013. While Mo Yi did not quite phrase his feelings in the same way as Dai Jinhua, he stated in the interview that “you really couldn’t see people’s lives” (zhenzhen de renmin de shenghuo kan bu jian 真真的⼈民的⽣活你看不见). He related that he “didn’t want to represent them as unhappy” (meiyou xiang biaoxian tamen bu gaoxing 没有想表现他们不⾼兴), but rather sought to depict their “indifference” (lengmo 冷漠) to the world around them.

137 Tibet.406 Writing about the images he had selected for inclusion in the 1988 Modern Photo Salon,

Mo Yi recalled that:

“For the 1988 Salon exhibition, I selected and organised a series entitled People of the City (Chengshi ren 城市⼈). Later, viewers wrote [to say that they] found it odd that I had simply selected ‘indifferent, lonely, and suspicious’ moments. Since then, I have considered whether or not I am sick, and whether or not the world was originally good, everyone was happy, and [whether] I alone had used my ‘sick eyes’ in selecting those ‘untruthful moments full of anxiety and distress.’ I was really somewhat scared. 1987年的沙龙展上，我曾拿出⼀组《城市⼈》系列，后来有观众来信怪我单单选择“冷漠、孤独、猜忌”的瞬间。⾃那时起，我时常考虑是不是我有病，是不是世界本来很好，⼈⼈快乐，唯独我⽤⾃⼰的“病眼”选择那些“不真实的充满愁苦的瞬间.” 我真有些害怕.407

Why would Mo Yi’s contemporaries castigate his images as untruthful articulations of the quotidian, particularly at a time when, elsewhere in the arts, such deconstructions of experience were thoroughly commonplace? What specific machinations were codified in these critical realist representations, unmediated by prominent social, cultural, and intellectual conventions? Was it not precisely because the social construction of photographic visuality was codified in innately politicised terms, topically rendering any critical deviation from this proleptic teleology an aberration worthy of exclusion, that formed the basis of such attacks?

Documentary works made between 1984 and 1987, when Mo Yi lived in Tianjin, explore the languor of everyday life in the city. The photographs included in People of the City

(Chengshi ren 城市⼈) for the 1988 Modern Photo Salon were part of a broader series documenting individuals throughout the city, which often depicted a sense of detachment and

406 Interview with Mo Yi 4 March 2014, at his home/studio in Beijing.

407” Mo Yi (1989; 1). A continuation of this discussion follows in relation to Mo Yi’s work 1m - The Scenery Behind Me (1m - wo shenhou de fengjing 我⾝后的风景) below, pp. 33-35.

138 melancholic reclusion. None of images follow a single representational logic or ordering, and were not initially designed as part of a broader conceptual series,408 though Mo Yi has since collated many of them under the headings Tianjin in the 1980s (80 niandai de Tianjin 80年代的

天津) (Images 5, 6, 7, and 8) and Father (Fuqin ⽗亲), in homage to the celebrated realist painting of the same name by Luo Zhongli 罗中⽴ (b. 1948), produced in 1980 (see Chapter 1,

Image 15).409 This harrowing realist portrait ushered in fierce debate regarding the negative representational possibilities of realism in China, as many found it an offensive and callous rendering of a helpless, poor, and dejected ‘modern’ subject.410

For decades, the most important portrait in the nation had been that of Mao, and the people, as singular figures, were rarely represented. Luo’s painting is considered to mark a radical change in cultural production for the 1980s, and a return to the representation of the

408 Interview with Mo Yi, 1 December 2013.

409 Mo Yi has only recently produced a series of four hand-bound and hand-printed books containing a selection of his photographs from the period, which have never been exhibited before. Not all of the images in the series document older men, as many also document women, children, crowds, and empty, forlorn landscapes. Mo Yi recalls that he first saw Luo Zhongli’s image in a magazine circa 1984 or 1985. Interview with the artist, 9 January, 2015.

410 Jane DeBevoise has provided perhaps the most thorough reading of the image in historical context, particularly surrounding artists and educators at the Sichuan Academy of Fine Arts (Sichuan meishu xueyuan 四川美术学院). Quoting He Rong, a prominent liberal within the cultural establishment, DeBevoise relates a prominent sentiment among artists of the era: “By revealing the scars… the artists hope to alert us not to fall into the same trap again. They themselves are determined not to betray their artistic integrity, and will never again sing those ‘praises of peace and prosperity’ that are sheer lies.” (DeBevoise 54). Luo Zhongli described the figure as an old man who would guard the Luo family’s manure stockpile from morning until night. It is an image of abject poverty - an honest, direct, and ultimately depressing image.

139 ordinary, sanguine, and sublime.411 As such, it marked a return to the possibility of truthfully and honestly representing the ubiquitous suffering and rugged resilience of ordinary people,412 and a similar logic would - at least in theory, though rarely in practice - form the bedrock of the new documentary photography (xin jishi sheying 新纪实摄影) of the New Era (xin shiqi 新时期).413

For Eugene Wang, the image “implies both the sacralisation of a new subject (the anonymous sitter) and consequently the desacralisation of the form (gigantic portrait format)” of Mao (Wang

Yuejin 245),414 though in Mo Yi’s images, the father figures are rendered as disparate subjects, living within an urban environment but somehow detached and in isolation from the crowd

(Images 9, 10, 11, 12, and 13). They are the veritable vestiges of an historicised alterity - markers of time and place, though ultimately unknown to us. What these figures do mark, however, is a concerted documentary effort away from the popular photographic realism then in

411 As Eugene Wang relates, Luo Zhongli has stated that the old man had a “stupefied and numb look (daizi, mamu de shenqing 呆⼦，⿇⽊的神情)” (Wang Yuejin 249). The image has also been solidified in the history of modern arts in China as the utmost example of the renewed realism of the post-Mao period. For further discussion of the image and its historical reception, see Lu Peng (2007; 656-658). Zhang Yue provides an analysis of Luo Zhongli’s later role within state governed arts institutions, particularly the Chinese Academy of Contemporary Arts (中国当代艺术院), which was founded by the state in 2009, and which is run by the Propaganda Department of the CCP Central Committee and the Ministry of Culture. Luo Zhongli 罗中⽴ was its first director, as well as the director of the Sichuan Academy of Fine Arts (Sichuan meishu xueyuan 四川美术学院), and has argued that “contemporary Chinese artists will use state ideology as their guideline and strive to create contemporary artworks ‘with Chinese character.’” (Zhang Yue 843). This institution falls under The Chinese National Academy of Arts (Zhongguo yishu yanjiuyuan 中国艺术研究院), which would be better translated as the Chinese Academy of Art Research.

412 DeBevoise (2014; 47-48).

413 The work was recently included in the exhibition People’s Image (Renmin de xingxiang ⼈民的形象) at NAMOC, which ran from 12 January 2015 until 11 March 2015. In an act of revisionist history, rather than promoting the painting as testament to the critical realism of the 1980s, the curator and director of the museum, Wu Weishan 吴为⼭ (dates), folded the image under the socialist realist art of the Mao era.

414 The painting was first exhibited in 1981. Wang further argues that “the paternal icon was made not out of filial piety but out of pity, which always carries some moral detachment, if not superiority.” (Wang Yuejin 250). Two primary questions foreground the discussion in the article: 1) “why did the icon of the weather-beaten father in a close-up portrait matter so much to the Chinese imagination of the 1980s? and 2) why did the genre of frontal portrait – and its cinematic equivalent, frontal close-up still shots of a face – take on such an urgency?” (Eugene Wang 248). For more on the role of the photographic portrait in the 1970s and 1980s, see Huang (2010).

140 vogue, and a searing desire to concoct a more individualistic, subjective, and critically oriented form of visuality.415 In these images, we see close-ups of individuals solemnly going about their daily lives, often unaware that they are subjects of a hidden photographic gaze. The photographs do not valourise their subjects, nor do they depict them in a negative light. They simply show them as they are, and as Mo Yi saw them, with a detached and melancholic pathos. Realism, in this reading, is an interpretive enframing of a detached and uncertain interiority.

Though photographic realism was the means by which the representation of social change in China was articulated among critics, few photographers at the time could genuinely be considered artists. Writing in the late 1980s, in an essay entitled “Photographic Aesthetics in the

New Era” (xin shiqi de sheying meixue sixiang 新时期的摄影美学思想), Liu Dimin 刘涤民 (fl. ca. 1980s and 1990s) argued that what characterised the “new awakening of a subjective aesthetic consciousness” (zhutixing meixue yishi de xin juexing 主体性美学意识的新觉醒) for photographic practice in the New Era was the notion that photography had once again become an innately creative art form for the visual subjective expression of “ideas, imagination, and mood” (yinian, xiangxiang he qingsi 意念，想象和情思) (Liu Dimin 1989; 4), and was thoroughly rooted in realist representation.416 Yet this brooding and pensive “subjective aesthetic consciousness” was foregrounded by a desire to both project and promote an innately

415 For examples of the types of photographic realism then published in prominent photo publications such as Chinese Photography, see images 1 and 2 from this chapter.

416 Liu would continue to argue that subjective experience (zhuguan jingyan 主观经验) in the New Era was intrinsically connected to the spirit of the April Fifth Movement and the ideal of modernisation, which was codified by a desire to promote a “revitalised realist spirit” (chongzhen le xianshizhuyi jingshen 重振了现实主义精神) (Liu Dimin 1989; 5). Liu had earlier written in the journal Light and Shadow on similar issues. See Liu Dimin (1988; 4-5). For more on the realist debates of the late 1970s and 1980s, see chapters 1 and 2.

141 teleological reading of cultural development, which had reached its apotheosis - as creative fulfillment - in an enervative and ultimately failed documentary realism, as the radical vanguard of the early 1980s had transformed into a staid and ultimately regressive institutional repose.

What was promoted as exemplary was in fact trenchantly mundane, and the works and ideas that were published within these institutional confines failed to connect with the broader art movements that were then taking shape.

The anti-conceptual nature of photographic circles in China during the 1980s is perhaps surprising, as the major art movements of the period - most notably the 85 New Wave - ushered in a critically oriented avant-garde which aimed to re-invent and re-think the possibilities for artistic practice in the New Era.417 This was the stated aim of the photo groups which emerged in the late 1970s and developed through the 1980s, though it failed to materialise within the cloistered atmosphere regulated by official state publishing houses.418 Perhaps even more surprising was the fact that photography as a distinct art form did not take hold within the painterly, performative, and installation oriented avant-garde circles which radically altered the artistic and cultural landscape of the 1980s.419

417 The 85 New Wave was a nebulous grouping of artists and art groups. For a critical overview, see Gao Minglu (2003). The two most authoritative collations of primary texts concerning the 85 New Wave (85 Xin chao 85新潮) can be found in Gao Minglu (2008) and Fei Dawei (2007). Fei Dawei’s edited volume also includes numerous archival documents for the Xiamen Dada 厦门达达 group, including of their early exhibitions. Among artists associated with the diffuse 85 New Wave movement, photography was deployed primarily as a document of performance art, with photographers documenting these works rarely, if ever, seen as artists in their own right. This perception would continue well into the 1990s, when performance photography would emerge as a genre of its own. See Wu Hung (2013).

418 Though some were indeed writing about photography and photo theory in conceptually engaging and critically oriented ways, the most notable of which was Bao Kun, whose work was discussed in chapter 2.

419 Mo Yi has himself stated that photography was not a central aspect of the 85 New Wave, but simply documented performances then taking place. Interview with the artist, 9 January 2015. The tension between documentary realism, performance documentation, and conceptual photography would form the basis of much of the conceptual photography of the 1990s, though in the 1980s, and particularly within the 85 New Wave, photography was effectively a technical documentary tool, rather than a critical component of the emergent avant-garde.

142 Images can be said to be avant-garde in the sense that they depict feelings of detachment, reject standard formal conventions, and were produced first and foremost as a negation of current trends.420 Among photographic circles in China in the 1980s, the concept of a critically oriented avant-garde elided official channels, and wouldn’t formally emerge until the early 1990s.421

Further, as an aspect of the avant-garde, photography has effectively been neglected by scholars of contemporary Chinese art, who have either seen it as a document for important avant-garde exhibitions or performance works, or as a less integral component of more conceptually oriented painting and installation work.

Suffice to say, photography has rarely if ever been discussed as a central feature of avant- garde representation itself within the prominent art movements of the 1980s and 1990s.

Exhibitions of avant-garde photography have also been somewhat of an afterthought, and have neglected to examine the historical milieu within which the dissemination of conceptually-

420 As a conscious opposition to mimetic representation and purportedly objective conceptions of the visual field, avant-gardist representation is first and foremost a rejection of formal convention, as an intervention into the organisation of spatiality. As Rosalind Krauss has argued, with symbolism, as well as other forms of abstract representation, the intention which underlies any avant-garde approach seeks “interpretations rather than imitations of the real.” (Krauss 1986; 16).

421 See Xin jiangou (2013), Zhu Qi (2004 & 2018), and Daozi (1998).

143 oriented photography progressed during the period.422 Sites where artists congregated such as the

East Village423 and Yuanmingyuan424 in the early and mid 1990s have been valourised as spaces of artistic autonomy, where conceptually oriented performance photography flourished. Few scholars have, however, endeavoured to examine developments outside of these spaces, especially in regard to photographic practices.

Experimental Images: Mo Yi’s Critique of Realist Representation

Beginning in 1987, as an artist and as an individual, Mo Yi’s peripatetic ennui and profound sense of detachment fostered a series of works unlike any other which had previously

422 The first conceptual photography exhibitions did not take place in China until 1997, and are discussed in chapter 4. The first major exhibition was New Image: An Exhibition of Conceptual Photography (Xin yingxiang: guannian sheying zhan 新影像：观念摄影展), which took place in 1997 at the Beijing Theatre, and was curated by Daozi 岛⼦ (Wang Min 王敏). A curator, critic, art theorist, and poet, Daozi is currently a professor in the Department of Fine Arts at Tsinghua University. Mo Yi was included in the show, making it his first group show. Zhu Qi elsewhere gives the name of the exhibition as New Image: An Exhibition of Conceptual Art Photography (Xin yingxiang: guannian sheying yishu zhan 新影像：观念摄影艺术展) (Zhu Qi 2004; 17). The second exhibition was Images Telling Stories: An Exhibition of China’s New Conceptual Photography (Yingxiang zhi yi: Zhongguo xin guannian sheying yishu zhan 影像志异：中国新观念摄影艺术展) in 1998, curated by Zhu Qi 朱其 at the Shanghai University School of Fine Arts. The curatorial articles for each exhibition will be discussed further in chapter 4, however they were: “A Stranger’s Eyes: Chinese Conceptual Photography” (Mosheng ren de yanjing: Zhongguo guannian sheying 陌⽣⼈的眼睛：中国观念摄影) by Zhu Qi, and Daozi’s article “Xin yingxiang: jiuling niandai dalu yishu sheying de guannianhua xian zheng 新影像：九〇年代⼤陸藝術攝影的觀念化顯徵” (“New Image: The Appearance of Conceptual Art Photography in 1990s China”), which was published in the journal Artists (Yishujia 藝術家) in 1998. Other prominent exhibitions include New Framework: Chinese Avant-garde Photography from the 1980s-1990s (Xin jiangou: Zhongguo bashi dao jiushi niandai xianfeng sheying 新建構：中國⼋⼗⾄九⼗年代先鋒攝影 ), which took place at the Blindspot Gallery in Hong Kong from 11 May – 22 June 2013. The exhibition included the works of Mo Yi. Zhu Qi’s edited volume Chinese Avant-Garde Photography Since 1990 (1990 Nian yilai de Zhongguo xianfeng sheying 1990年以来的中国先锋摄影) provides one of the most thorough overviews of avant-garde photography during the 1990s, and while the exhibition did not include Mo Yi’s work, he was discussed in one of the catalogue articles by Gu Zheng, entitled “Facing the City: The Practice of Urban Photography in Contemporary China” (“Miandui chengshi: dangdai Zhongguo de dushi sheying shijian ⾯对城市：当代中国都市摄影实践”).

423 For an excellent visual catalogue of performances, happenings, and everyday life in the East Village, see Wu Hung’s text Rong Rong’s East Village (1993-1998), from 2003. A Chinese version, Rong Rong de dongcun 荣荣的东村), was published in 2013. This text will be discussed further in chapter 4.

424 Mo Yi spent a considerable amount of time living in the studio of a friend at Yuangmingyuan, and photographed many of the artists working in their studios. His time there was transformative, as it opened him up to new ways of thinking about art, and to the broader arts community.

144 been produced in China. These works offer a critique of realist representation through what Mo

Yi termed ‘experimental street photography’ (shiyan jiepai 实验街拍),425 which existed in the

US and Europe in the 1960s and 1970s, including the work of Lee Friedlander (b. 1934) (Image

14), but had not previously been produced in China until Mo Yi.426 His now celebrated series

Upheaval (Saodong 骚动)427 of 1987 was initially called The First Experiment (Di yi shiyan 第

⼀期实验), and was later changed to My Illusory City (Wo xuhuan de chengshi 我虚幻的城市)

(Image 15, 16, 17, 18, and 19).428 The series was first exhibited in 1988 in Tianjin, among a group of photographers known as the Tianjin Youth Photography Salon (Tianjin qingnian sheying shalong 天津青年摄影沙龙), which had just over 30 members and was formed in 1987.

Recounting the rationale for calling the series “The First Experiment,” Mo Yi wrote that it was

“obviously I wanted to leave [behind] traditional methods, and go straight to experimentation…”

425 Street photography is often translated as jietou sheying 街头摄影, though was not in common usage in the 1980s. Street photography as a genre began to take off in China in the early 1980s, as documentary explorations of everyday life saw new avenues of exploration. For example, a 1980 issue of Popular Photography included an article entitled “Meeting in the Streets” (Jietou suo jian 街头所见), with photographs from Yang Dehou 杨德侯 (ﬂ. ca. 1980).

426 Mo Yi has noted that while there was experimental street photography being produced in Europe and the US in the 1970s, he was completely unaware of it, and was working entirely in isolation. Interview with Mo Yi, 1 December 2013. Photography magazines in China during the 1980s (Chinese Photography, International Photography, Popular Photography, Chinese Photographers, Friends of Photography, etc.), began reproducing the work of international photographers, and included writings on photo theory (cf. chapter 2), however there were few avant-garde images circulating within China until the late 1980s, including within the magazine In Photo/Modern Photo, which was first published by Li Mei 李梅 and Miao Xiaokang 苗⼩康 in July 1984, and which is often celebrated as a space for more critically oriented photo publishing.The circulation of many of these magazines was also limited throughout the 1980s, so it is entirely conceivable that Mo Yi would never have seen any such images. Data on publication numbers is unavailable, however according to Mo Yi, he rarely saw photo publications during the 1980s. Interview with Mo Yi, 1 December 2013. The first truly critically oriented photographic publication, Photography (Sheying 摄影), did not appear until late 1988.

427 Other possible translations for saodong are “disturbance,” “uproar,” “commotion,” and “chaos.” Given the etymological intimations towards movement implied in the characters, I have chosen to translate it as Upheaval.

428 The hand-bound and hand-printed book for the series, which Mo Yi produced in 2008, gave the name My Illusory City, which is how it is known to most, as this was the name given to the series in numerous exhibitions and texts. By around 2011, Mo Yi had changed the name to Upheaval. Throughout his career, Mo Yi has kept detailed diaries, as well as an array of short writings about his work.

145 (显然是要离开传统的⽅法⼀直实验下去).429 At the time, he was questioning whether or not photography could be considered a form of art, and in the same text even came to the conclusion that "photography was not art."

Mo Yi’s series stemmed rather from an innate desire to critique the representational field, and particularly the pseudo-realist nature of the field of photography in China. Living in Tianjin in the late 1980s. on the periphery of nearby Beijing, where political and economic developments served as a catalyst to large-scale urban change, a quiet languor crept over the old city of Tianjin.

Life in the narrow laneways (hutong 胡同) of the old city had changed little over the preceding decades, while outside its crumbling walls modern urban development had been a constant feature since the 1950s.430 Located 137.7 kilometres to the southeast of the capital, Tianjin began experiencing increased urban development on the periphery of the old city in the mid 1980s, while by the late 1980s the old city itself increasingly saw the unwanted incursion of bulldozers, and the displacement of the local population.431 As population growth and economic change began to transform the city, there were few in a better position to visually ruminate upon these changes than Mo Yi.432

In Upheaval, the mundane, trite, and melancholic nature of everyday life is captured with a sense of immediacy at once ironically vague and detached, while retaining an uncanny connection to its object. Through abstraction and the negation of any singular form of

429 Mo Yi (2006; 2).

430 See Sha & Brown (2015; 179-195).

431 See Zhang Zengxiang et al (2015; 16). For a critical overview of artistic responses to urbanisation, demolition, and displacement in Beijing, see Robin Visser (2004; 277-310) & (2010; 85-128).

432 Mo Yi was then an independent photographer with no ties to the broader cultural establishment.

146 referentiality, these images reflect a conscious attempt at undermining the privileged position of

‘reality’ and ‘truth’ which underlies many conceptions of photographic representation, and express a profound sense of alienation with the newly ascendent social order.

As a direct criticism not only of mimetic representation and objective reality, but also of the fraught history of contemporary photography in China to promote such a reading of objective truth, Mo Yi’s work can properly be seen as a form of self-criticism upon the institution of the photographic arts itself. In an unpublished essay from 2006, Mo Yi offered a critical reflection upon My Illusory City entitled “1987 - My Illusory City” (“1987 – Wo xuhuan de chengshi 我虚

幻的城市”), which explored his rationale for the series, and his perceptions of the photography scene at the time. The essay recounts his rediscovery of his own work, as he looked back on this series of images which had more or less remained sealed in a wooden box for the previous 20 years.433 In the 1980s he felt that the images were overly abstract formulations of the urban environment. Looking at Image 16, for example, the only discernible visual cues that mark the image as urban are a tower block and a few isolated figures, rendered in a distorted and haphazard manner through multiple exposures. In 2006, Mo Yi

“[…]Suddenly discovered in the blurriness and illusion of those photos a powerful [sense of] upheaval and uneasy feelings, that are simply too consistent with the image of the city at that time in my own memory.” “[…] 突然发现那些照⽚上模糊与虚幻中的强烈骚动与不安的感觉，简直与⾃⼰记忆中的对那个年代的城市映像太相符了。434

433 After their initial private exhibition in Tianjin in the 1980s, he sealed them away and did not exhibit or promote them for about 20 years. Interview with Mo Yi, 4 March 2014.

434 Mo Yi (2006; 1)

147 Looking at them in retrospect, Mo Yi considered theses images to be a pure (chuncui 纯粹) photographic record, an authentic form of experimental photography (and not fine art photographs).435 The experimental series was its own photographic “form” or “pattern" (yangtai

样态), which Mo Yi proceeded to argue represented a more direct form of avant-garde creation than other photographic work produced at the time, as others did not adequately or critically reflect upon the social background of the times. In examining the history of contemporary

Chinese photography over the period in which these images had been sequestered away from the public, Mo Yi opined that “In the past twenty years I have not seen the existence of anything like them (regardless of image or method)” (这20年中我没见过有类似的存在（不论影像还是⽅

法）).436 Mo Yi does note, however, that the only other artist whose work reflected this irreverent experimental modality was Zhang Haier 张海⼉.437 The work of these two photographers, which broke through the strait jacket of tradition and sought to effectively offer a critique not only of society, but of social history, were very much occluded from the photographic publications of the period.438

435 While Mo Yi here uses the phrase “authentic experimental photography” (didao de shiyan sheying 地道的实验摄影), one could certainly critique the notion that any experimental or conceptually oriented art form could claim authenticity, as by its very nature the experimental transcends such opaque value judgments, and instead finds merit in its audacious inventiveness and irreverent antipathy towards such contentious evocations of the ‘authentic.’

436 Mo Yi (2006, 1).

437 Along with four other Chinese photographers, Zhang Haier’s work was included in the Arles Photography Festival in 1988, and he was one of the few critically oriented Chinese photographers celebrated internationally at the time.

438 By 1989 such work began to be promoted in the magazine Photography 摄影. This phenomenon is examined in more detail in chapter 4, pp. 18-20.

148 The images in Upheaval are not surrealist in nature, though they do endeavour to render disciplined vision an innately absurd enterprise.439 Rather, they are a melancholic rejection of form, and an illustration of the inability to grasp the real (xianshi 现实), that ineluctable object of desire. While photography at the time was beginning to be considered as an autonomous art form among critics, the works produced by no means correlated with the manner in which images were described by critics. The valuation of work revolved primarily around their aesthetic, rather than conceptual or theoretical properties. Writing in 1987, Wu Yulun 吴⽟崙 (b. 1954) articulated a conception of photographic appreciation in relation to the selection and valuation of

"award-winning work" (huojiang zuopin 获奖作品),440 which sought to move beyond facile categorisations of aesthetic value judgments, noting that:

photography is an art, the aesthetic characteristics of which are different from the intrinsic laws of sports. Like a literary work, a photographer’s work is complete [only] when an audience enjoys it, [and] the entire process of artistic creation [can only] then be considered finished… The value of a work depends on the cultivation of two variables: a knowledge of nature and society, as well as an understanding and grasping of the art of photography. 摄影是⼀门艺术，它的审美特点有着不同于体育的内在规律。同⽂学作品⼀样，摄影者的⼀幅作品直到观众欣赏完了，整个艺术创作的过程才算结束……⼀幅作品的价值，取决于这两者各⽅⾯的修养，对⾃然和社会的认识以及对摄影这门艺术的理解和掌握。441

439 By the late 1980s, surrealist photography was beginning to reemerge as a countervailing presence, though was still contained within and represented alongside the same trite configurations of documentary representation that characterised these publications. The 1988 Chinese Modern Photo Salon included a surrealist photograph by Gu Dayan 古⼤彦 (b. 1951) entitled The Solar Eclipse of 1987 (Dingmao rishi 丁卯⽇蚀). See Yang & Wang (1988; 107). Three photographs by Yu Haibo 余海波 (b. 1962) entitled Regression (Huigui 回归), The Void (Tianwen 天问), and Dialogue (Duihua 对话) appeared in Chinese Photography (Zhongguo sheying 中国摄影) Vol. 1 (1989), 33.

440 There were numerous photographic competitions throughout the 1980s, and virtually all of them awarded works using the sporting categories of gold, silver, and bronze medals (jinyintongpai ⾦银铜牌).

441 Wu Yulun (1987; 11).

149 Photography, for Mo Yi, was first and foremost a form of social experimentation, a laceration of the quotidian, and an upending of traditional methodologies for both thinking about and experiencing the world around him. The "art of photography" did not need to be "art," or circulate within art circles, in order to be an extension of Mo Yi’s subjectivity and an exploration of urban change within the space of the social symbolic.442 The process of production was thus equally as important as the final product.

There were few if any discussions of the concept of the postmodern at the time in

China.443 One of the early mentions of postmodernism and photography was oddly enough introduced through a discussion of photographic technique, in a short essay entitled “On the

Application of Ultra-Wide Angle/Fisheye Lenses” by Li Yuan 李元, the use of which, according to the author, is limited to those working within a post-modern vernacular.444 Though the English word "postmodernism" is given in the text, the term used, xiandai pai 现代派, most accurately references the "modernist school." The concept of postmodernism was formally introduced into

China with Fredric Jameson’s lectures at Beijing University in 1988, though many art journals, most notably guowai meishu ziliao, contained discussions of postmodernism as early as 1979.

442 Interview with Mo Yi, 1 December 2013. Writing in 1985, the conceptual performance artist Wu Shanzhuan 吴⼭专 (b. 1960) put forward 37 propositions concerning art, the last of which was that “theory is an art” (lilun shi yi men yishu 理论是⼀门艺术). For the entire text, see Wu Shanzhuan (2008). Wu was at the forefront of the new art theory of the 1980s, which sought to deconstruct the medium and explore its vernacular and cultural specificity. Writing in Fine Arts the following year, Wu published a critical deconstruction of the Chinese language, which aimed to explain his conceptual series 70% Red, 25% Black, 5% White (Hongse 70%, heisi 25%, baise 5%). See Wu Shanzhuan (1986; 61).

443 By the mid 1980s, the journal meishu began carrying discussions on the topic, discussed in chapter 2. Jean- Francois Lyotard’s The Postmodern Condition: A Report on Knowledge was not translated until 1993 by Daozi, and published two years later as houxiandai zhuangkuang: zhishi de baogao 后现代主义状况：知识的报告. See Rang Fulangsuowa・Li’aota (1995).

444 Li Yuan (1987; 11).

150 Mo Yi’s works are an expression of the state of China in the 1980s, but also transcend any realist grasp of it. Navigating the social symbolic space of the quotidian, Mo Yi presents us with a challenge: do documentary representations of the everyday capture the lived experience of everyday life, or must we strive to craft a new visual vernacular for the representation of an innately existential and visceral connection to the world around us? For Mo Yi, that connection is contingent upon subjective conceptions of relational experience, and the performative nature of his work is integral to fully comprehending its import. As a form of conceptual practice, or

"experimental street photography," Mo Yi’s particular brand of conceptual photography strove to destabilise the medium, thus forcing a re-evaluation of photographic representation itself.445

Mo Yi did not exhibit any of these photographs nationally at the time, and refrained from sending them to the selection committee of the officially sponsored 1988 Modern Chinese

Photography Salon Exhibition (Zhongguo xiandai sheying shalong 88 zhan 中国现代摄影沙龙

88展).446 In discussing the intellectual ferment of the photo salon, Mo Yi highlights that “In that era, the concept of “the salon” was different from [that of] today, as “the salon” at that time was, in peoples’ minds and eyes, the embodiment of a break from the bonds of tradition and the avant- garde” (那个年代“沙龙”的概念不同于今天，那时的“沙龙”在⼈们的⼼⽬中是冲破传统束

缚和前卫的化⾝。).447

445 The artist, curator, and head of the Department of Curatorial Research at CAFA, Wang Chunchen 王春⾠, makes a similar argument when he argues that “conceptual photo-imagery cannot be evaluated in terms of the traditional standards of the techniques used in photography. The opposite is in fact the case: traditional standards are evaluated and changed by conceptual photo-imagery.” (Wang Chunchen 58).

446 The exhibition was held at the National Art Museum of China (Zhongguo meishuguan 中国美术馆), beginning on 5 April 1988.

447 Mo Yi (2006, 1).

151 The last modern photo salon primarily displayed documentary imagery and candid portraits of everyday life in a markedly uncritical and topical manner, with virtually no analysis of the images and their relation to the broader social and cultural world. Despite the presence of some abstract and surrealist works, few of the images could be considered works of contemporary artistic expression.448 Mo Yi recalls that four of his images were selected for the show, while the image selected for the catalogue was entitled Sunlight (Yangguang 阳光)449

(Image 20), a close-up portrait of a shirtless Tianjin construction worker with a partially demolished building in the background, likely taken in 1985.450 Mo Yi has stated that in retrospect he is not particularly proud of the work, as it was but one single image among a broader body of relatively work. The only reason Mo Yi had submitted these particular images was because he knew the editorial committee would not accept his more conceptually oriented work - his 1987 series Upheaval in particular. His self-selection and individual editorialisation was thus precariously codified within an institutional and disciplinary frame, as sentiments concerning an overt challenge to institutional power had not yet reached the point where artists felt that putting forward such work would be productive.

448 The work of Gu Dayan, the surrealist and abstract photographs of Gao Dapeng ⾼⼤鹏, simply entitled Work of Art 1, Work of Art 2, Work of Art 3 & Work of Art 4 (Zuopin 作品 1, Zuopin 作品 2, Zuopin 作品 3 & Zuopin 作品 4), Yu Xiwen’s 俞習⽂ Extrication (Jietuo 解脫), and three images resembling abstract paintings by Wu Shixiong 伍時雄 were the only such images to have been featured in the exhibition. Yang & Wang (1988; 118-124). Other artists reflected upon nature in engaging technical ways, such as Li Xiaobin’s 李晓斌 image Impression of Water (Shui de yinxiang ⽔的印象). Yang & Wang (1988; 115), while Chen Changfen’s 陳⾧芬 subtle modulation of light and colour in Undulating to Infinity (Zongheng wanli 縱橫萬⾥) is a clever play on long-exposure, and also intimates towards a sense of painterly visual abstraction. Yang & Wang (1988; 135). Note: English translations given here are as they appear in the original text. A direct translation of Gao Dapeng’s images would be Work 1, Work 2, etc. I will hereafter only use the English translation given in the original catalogue. Gao Dapeng’s surrealist Work 16 (Zuopin shiliu hao 作品⼗六号) was also featured in the journal Artists (Yishujia 藝術家) Vol. 5 (1989), 65.

449 Mo Yi’s photograph is listed as number 56 in the exhibition catalogue (Yang & Wang 59).

450 Mo Yi does not recall the exact year the photograph was taken, but noted it was likely 1985. Interview with Mo Yi, 9 January 2015.

152 The 1988 Modern Chinese Photography Salon Exhibition promoted numerous thematic elements within documentary photography, embodying the trend for social documentary photography then ascendent in the mid-late 1980s exemplified by the works of artists such as

Qiao Xiaolan and Zheng Ming.451 While there were a few such critically oriented documentary photographs (mostly works of photojournalism), no context was given, and many of the images appear to be in support of state power, rather than critical of its abuses.452 April Photo Society member Li Yingjie 李英杰 (b. 1947) reviewed the 1988 Modern Photo Salon for Chinese

Photography in an essay entitled “Some Thoughts Arising from the Modern Photo Salon ’88”453 whose own abstract take on the Great Wall was featured in the exhibition.454 Other images from the exhibition included work from prominent April Photo Society member and editor of the exhibition catalogue Wang Miao 王苗 (b. 1951), whose two portraits, one of an elderly woman and child in front of a Mongolian yurt, and another of an uncannily chic man lying inside the

451 See chapter 2, images 36 and 37.

452 Chen Lianyi’s 陳煉⼀ (fl. ca. 1980s) image A Prostitute and Three Whoremasters (Yige jinü he sange piaoke ⼀個妓⼥和三個嫖客) taken on 30 April 30 1987 in Wuhan (Yang & Wang 42), while seemingly critical of the darker underside of social change, when read in light of the other images in the catalogue seems more reminiscent of state- driven morality campaigns. The same holds for Jin Yong’s ⾦涌 image Juvenile Delinquent (Shaonianfan 少年犯), with the subheading “24 October 24 1987. A 15 year old boy, arrested according to law, put on public trial” (1987 nian 10 yue 24 ri, yige 15 sui de shaonian yin liumang zui bei yifa daibu, gongkai xuanpan 1987年10⽉24⽇，⼀個 15歲的少年因流氓罪被依法逮捕，公開宣判) (Yang & Wang 45). Other documentary images do appear somewhat critically oriented, however their inherent ‘criticism’ can certainly be called into question. One image, The Unlawful ‘Rule of Law’ (Buhe fa de ‘fazhi’ 不合法的’法治’) by Ji Xiaoguang 紀曉光, appears to show police officers beating members of a crowd who had gathered for the lantern festival, though many members of the crowd are smiling, and none seem particularly concerned at the apparent ‘beating’ taking place. The following image, also by Ji Yong and entitled The Straits of Farmers Parted with Their Land (Li tu nongmin de kunhuo 離⼟農民的困惑), is one of the only images in the catalogue which can genuinely be said to be critically oriented. It depicts a group of labourers who had been forced off of their land, and are now looking for work in town (Yang & Wang 43-44). Again, it would be better translated as “The Perplexity of Peasants Parted from their Land.”

453 Li Yingjie (1988; 11-12).

454 See Yang & Wang (1988; 134).

153 yurt entitled Descendants of the Dragon 1 & 2 (Chuanren zhi yi 传⼈之⼀ and Chuanren zhi er

传⼈之⼆, respectively), poignantly echo traditionalist gazes of ethnic difference (Images 21 and 22). Though there were a few notable exceptions to these aestheticised images, such as Liu

Jun's 柳军 harrowing images of war during the Sino-Vietnamese border conflicts of the 1980s, entitled A Young Soldier Sacrifices his Life at the Frontline on the Sino-Vietnamese Border

(Xisheng zai Zhong Yue bianjing qianxian de yi wei nianqing zhanshi 牺牲在中越边境前线的⼀

位年青战⼠), which is undated, and Field Hospital (Zhandi yiyuan 戰地醫院), taken at the

Laoshan ⽼⼭ front line on 19 May 1985 (Images 23 and 24).455

Between 1988 and 1990, Mo Yi produced his next conceptual series, entitled The Second

Experiment (Di er qi shiyan 第⼆期实验), which would later become 1m - The Scenery Behind

Me (1m - Wo shenhou de fengjing 我⽣⾝后风景)456, and has also been called Expression of the

Streets (Jiedao de biaoqing 街道的表情) (Images 26, 27, 28, and 29).457 Building upon his negative experience from the 1988 photo salon, the series was orchestrated as an experimental photographic performance, designed to negate the influence of his purportedly "sick eyes."458 As

Mo Yi later recalled:

455 See Yang & Wang (1988; 30-31).These images show violence and death in a way rarely seen in 1980s China, thus providing one of the first subtle deconstructions of the myth of Chinese military might, which was so often trumpeted in various photographic journals. If anything, these images document the human toll that underlies public policy. Many other images featured in the catalogue attempt to represent contemporary figures through historical or traditional cultural forms, including Qiao Xiaolian’s 乔孝廉 Eight Drunken Immortals (zui ba xian 醉⼋仙). See Yang & Wang (1988; 69).

456 This is the title most often given to this series. Another possible translation would be The Scenery 1m Behind Me, though Mo Yi does not parse the title this way.

457 This has also been popularly translated as Street Face.

458 Mo Yi (1989; 1).

154 So I decided to do an experiment: I held the camera so that it could be distanced from the subjective choices of my eyes, only functioning as a type of mechanical instrument unable selectively to record. The method was, with the camera fixed to the back of my neck, to walk in a straight line through the bustling streets of the city, using the motor and shutter release cable to release the camera shutter. I wanted to see for myself, in the game-like process unadulterated by selectivity, what the photographs of the people and city would turn out like when shot by this camera, which was merely a machine for recording, as [the images] were not selected for their appearance. 于是我决定做⼀个实验：把照相机从我可以主观选择的眼睛上拿掉，只作为⼀种机械的、⽆法选择的记录仪器。⽅法是将照相机固定在脖⼦后⾯，在城市繁华的街道上直线⾏⾛，⽤马达和快门线启动相机的快门——我想看看，在不加选择的游戏般的进程中，机械纪录的照相机所拍下的⼈和城市的照⽚到底是什麽样⼦，他们不被选择的样⼦。459

The subjects captured in these images, pictured as they walked behind Mo Yi, are thus “They actually completely are in their natural state” (他们竟然完全是⾃然态),460 often unaware of the camera facing them, and the photographic experiment in which they have been unwittingly memorialised.461 These haphazard and uncontrolled depictions of the bustling streets of Tianjin, as visual experiments for capturing the unseen space which always eludes the gaze, are equal parts conceptual, performance and documentary photography. The performative nature of the series is evident throughout, as the artist at times captures glimpses of his own face. Mounted to the back of his neck, the camera renders any controlled form of visuality impossible, as the camera is summarily transformed into a piece of machinery for objectively recording the

459 Mo Yi (1989; 1).

460 Mo Yi (1989; 1).

461 Though admittedly some individuals did notice the camera, and are looking directly into the lens when the photographs were taken.

155 world.462 The camera was merely an extension of Mo Yi, neither controlled by his eye nor his desires. It was a simple prop for grasping the unknown.463

With conceptual photography, the history documented on the negative loses its unique claim to objective understanding, relying instead upon more intrinsically subjective forms of individual exploration - in this case the experiment itself. Despite this, these are nonetheless historical documents of everyday life, but they are unframed, unintended, and happenstance, as composition, lighting, and even focus are intentionally left to chance. Regarding the series, Mo

Yi has argued that “This may be the earliest use of the camera as a prop in China, [in] works that marshal photography and performance art, combining them appropriately.” (这可能是中国最早

的把照相机作为道具，将摄影与⾏为艺术贴切结合的作品。).464 The images are also emblematic of their historical moment - temporal markers of a progressive social order in which anything seemed possible, as articulated by Mo Yi. He writes of these images: “In these photographs, the faces of the figures and the background of the city together revealed the spirit of that extraordinary period, and became able to represent and symbolize a three-dimensional portrait of that most extraordinary period” (照⽚中⼈物的脸和城市的背景⼀起透露了那个特

殊年代的⽓息，成为了能够代表和象征那个最特殊年代的⽴体的肖像).465

462 For more on the series, and other works by Mo Yi see Angie Baecker (2010) and Yao Yao (2014).

463 As tool, “The camera is both crypt and encrypting machine: the tomb of the real in which the present has already passed away, and an engine of overcoding in which the unbearable encounter is buried and postponed, made bearable as the cryptic without end.” (Tagg 2009; 171).

464 Mo Yi (2007; 1).

465 Mo Yi (2007; 1). Mo Yi repeats the phrase “exceptional times” twice, which has been included in the translation, despite it being awkward in English.

156 After the attacks on bourgeois liberalism began to wither in 1988, there was a subsequent effort by photo critics in official publications such as Chinese Photography to engage in more theoretical and conceptual forms of photography. The Fourth National Photo Theory Annual

Meeting was held in Xiamen from 12-16 October 1988.466 Summarising the meeting, Bei Yan’s

北雁 (fl. ca. 1980s) article “Theory, Expected to Rise” (Lilun, qidai jueqi 理论，期待崛起) recounted the discussion surrounding the importance of theoretical knowledge for rethinking social relations.467 Initially, critics such as Bei Yan developed this movement around more subjective conceptions of artistic practice, but it was still very much disconnected from developments elsewhere in the arts, such as with the artists affiliated with the 85 New Wave.468

By the late 1980s, there emerged a new generations of artists working outside of official photography associations and institutions who began to produce work which was radically different from that of their contemporaries. These early avant-gardists sought to revolutionise photographic representation in China, and included such seminal figures as Zhang Haier 张海⼉

(b. 1957)469 and Han Lei 韩磊 (b. 1967). The second volume of Chinese Photography in 1988 ran with an editorial by Xi Yu 西瑜 (fl. ca. 1988) entitled “The Significance of the Reform of

Photography and its Culture” (“Gaige sheying ji qi wenhua yiyi 改⾰摄影及其⽂化意义”),

466 The meeting was normally held once every two years, though had been postponed for some unknown reason the previous year. See Bei Yan (1989; 1).

467 Bei Yan (1989; 1).

468 The various conceptions of subjectivity one encounters in many of these texts is often under theorised, disconnected from other academic developments and philosophical narratives, and instead hinges upon the rather vague signifier ‘subjectivity’ (zhutixing 主体性 or zhuguanxing 主观性).

469 By the late 1980s, Zhang Haier’s powerful realist documentary photographs gained international prominence through a series of exhibitions in Europe, first as part of the 19th Rencontres internationales de la photographie d’Arles in 1988 (as part of a group show entitled “Être photographe en Chine aujourd’hui” (“Being a Photographer in China Today”), with subsequent solo shows in Portugal in 1989 and Germany in 1990.

157 while volume three contained Pu An’s 蒲安 (fl. ca. 1988) essay “The Pluralistic World: An

Exploration and My View of Trends in the Development of Photographic Art” (“Duoyuan de shijie: guanyu sheying yishu fazhan qushi de tan yuan ji guanjian 多元的世界：关于摄影艺术

发展趋势的探源及管见”)470, which built upon the discussion of cultural pluralisation prominent during the mid 1980s.471 These and other such articles sought to contextualise developments within the broader cultural world, which had greatly affected the development of photographic practice in China throughout the late 1980s.472

By early 1989, discussions of the relationship between photography and modernity began to shape the discursive space of photo criticism in China. In tracing the historical contours of the relationship between modernity and the New Era, the prominent scholar Ding Zunxin 丁遵新, in an article entitled “Modern Photography and Modern Consciousness” (“Xiandai sheying yu xiandai yishi 现代摄影与现代意识”), sought to ruminate upon the role of cultural pluralisation in fostering a critical conception of modernity within the photographic arts.473 Furthering the

New Enlightenment discourse of intellectual and cultural pluralisation, and seeking to conceptualise a theoretical framework for "contemporary photography," he argued that “It can be said that, [regarding] the documentary and the illusory, the contention between realism and

470 See Xi Yu (1988; 1-2) and Pu An (1988; 5-6).

471 See Zhou Jianming (1988; 31-35).

472 See Bao Kun (1989; 28-39), Ding Zunxin (1993 & 1989; 8-9). Though these articles endeavoured to analyse the relationship between photographic practice and the broader cultural sphere, they were not rooted in any particular theoretical framework, and were not engaged in rethinking the role of photography - simply in getting away from a more state driven field.

473 The article is a published extract of a speech Ding Zunxin gave at the Fourth National Photo Theory Annual Meeting (di si jie quanguo sheying lilun nianhui 第四届全国摄影理论年会). See Ding Zunxin (1989; 8-9).

158 modernism is the main sign of the pattern of diversification of New Era photographic art.” (可以

说，纪实与虚幻，现实主义与现代主义的抗衡，是新时期摄影艺术多元化格局的主要标

志).474 This articulation of the tension between the "documentary and illusory" perfectly captures the problem Mo Yi was attempting to address in his work, and his critical stance towards documentary realism was exemplified in his experimental street photography.475

Images in Crisis: 1989 and Beyond

The first few months of 1989 saw a proliferation of engaging socially and politically- oriented material published in major magazines, as documentary realist images depicting protest were given broad coverage amid the ferment of the growing student movement. Among this body of material, Ji Zhiqiang’s 吉志强 (fl. ca. 1980s) poignant images Law of the Land (Fa zai renjian 发在⼈间) and Crying Out for Rights (Quanli de nahan 权利的呐喊) (Image 30) are immersive images of personal protest,476 and prominence was also given to Malcolm Brown’s

(Maerkemu・Bulang 马尔科姆・布朗) celebrated image of protest from the Viet Nam War “A

Monk in Saigon Burnt Himself to Protest Prosecution by the Government” (Xigong senglü zifen

474 Ding Zunxin (1989; 8).

475 I would also contend that Ding Zunxin’s dichotomy of ‘realism and modernism’ does not adequately capture the nuances of either category, and is thus a reductive way of reading this distinction. While the modernist project sought to wrench apart the stranglehold which mimetic representation traditionally held over the arts, and move artistic expression away from traditional forms, realism, at least in its critical documentary form, need not be antithetical to this movement.

476 In Chinese Photography Vol. 2 (1989), 35. Both images appear to have their English translations mixed up, as Fa zai renjian, which I have translated as “Law of the Land,” is rendered as “Crying for Justice”, while Quanli de nahan, which I have translated as “Crying Out for Rights,” is translated as “Asking for Some Advice About the Law” in the magazine. For the latter, I have opted for a more apt and historically relevant translation, as the term nahan harkens back to Lu Xun’s own clarion calls for personal and social justice, as well as intellectual emancipation.

159 西贡僧侣⾃焚) (Image 31).477 These manifestations of civil dissent are a rarity in publications of the era, though offer a poignant and refreshing interlude in what was otherwise an overtly banal publishing landscape. But with the closing of the China Avant-Garde exhibition in

February 1989, avant-garde art was to enter into a withdrawal from the public eye, as these developments took a back stage to the harrowing events of June 1989 that transformed the subsequent cultural landscape.478

One of the most prominent images of Mo Yi from 1989 was taken by an unknown person during the protests, which documented one of Mo Yi’s performance protests in Tianjin in June

1989 (Image 32). In this photograph, Mo Yi marched down the street draped in a shredded sheet covered in political slogans.

Mo Yi did not produce any discernible body of work documenting or critiquing the protests themselves, however his series Swaying Bus (Yaodang de chexiang 摇荡的车厢)479 captures the autumnal langour of Tianjin in the wake of the violence, and the withdrawal of artists and

477 In Chinese Photography Vol. 2 (1989), 14. The English translation was provided in the text. The image was also published two years previously, in an article entitled “The Callous Eyes of Photographers” (“Sheyingzhe ‘lengku’ de yanjing 摄影者’冷酷’的眼睛”), which presented a markedly different reading of the image, along with three other images of violence or disaster. In this reading, the photojournalists are opportune vultures grasping at tragedy for the purpose of furthering their own careers. See Xiao Xushan (1987; 9), who presents a critique of the ‘objective’ nature of photography and discusses the role of humanism (rendao zhuyi ⼈道主义) within photojournalism. This earlier reading of the image correlated with the anti-bourgeois liberalisaton campaign, and it is thus not surprising that at the time such publications would lament the ‘callous eyes’ of international photojournalists. Xiao Xushan had earlier in the decade celebrated the work of international photojournalists. See Xiao Xushan (1980).

478 Published in June 1989, the foremost compendium of texts on photography from the 1980s, Trends in Contemporary Chinese Art Photography (Dangdai Zhongguo sheying yishu sichao 当代中国摄影艺术思潮) represented one of the few early efforts to promote a more theoretically focussed discussion surrounding photographic practice.

479 Also popularly translated as Tossing Bus. The series was photographed throughout the autumn and winter of 1989.

160 intellectuals from the political (Images 33, 34, 35, 36, and 37).480 In one exhibition notice, Mo

Yi writes that he received a letter from an art collector who had bought the work, and with whom it particularly resonated. The collector mused on the significance of the work, and wrote:

“Nobody in the bus made a noise, [and] the only sound which could be heard was that of the engine… When the bus shook, the passengers shook along with it, [and] when the bus stopped abruptly its passengers felt its suddenness. I believe that the bus is a symbol of both nation and history. I felt the agony of your inability to express your pain, fury and helplessness…” 公共汽车⾥没有⼈说话。只有引檠发出声⾳……汽车摇荡，乘客就停。我觉得汽车象征国家和历史……我体会到了你的⽆处发泄的苦恼，愤怒和凄凉。 481 The series depicts a sleeping, drifting, and seemingly detached population as they go about their daily lives on various public buses. These mundane, depoliticised artefacts of a once highly politicised population, vividly capture the power of the state over the body.482 Instead of images of political protest, public engagement, or mass politics, they are quiet, detached, and poignant images of daily life.

Mo Yi’s experimental images mark a site of shared memory, and personalise collective life in a viscerally poetic manner.483 The individuals depicted in the series are not necessarily victims of state violence, and most likely did not take part in the protests. Their sombre expressions and languid sleeping bodies also do not necessarily display their own sense of dejection, but they do certainly capture Mo Yi’s own emotive state, as he had been detained by the authorities in the wake of the protests, and would continue to be harassed by them in the

480 For an appraisal of cultural criticism in China after 1989, see Xu Ben (1999).

481 Undated document. Mo Yi, guanyu “yaodang de chexiang 1989” 关于《摇荡的车厢1989》 (‘“On Tossing Bus, 1989’”). English translation from the original. Translator unknown.

482 For the seminal discussion of the depoliticisation of intellectual and cultural movements, see Wang Hui (2008) & (2009).

483 For an analysis of the relationship between memory and Tiananmen massacre, see Perry Link (2009).

161 ensuing years.484 From 1990 until 1993 Mo Yi moved back to Tibet, and has subsequently stated that:

Originally unsuited to the city, to which was added increased repression and depression following June 4th, [I] left the city to escape this oppressive environment. Moreover I felt both oppressed and depressed after ‘June 4th’, so I went to Tibet, leaving the city to escape this oppressive environment with the utmost urgency. From the moment I travelled to Tibet, because of my involvement with the troubles of ‘June 4th,’ the country’s Ministry of State Security [ensured] I finally lost the iron rice bowl I had had for 20 years. 原先对城市的不适应，加上“6.4”后的压抑和苦闷，离开城市逃脱压抑环境的⼼情⼗分急迫，于是去西藏了。正是从西藏之⾏开始，因为国家安全局对我“六. 四”问题的介⼊，最终我失去了已经20年的“铁饭碗。485

His retreat to the country would isolate him from the political shifts which radically reshaped society and the broader cultural world.

In the wake of the protests, photography publications returned to the decidedly nationalist narratives of 1987, and within cultural circles the ferment of the previous months began to quiet down. There were also subtle efforts by official photography publications to visually and symbolically reassert state power and legitimacy, lending a facile veneer of order to an otherwise

484 Mo Yi went on a hunger strike in the aftermath of the protests, and in doing so did irreparable damage to his stomach. His body was thus literally, as his work was figuratively, severely and irreparably affected by the intrusive machinations of state power.

485 Mo Yi (2014; 4). While in Tibet Mo Yi continued to take photographs, though also took photos for the local government’s Commemoration Day (jinian ri 纪念⽇).

162 distraught and dejected cultural environment.486 By the early 1990s, intellectual and cultural marginalisation487 progressed in tandem with rapid commercialisation (shangyehua 商业化), which was further expanded after Deng Xiaoping’s 1992 Southern Tour. Within the emergence of what many scholars now term the postsocialist era,488 intellectuals began to critique the prevailing and seemingly flawed humanist spirit and enlightenment rationality of the New Era.489

By the mid 1990s scholars were again questioning the role of the intellectual within society, leading to calls for a more robust discursive environment within the cultural sphere.

486 Volume 4 of Chinese Photography from 1989 was published in July, and prominently featured the work of Chen Baosheng 陈宝⽣ (b. 1939), which depicts strikingly elegant horses galloping across wide, wind-swept plains. Chen himself authored an editorial in the volume with the English title given as “Photography Should be Rooted in the Soil of Nationalism” (“Zhagen yu minzu turang zhi shang 扎根於民族⼟壤之上”), though a more accurate rendering of this literary phrase would be “Take Root, Oh Nation, Upon the Soil.” In the editorial, Chen built upon the theme of the native place (xiangtu 乡⼟) in attempting to uphold a progressive nationalist vision for contemporary cultural practice. While the most widely celebrated visual iterations of galloping horses within modern Chinese art can be seen in the expressive works of Xu Beihong 徐悲鸿 (1895-1953), many scholars have examined the central symbolic role of the horse within the history of Chinese visual culture, and its connections with power and authority. In his analysis of the metaphorical symbolism of the horse within Yuan dynasty visual culture, Jerome Silbergeld relates that the horse stood as “a symbol of authority and legitimate rule,” and quoting the philosopher Mo Zi 墨⼦ noted that “the horse is the symbol of battle. It portends cruel warfare. So the horse is a portentous omen” (Silbergeld 1985; 160). This connection between the prominence given to Chen’s work at this particular historical moment, and the violent reinstatement of state power the previous month, was surely no coincidence. For a thorough overview of the symbolism of horses within the art of premodern China, see Harrist Jr. (1997). Other images in the volume included one by Wu Xuehua 吴学华 (fl. ca. 1980s - present), entitled Fighting (Bo 搏), depict three firefighters putting out a large blaze, which engulfs the entire field of view - perhaps a subtle overture to the suppression of the student protests. See Zhongguo sheying 中国摄影 (Chinese Photography) Vol. 4 (1989), 16.

487 For a thought-provoking analysis of intellectual marginalisation in the early 1990s, see Yu Ying-shih (1991).

488 For Arif Dirlik, postsocialism relates an historical moment in which “socialism has lost its coherence as a metatheory of politics because of the attenuation of the socialist vision in its historical unfolding; partly because of a perceived need on the part of socialist states to adjust ‘actually existing socialism’ to the demands of a capitalist world order, but also because of the vernacularization of socialism in its absorption into different national contexts” (Dirlik 1989; 364).

489 For a detailed discussion of the humanist spirit debates, see Wang Xiaoming (1996) and Zhang Dainian (1994), while for an analysis of the issue in relation to the arts, see Yu Hong (2000). The debates inform many scholarly appraisals of the cultural politics and intellectual history of the 1990s, with the most focused reading found in Jason McGrath (2008). For more, see Wang Chaohua (2003) and Zhang Xudong (2001 & 2008). Commensurate with this rapid shift away from broad based intellectual and cultural movements, Dai Jinhua has argued that within 1990s cultural production, “the commercial displaces the political” (Wang & Barlow 216), while for Jason McGrath: “Culture since the early 1990s must therefore be explored in terms of two countervailing movements – a deterritorializing trend from heteronomy to autonomy in the relationship between cultural production and state institutions and ideology, and a simultaneous reterritorialization as culture is commodified and subjected to the market mechanism and the profit imperative.” See McGrath (2008; 11).

163 Writing in 1994, Cui Zhiyuan argued that the “new challenge for Chinese theory” (Zhongguo lilunjie de xin tiaozhan 中国理论界新挑战) in its push into the 21st century concerned the connection between capitalism and democracy, the market economy, and the pervasive push to

“look towards money” (xiang qian kan 向钱看)490 as the defining characteristic of the “spiritual resources” (jingshen ziyuan 精神资源) of the new China.491 This displacement of the “spiritual” in favour of the commercial foregrounded many of the debates of the era, and was also acutely felt within artistic circles, as many young artists found themselves living together in sequestered and often impoverished communities, while the rest of society rapidly developed and prospered around them.

Artists in Beijing in the early 1990s lived in basic conditions, often drifting from one location to another in search of cheaper rents. As Rong Rong 荣荣 (b. 1968) has related, the artists were hopeful "drifters" (mangliu 盲流) congregating in artist colonies in a form of "self- imposed exile" (ziwo fangzhu ⾃我放逐), pursuing their dreams of a creative life.492 Artists congregated in the East Village (dongcun 东村) from 1993 until it was closed in 1994, and

490 A homonym for ‘look towards the future’ (xiang qian kan 向前看), which irreverently mocks the discursive and representational connection between the ideals of progress and commercialisation. This link has elsewhere been discussed by Gloria Davies (2009; 183) and Wang Chaohua (2015; 18).

491 Cui Zhiyuan (1994; 5).

492 Xin jiangou (2013; 12).

164 Yuanmingyuan 圆明园 from the late 1980s until it was also closed 1994.493 Throughout 1994,

Mo Yi lived intermittently in Yuangmingyuan in the studio of a friend, documenting the everyday lives of numerous artists living in the community. When they were both forcibly shuttered by the authorities, who regularly disrupted their performances and happenings, artists suffered a poignant sense dejection of displacement – from community, from creativity, from an innate sense of belonging, and from the engrossing hive of artistic innovation that the spaces represented. More than anything, these two communities were the breeding ground for a new form of avant-garde and conceptual photography – an aesthetic of performance documentation which sought not merely to record and represent, but to capture the ideas the artists were performing with their bodies. As Rong Rong has since highlighted, after the closure of the two artist communities, “every crisis invariably weighed upon us – boredom, depression, and bewilderment… nothing seemed possible, and our youthful hearts suffered tremendously

(zhongchuang 重创).”494

493 See Wu Hung (2013; 2). The celebrated video artist and documentary filmmaker Zhao Liang’s 赵亮 (b. 1969) films Paper Airplane (Zhi feiji 纸飞机), and Farewell, Yuanmingyuan (Gaobie yuanmingyuan 告别圆明园), document this important moment in the history of avant-garde art in China. Both films were included in the New Framework exhibition. Wu Wenguang’s 吴⽂光 (b. 1956) documentary Bumming in Beijing: The Last Dreamers (Liulang Beijing: zuihou mengxiangzhe 流浪北京：最后梦想者) revolved around similar themes, and would come to symbolise the ascendent aesthetic of the times. Yuanmingyuan was often referred to as the West Village (Xicun 西村), in opposition to the East Village (Dongcun 东村). Mo Yi documented the lives of artists such as Fang Lijun ⽅⼒钧 (b. 1963) and Yue Minjun 岳敏君 (b. 1962), among others. The celebrated photographer Wang Qingsong 王庆松 (b. 1966) also made Yuanmingyuan his home in the late 1980s. The East Village was located in a crumbling village in what is now Chaoyang Park (Chaoyang gongyuan 朝阳公园), with resident artists such as Cang Xin 苍鑫 (b. 1967), Zhang Huan 张洹 (b. 1965), Ma Liuming 马六明 (b. 1969), Rong Rong 荣荣, Xing Danwen 邢丹⽂ (b. 1967), and others. The East Village was closed first, with Yuanmingyuan shortly thereafter.

494 Xin jiangou (2013; 14).

165 Mo Yi’s interjection into the realm of the avant-garde was equally ignored, as for at least the first ten years of his photographic career he remained in isolation from these artistic communities in Beijing.495 His first group show was not until 1997, and while based in Tianjin

(1982-1990 & 1994-2006), he lived completely outside of the anti-institutional repose these spaces ultimately signified, and apart from the connections formed among the artists who lived there.496 Mo Yi had visited Yuanmingyuan to photograph the artists living there, including Fang

Lijun (Image 38) and Yue Minjun (Image 39).497 He enjoyed the raw talent of his contemporaries and the fierce evening debates about contemporary art and culture.498 In Tianjin, by contrast, he remained more or less completely disconnected from the creative influence on offer for those living there full time. But it was in this displacement, outside the boundaries of the emergent avant-garde in Beijing, that he developed the photographic style that would characterise his work throughout the early-late 1990s, marked by an aesthetic of estrangement.

In 1995, Mo Yi once again produced a series of chaotic renditions of the urban, entitled

Images Through A Dog’s Eyes (Gou yan de zhaoxiang 狗眼的照相) (Images 40), which he has also titled I Am A Dog (Wo shi yi zhi gou 我是⼀只狗).499 Calling this work a form of

495 The discursive space of the conceptually oriented avant-garde in China played out in a variety of publications throughout the 1990s, from the Jiangsu Pictorial (Jiangsu huakan 江苏画刊) to Dushu, with many discussions surrounding the increasing commercialisation of the art scene. For an early discussion of the commercialisation of the art scene, see Yi Ying (1995). For further analysis of conceptual art in the 1990s, see Peggy Wang (2014).

496 The East Village in particular has been valourised as the site of artistic innovation in contemporary China, with resident artists now celebrated as among the most forceful voices in contemporary art.

497 Interview with Mo Yi, 1 December 2013.

498 Interview with Mo Yi, 1 December 2013.

499 Bao Kun relates that the name for this series was given to Mo Yi by Li Xianting 栗宪庭 (b. 1949), though Mo Yi denies this. Interview with Bao Kun, 17 March 2015. Interview with Mo Yi, 19 May 2016 at his home/studio in Beijing.

166 "postmodern photography" (hou xiandaizhuyi sheying 后现代主义摄影), Mo Yi again sought to reflect upon the experience of navigating the city. With this detached and compositionally unique perspective, Mo Yi was able to subvert the constructed logics of space (the city, terrain, buildings), and disrupt the forms of discipline that structure standard representational styles.

Directly destabilising subjective vision, the series was shot from street level using a shutter release cable and a camera dangling on a cord, providing a perspective seemingly out of the eyes of a wandering or stray dog. This vantage permits a deleterious rendering of the urban landscape

– one that at once disrupts the logic of quotidian experience and unseats any formal reading of documentary spectatorship, as the images are random representations of the urban environment.

By denying the primacy of formal rules of framing and representation, this strategy of representation reaches its apotheosis in the refusal to concoct its opposite,namely, a framed, structured, and sought-after document of an ineluctable real.

Later in 1995, Mo Yi began documenting banal structures of the everyday, and of his lived environment, in an effort to situate himself (and the iconography of his works) within the urban space in which he lived. His series Landscapes of Time (Shijian de fengjing 时间的风景)

(Images 41) explore the homes and stairwells of the danwei housing unit in which he lived. This irreverential critique of both social documentary photography and of more traditional forms of representation, such as landscape painting, features sordid, poorly lit stairwells and the mundane objects deposited within them (Image 42). These modern landscapes delineate the gritty concrete functionality of the aforementioned housing units. This banal framing of space, through the irreverential concoction of new landscapes -- pictorial evidence of which is exemplified by

167 (describe the elements of the photographs that you read in this way) recalls what Michael Dutton argues constitutes the “onto-biographical account of the modern Chinese urban subject.”500

Within the cluttered apartments and staircases, Mo Yi’s wandering gaze catches fleeting glimpses of unintended refuse strewn like the subterfuge of modernity’s neglect, notably in Mo Yi's photograph of discarded mannequins (Image 43). As a cautious documentarian of anonymous possessions, unequivocally hidden away in the waning sunlight of neglected apartments, Mo Yi captures their untold histories, which are as intimately bound to the history of modern China as they are seemingly re

from it. We see stockpiles of coal bricks (Image 44), reused Coca-Cola (Ke kou ke le 可⼜可乐) and Sprite (Shuibi 雪碧) bottles (Image 45), dirty kitchens (Image 46), and most prominently, the unsightly accumulation of mountains of cabbage (Image 47) – a spectacle which befalls cities in North China every autumn, as tenants store a seemingly unimaginable (and also unconsumable) amount of cheaply procured cabbage in the stairwells outside their apartments.

As Mo Yi describes, in his self-published, hand bound edition of the photographs, “Stored in these common spaces, the goods retain a great deal of time that has already passed, and [it is the case that] they have made me attend to [the fact that] here, that which is preserved also [includes] a type of landscape..” (存放在这些普通空间⾥的物品上留存了许多已经逝去的时间，正是

它们使我注意到了这⾥也存在者⼀种风景).501 For, even in these most banal figurations of the

500 Dutton (2004; 109).

501 See Mo Yi (2008). The books do not have a publication date, though were made starting in 2008. He has produced books for each photographic series, all in editions of 100. No pages numbers are given. The original reads: 存放在这些普通空间⾥的物品上留存了许多已经逝去的时间，正是它们使我注意到了这⾥也存在者⼀种风景。

168 quotidian, memories abut the image, and harken back to the empty moments of the everyday not marked in memory, as with so many indifferent, unremarkable experiences.

Throughout the mid 1990s, Mo Yi continued to produce documentary images of life in the old city of Tianjin. It was during this period that Mo Yi mounted his first three solo exhibitions, in the hutong of the old city, which were not meant for artists, or a public interested in art, but rather for the people whose lives he had documented. The first exhibition, entitled

Photographs in a Hutong (Hutong li de zhaopian 胡同⾥的照⽚) was mounted in 1995, though two years later he would mount another, on 16 March 16 1997 (Images 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, and

53), prior to which he put up numerous notices around the area inviting residents to visit his

“interactive exhibition” (hudong zhanlan 互动展览) (Image 54 and 55).502 Mo Yi writes:

The exhibition was started like this: 1. In the early morning hours, when it was not yet light, I posted the ‘exhibition notice’ on certain walls and tree trunks in the hutong; 2. Each ‘notice’ attached one photograph of scenery shot in that location; 3. These ‘notices’ were arranged differently in ten or more hutong; 4. After some time, I returned to observe those places to observe, [and] to watch people suddenly catch sight of see what sorts of expressions people had when they unexpectedly caught sight of these photographs which had appeared outside the entrances to their homes (as everyone would agree, photographs were not commonly seen at that time); 5. Those involved in cultural affairs were not notified of the exhibition, as it was only done for those who lived in the hutong; 6. The reason for the exhibition was because people were always curious as to why I wanted to take photographs in the hutong, and were curious to see what the final photographs of these ordinary spaces looked like; 7. I also felt that I was taking something away from them everyday. Even if they did not know that what I took was of a benevolent nature, I think I satisfied their curiosity. 展览这样开始：1.在早晨天没亮时把“展览通知”贴在某些胡同的墙上或树上。 2.每个“通知”都附着⼀张单单为那个地点拍摄的风景照⽚。3.这样的“通知”分别布置在⼗⼏条胡同⾥。4.若⼲时间后，我回到那些地点去观察，看⼈们突然看

502 This was not so much an affront to institutional power and a negation of the commercialisation of gallery spaces at the time, as a simple desire to promote a more inclusive conception of spectatorship, through the dissolution of the binary of subject and audience. Mo Yi also calls this exhibition a performance (xingwei ⾏为).

169 见家门⼜出现这样的照⽚会有⼀种什麽表情。（那时候照⽚对每个⼈来说还不是常见的东西）。5.展览没有通知过⽂化⼈，就是为住胡同的⼈做的。6.在那展览的原因是因为⼈们⼀直好奇我为什麽要在胡同⾥拍照⽚，他们好奇这些平常的胡同拍成照⽚后是什麽样⼦。7.我也觉得每天从他们那⾥拿⾛了什麽“东西”。如果他们连我拿了什麽都不知道那是很不仁义的，我想满⾜他们的好奇⼼。503

Mo Yi wholeheartedly preferred the old city, and despised living in the new city.504 These were therefore both proud documents of his beloved historical laneways, in which he felt entirely at home, and staunch critiques of the new city, which he felt to be chaotic, absurd (huangdan 荒诞), and altogether unpleasant.505

The images hint at the dialectical struggle not only within Mo Yi’s own photographic practice, but within the broader representational and cultural politics of postsocialist China. As historical documents, they are both poetic allegories of a vanishing present, while also quiet and anonymous instances of revolt. As subtle configurations of everyday life, they present neither a unified narrative or exhaustive catalogue, but rather depict the quotidian with a certain pathos and unrelenting honesty. Mo Yi never presents a singular mode of representation – focal lengths are not fixed, depth of field varies, and subjects are rendered both in and out of focus. What unifies them is a profound concern for his subjects, which is manifested in the manner in which he both mounted and promoted the exhibitions. Unique in this manner, Mo Yi has always sought novel ways of deploying his photographic work, by challenging audiences to see the world around them in distinctive and compelling ways. At the forefront of China’s conceptual

503 Mo Yi (“1990s”, slide 6), undated.

504 Interview with Mo Yi, 1 December 2013. He did not move to the old city, as his girlfriend at the time would not move into an old hutong apartment (pingfang 平房) with him. Interview with the artist, 1 December 2013.

505 Mo Yi also took a variety of self-portraits as part of this series, which lasted until 2003, and which he later grouped under the title Diary, Scenery with Me (Riji ・you wo de fengjing ⽇记・有我的风景) in 1998.

170 photography scene, Mo Yi’s work developed out of a desire to provide new ways of framing the rapid change taking place around him, which stands in stark contrast to the work of many of his contemporaries.

Conceptual Photography as Contemporary Cultural Critique

The evolution of conceptual photography in China was both uneven and disparate, and was only belatedly accepted into the broader world of contemporary art. In the visually arresting works of Mo Yi, we are presented with a poignant though rather unintended challenge. How, in visual form, does one represent the unrepresentable complexity of the modern? Quite unbeknownst to himself, what Mo Yi was quietly crafting on the margins was a new discursive space for photography in China - one untethered from the institutional and editorial prejudices of official publications, and rooted firmly in the newly emergent conceptual photography, of which he was at the forefront. Now recognised as one of the seminal figures of contemporary Chinese photography, Mo Yi’s work represents a fundamental rethinking of the role of photographic representation as a form of social criticism within the cultural politics of contemporary China, and a longing, however isolating and illusory, for that ineluctable real that forever evades our grasp.

171 Chapter 4 – Conceptual Photography as History: Fragmentation, Dislocation, and the Historical Imaginary in China, 1988-1998

Historical Representation and Historical Time: Theorising the Photographic Encounter

While conceptual and experimental photography,506 photo theory, and photo criticism in

China during the 1990s is generally seen to have emerged in response to the political violence of

1989 and the dislocation felt by many artists of the period, the singular tendency to focus on the year 1989 promotes a false dichotomy, in which the incisive criticism and imagery of the New

Era is somehow separated from that of the post-1989 cultural world.507

Neither monolithic nor intrinsically theoretical, the development of photographic practice and theory in China during the 1990s was marked by a desire to explore heterogeneous visual forms unhinged from claims to truth.508 Unlike the photographers and critics of the New Era, this generation of artists, including Mo Yi, Rong Rong, Liu Zheng, and Wang Ningde, saw the "truth"

(zhenshi 真实) as a ruse - as an impossible object of representation.509 Reified and valourised,

506 Conceptual photography (guannian sheying 观念摄影) was generally rendered as gainian sheying 概念摄影 in the late 1980s. Experimental photography (shiyan sheying 实验摄影) or experimental imagery (shiyan yingxiang 实验影像) have also been used to denote similar work, though in recent years has tended to represent the shift away from medium specificity, and towards what Geoffrey Batchen has called ‘post-photography’ (hou sheying 后摄影). His text “Post Photography” (“Hou sheying 后摄影”) first appeared in translation in 1995 in Chinese Photography. See Qiaofuli·Baqin (1995).

507 There was naturally a profound effect upon cultural circles, as official policies foreclosed the possibility of an independent scene to flourish within national institutions. For more, see John Clark (1992). For an appraisal of the evolution of the democracy movement in China from 1978-1989, see Guang Lei (1996).

508 See Zhu Qi (2004; 14-15), Bao Kun (2009; 38-39), Zhu Qi (2015), and Shimisi Kailun (2004).

509 This was confirmed repeatedly in interviews with Mo Yi (1 December 2013), Liu Zheng (31 May 2016), Wang Ningde (6 November 2013), Wang Qingsong (19 May 2016), and to a degree Rong Rong (4 June 2016), though he refrained from discussing his work in explicitly theoretical or abstract terms. They all noted that they focussed more on emotion and their personal artistic vision, rather than attempting to tell the truth about society. This was also the view expressed in interviews with the critics Daozi (5 March 2015), and Zhu Qi (20 April 2016).

172 claims to represent the truth about social and cultural change embodied the fabricated and contrived ideals of earlier eras, in which politics and ideology drove the representation of everyday life, as argued in chapters 1 and 2.510 What marked the emergence of conceptual photography was a focus among critics such as Bao Kun on how to adequately explore the

"nature of reality" (xianshi de xingzhi 现实的性质), which closely paralleled the broader intellectual and cultural politics of the period.511 While many have argued that the emergence of conceptual photography and art in China was driven by an intense anxiety wrought by the social and cultural dislocation experienced in the wake of the failure of the student movement in 1989, alongside feelings of marginalisation among the broader cultural class, I would argue that conceptual photography also emerged as a countervailing trend against the inability of photographic realism to adequately explore social relations.512 As artists began to critique the historical indeterminacy of the documentary realism of the New Era513, and sought to move away from proleptic readings of social change, a form of experimental or conceptual realism, driven

510 See chapter 1, pp. 39-42, and chapter 2, pp. 25-27.

511 Bao Kun (2009; 40). This process extended back to the earliest discussions of photo realism in China, in Overseas Fine Art Materials (guowai meishu ziliao 国外美术资料) in 1978. See Aidehua・luxi・shimisi (1978), Linda・Yisi (1977), and Chase (1976). A prominent motif in the late 1970s, the pursuit of “truthful” (zhenshixing 真实性), critical realist representations of everyday life, whether in painting or in photography, helped define a generation of artistic practice. For more see Ding Nuo (1979). By the late 1980s and 1990s, the oscillation between what was true (zhenshi 真实) and what was absurd (huangdan 荒诞) or illusory (xuhuan 虚幻) about the quotidian formed the basis for many representations of contemporary life. See Ding Zunxin (1989) & Li Xianting (1996).

512 See also Bao Kun (2009; 80). This developed out of the photo criticism of the New Era, as the theme of exploration (tansuo 探索) was a prominent motif throughout the 1980s, which helped define much of the photo criticism of the period. Taking photographs, as a means of exploring the positive and negative externalities of rapid development, was often seen as a means of visually locating the social shifts wrought by the reforms of the period. Conceptual photography in China also had a far longer lineage, with the work of April Photo Society member Xu Zhuo 许涿 being the most critically incisive in the early reform period. Xu’s work was first published in the inaugural edition of Popular Photography (Dazhong sheying ⼤众摄影) in 1979. See Xu Zhuo, “Xiandai” (“Modern”) in dazhong sheying ⼤众摄影 (Popular Photography) Vol. 1 (1979), inside front cover. For more on Xu’s photographic oeuvre, see Chen Shuxia (2015).

513 For a detailed analysis of documentary film in postsocialist China, see Lü Xinyu (2003), as well as Berry, Lu & Rofel (2010).

173 primarily by social considerations as well as feelings of alienation and dislocation among young photographers and intellectuals - rather than an overtly theoretical critique of formalism or of the photographic medium itself - formed the basis for the majority of these early conceptual works.514

Conceptual photography, often theorised as embodying the deconstruction or fragmentation of the visual field, rendering the contrived nature of mimetic realism readily apparent, is merely an academic structure encompassing a wide variety of photographic techniques.515 Simultaneously a critique of aestheticism, formalism, pictorialism, straight photography, documentary realism, and objective renderings of the natural world, its categorisation in China was, for the most part, an academic afterthought.516 In China, conceptual photography was, however, a form of artistic practice rooted in a desire to explore social and historical conditions.517 Conceptual and experimental photography, should thus be seen as a form of historical representation grounded in a two decades-long process of visual exploration and innovation, brought on by the profound desire to illuminate the complexity of modern society.518

514 The most striking example to the contrary, however, is the work of Mo Yi 莫毅, the subject of chapter 3. The move towards realism within the arts of the period has been widely discussed. See DeBevoise (2014), Hendriske (2008), Yuejin Wang (1993).

515 For a detailed analysis of the history of conceptual art in China during the 1990s, see Peggy Wang (2014). In particular, see Gu Chengfeng’s 顾丞峰 1997 essay in Meishu guancha 美术观察 (Fine Art Observations), “Conceptual Art and Art Concepts”, which is also discussed at length by Peggy Wang.

516 The first exhibition of conceptual photography in China did not take place until 1997, and was curated by Daozi, while the next such exhibition of conceptual photography, curated by Zhu Qi, did not take place until 1998. Both are discussed in detail below.

517 There have been multiple efforts to connect the arts to the social history of modern China, and the representation of ‘modern’ China as progressive, strong, and guided by the party. For an official perspective, see Cai Wanruo (2010).

518 In this reading, modernity can be seen as a cultural and historical construct that is both multivalent and transnational, rather than reducible to the nation-state, though in the immediate aftermath of the Tiananmen incident there was a concerted push towards promoting nationalism within the photographic press. For an example, see Chen Baosheng (1989), discussed in the previous chapter, p. 39.

174 This chapter therefore argues that conceptual photography emerged as a self-reflexive form in the late 1980s and early 1990s, as both a response to the inability of photographic realism to adequately explore social relations, and as a type of photography defined by a distinct body of attendant theory and criticism.

Historical representation is generally seen as a discursive practice, with the production of historical knowledge a narratological pursuit rooted in language. Yet the visual representation of historical change creates a space for historical reflection.519 Conceptual history

(Begriffsgeschichte), as theorised by Reinhart Koselleck (1923-2006), examines the diachronic nature of historical knowledge, where dialogic readings of contingent historical events and broader social structures enable us to rethink the temporality of social history as something other than "natural chronology," in which repetition marks the structure of historical time - not a linear movement from one event to the next.520 Koselleck uses the metaphor of photography to illustrate the general perception that there exists a disconnect between historical events and structures, or an ‘epistemological aporia’ that inhibits the scholar from drawing causal inferences between discrete historical events, when he writes about the inability of the camera to simultaneously record a close-up and long-distance image. One can certainly comprehend both, but not represent them without losing sight of the other.521 In considering the connection between conceptual photography and conceptual history, both of which seek to interrogate the nature of

519 Photographic objects, as documents, literally become history. A similar narrative is promoted in Chametzky (2010). Writing about recent history is always a partial process, fraught with blindspots only visible with years of reflection. For an explication of the process of writing contemporary history about China from within the United States, see Cohen (2010) and Wakeman (2009).

520 Koselleck (2002; 123-124).

521 Ibid, 123.

175 representation, I hope to illuminate the mechanisms by which contemporary photographers and artists in China have historically moved both beyond and within history.

In order to understand conceptual photography from the late 1980s until the late 1990s in

China, this chapter will argue that three discrete typologies of within this genre shared goals of representing, deconstructing, and rethinking the nature of historical change and the place of the individual within it. The first of these, which I call “conceptual realism,” was rooted in scholarly appraisals of contemporary culture and intimately tied to debates among critics and academics in journals such as Reading (Dushu 读书), Chinese Photographers (Zhongguo sheying jia 中国摄

影家), Modern Photo (Xiandai sheying 现代摄影)522, and Photography (Sheying 摄影). Visually akin to documentary realism, this genre was typified by an academic approach to the dissection of contemporary social relations and tensions, and was emblematic of the work of Bao Kun 鲍

昆, Zhang Haier 张海⼉, Qiu Xiaoming 邱晓明 (fl. ca. 1980s - 1990s), and others.

The second form was for the most part disconnected from broader cultural debates, and emerged out of a critique of the humanist realism traditionally practised by photojournalists and documentarians, and was closely tied to the burgeoning contemporary arts scene. Situated within the world of contemporary art, rather than photography, the documentary works of photographers such as Liu Zheng 刘铮 (b. 1969), Jin Yongquan 晋永权 (b. 1968), and Wang Ningde 王宁德 (b.

1972), along with the experiential and performative photography of Rong Rong 荣荣 (b. 1968) and Ai Weiwei 艾未未 (b. 1957) mark a separate space of conceptual imagery. The shift towards

522 The cover of the magazine bore the English-language title In Photo.

176 experimental, expressionistic imagery and anti-formalist photographs of quotidian encounters saw many photographers working in this type of conceptual photography explore themes of social dislocation, loneliness, and the budding sense of community found in spaces were artists congregated. These photographers sought to address the growing senses of alienation experienced by many artists of the self-proclaimed drifter/hooligan (liumang 流氓) generation, such as Rong Rong; they derived their critical impetus from a variety of competing sources, such as personal experience and their everyday lives, though their work was not driven by intrinsically theoretical or academic concerns.523

Many photo critics and curators such as names firmly rooted their conceptual practice in newly translated texts on poststructuralist and postmodern theory, but most photographers, most notably Rong Rong and Liu Zheng, explored site-specific, performative iterations of contemporary life. Neither ahistorical nor anti-theoretical, these experimental images helped define conceptual photographic practice through their institutional autonomy.524 Subsequently, these photographers form the vanguard of photographic representation in postsocialist China.

The third group produced works which proceeded from theoretical abstraction and staged or contrived renderings of contemporary life, and included the work of Hong Lei 洪磊 (b. 1960),

An Hong 安宏 (b. 1965), Yang Maoyuan 杨茂源 (b. 1966), and others. As an interpretation of the tensions inherent in the dialogic shift between realism and staged photography (baipai 摆拍),

523 Interviews with Rong Rong, 5 April 2015 and 4 June 2016, at the Three Shadows Photography Art Centre (san ying tang sheying yishu zhongxin 三影堂摄影艺术中⼼) in Beijing.

524 Neither Rong Rong or Liu Zheng belonged to the Association of Chinese Photographers, and did not publish their work in official photo publications, such as Chinese Photography and Popular Photography.

177 these conceptual photographers and critics endeavoured to rethink social relations through a philosophical critique of the quotidian. They explored themes of emptiness, desolation, violence, fragmentation, sexuality, and historical memory, and used photography as a means of critiquing how these themes were popularly portrayed in the media.525 It was this latter group that the contemporary theorist and academic Daozi 岛⼦ (Wang Min 王敏, b. 1956) drafted to participate in the first exhibition of conceptual photography in China in 1997 under the theme “New

Images" (xin yingxiang 新影像).526 The photographs were new insofar as they were iconoclastic, and provided a nuanced glimpse into an already overdetermined visual history that has hitherto been neglected.527

Whither Photography: Realism at the Margins

Within the broader intellectual and cultural world in China, the late 1980s saw a marked shift towards a critical humanist politics, wrought out of an immense sense of anxiety for the future.528 The photographer, photo critic, and April Photo Society member Bao Kun published an array of conceptually-oriented images in the inaugural issue of Chinese Photographers

525 See Daozi (1988; 278-294). For an analysis of the relationship between vernacular photography and cultural memory, see Kuhn (2007).

526 See Daozi (1988; 278-294).

527 Ibid, 278-279). Multiple studies of contemporary art in China tend to ignore photography, though nonetheless shed insight into the broader artistic trends of the period. Conceptual photography figures prominently in Lü Peng’s account of art in the 1990s, though primarily as a category of conceptual art, and not as an autonomous artistic discipline or genre in its own right. Lü devotes a section of his chapter on performance and conceptual art to conceptual photography, and hints at its increasing importance between the 1980s and 1990s, particularly with the rise of photo journals such as Modern Photography (Lü Peng 2006).

528 Gloria Davies has argued that a “crisis mentality” (youhuan yishi 忧患意识), borne of rising inflation, commercialisation, and changing social mores, gripped intellectuals of the period (Davies 2007; 5). An early appraisal of the resurgent humanism of the 1980s can be found in Kelly (1987). For more on the relationship between intellectual life and cultural politics, see Sheldon Hsiao-Peng Lu (1997).

178 (Zhongguo sheying jia 中國攝影家) in the late summer of 1988. Through these images, both entitled Reading (Dushu 读书) (Image 1 & 2), he hoped to initiate a conversation concerning both the efficacy of conceptually oriented imagery, and the need to connect representations of a radically changing China to the broader scholarly community.529

In Bao Kun’s staged images, reading becomes an intrinsically political act - a statement of defiance against the reigning social and political order, and a call for the democratisation of ideas.530 In both photos, we see individuals arranged in front of the camera in a staged display of the most basic of scholarly pursuits. Yet neither individual is actually reading. In Reading 1, a man defiantly projects his book outwards to the world, compelling us to read the almost indiscernible text presented to us, while gazing upwards and into the distance towards an unknown future. In Reading 2, a veiled figure stands holding a book at eye level, while others are haphazardly strewn across the ground. The individual is hidden from us, and the text is hidden from the individual, who cannot see through the thick black veil he or she is wearing.531

This symbolic rendering of the unknown, structured around the progressive engagement with the world of ideas, while simultaneously veiled from view, allegorically renders the pursuit of knowledge an intrinsically tenuous, fraught, and contested process. For when the knowable is foreclosed, so too is the possibility of an alternative, progressive future.

529 Interview with Bao Kun, May 2016. For a detailed documentary overview of a changing China, with a focus on the everyday lives of its citizens, see Gu Zuoyi (2011).

530 Interview with Bao Kun at his home in Beijing, 3 June 2016.

531 Despite the immediate visual cue invoked by the full body veil, the image was by no means intended as a religious critique.

179 These two images revolve around a conversation Bao Kun had with with a group of literary friends, who were under the tutelage of the acclaimed author Li Tuo 李陀 (b. 1939)532. As Bao

Kun relates:

These works are in relation to Li Tuo, who at the time was the godfather of contemporary Chinese literature… and our literary leader. Li Tuo cultivated a group of writers, including A Cheng 阿城 (b. 1949),533 Liu Suola 刘索拉 (b. 1955), and Mo Yan 莫⾔ (b. 1955)534… Mo Yan was one of the key inspirations for [these photographs], though they are in relation to many people… Li Tuo had a lot of experience, and he knew a lot. Li Tuo would always say: “You should all read and study theory!” One important writer, Chen Jiangong 陈建功 (b. 1949)535, the Vice President of the Association of Chinese Writers, who was a good friend of mine who wrote literary theory, let us to read European and American modernist novels, as well as avant-garde literature… One evening in 1985 when Mo Yan and I were at at Li Tuo’s house, he instructed Mo Yan to read Gabriel Garcia Marquez’s One Hundred Hears of Solitude,536 though Mo Yan didn’t understand. This was before Mo Yan had written Red Sorghum (Hong gaoliang jiazu 红⾼粱家族)… though Mo Yan didn’t really know who Marquez was at the time. Later, Mo Yan said: “Marquez… I’ve read him. Yeah… I’ve read 10 pages!”… That’s all he needed to understand [his style]. 这个作品跟李陀有关。当时，李陀是中国的当代⽂学的教⽗……和我们的领导。李陀培养的⼀批作家：阿城，刘索拉，包括莫⾔……跟它有关系的⼈太多了，但莫⾔是它的启发……李陀是特别有见识，就是他知道很多。他总是说 “你们要读书，要学理论！” 重要的⼀个作家叫做陈建功，中国作家协会的副主席，陈建功和我特别好。他写⽂学理论，让我们读欧美的现代派⼩说，⽽且先锋的⼩说……恰恰是在李陀家，莫⾔，我，还有李陀，李陀教导他看马尔克斯的百年孤独，莫⾔还什么都不懂，应该是在85年。这是莫⾔的红⾼粱之前……

532 For a brief biography of Li, see https://www.thechinastory.org/key-intellectual/li-tuo-李陀/

533 The pen name of author Zhong Acheng 钟阿城, who was also one of the founders of the Stars Art Group in 1979.

534 The pen name of Nobel Laureate Guan Moye 管谟业.

535 For more on Chen, see Leung (1994).

536 Translated into Chinese as Bainian gudu 百年孤独.

180 他都不知道马尔克斯是谁。之后，莫⾔说：“马尔克斯，我读过，我读了10 页！”……读了10页他读懂了。537

For Bao Kun and his now celebrated group of literary friends, the reading fever (dushu re 读书

热) of the 1980s presented a key problem.the sheer impossibility of digesting the millions of pages translated from foreign texts or opened from archives, and of developing a solid understanding of the historical development of literary and cultural theory.538 Far easier simply to dive in and explore the complexity of the world as they saw it, rather than first spend decades reading for inspiration.539 Yet despite casually throwing off the importance of cultural theory and influential literary trends, they would not only go on to develop a keen interest in such topics, but would shape their evolution in China over the coming decades.540 While Bao Kun would go on to pursue a commercial career during the 1990s, he eventually returned to the helm of the influential literary magazine Today (Jintian 今天) as its arts editor.541

Though in many ways driven by a passion for exploring the ineffable nature of contemporary life, the move towards theory throughout the late 1980s was also marked by scholarly appraisals of the rapidity of social and economic change, and the lack of meaningful

537 Interview with Bao Kun, 26. November 2016. Bao Kun read an array of literary and art theory texts throughout the mid and late 1980s, with the most influential text at the time being Rudolph Arnheim’s Art and Visual Perception: A Psychology of the Creative Eye. See Ludaofu・Aenhaimu (1984) for the Chinese translation then in circulation.

538 Interview with Bao Kun, 26. November 2016.

539 Interview with Bao Kun, 26. November 2016.

540 Mo Yan became one of China's most celebrated authors, and shaped the genre of magical realism within China. Bao Kun became the arts editor of the literary magazine Today (Jintian 今天), where he helped shape the presentation of contemporary literature and art within China.

541 Bao noted that he worked in advertising during the 1990s, and discussed his current role as arts editor at Today, in an interview on 10 June 2014, at a coffee shop near his home in Beijing.

181 political reform. Zhou Jianming 周建明, writing in Dushu in 1988 in an essay entitled

“Democratisation, Pluralisation, and Academic Freedom” (“ Minzhuhua, duoyuanhua, xueshu ziyou 民主化，多元化，学术⾃由”), examined the democratisation of ideas, the development of a pluralistic political system in light of recent global trends, and the theory and practice of reform. For Zhou, “a very big part of the value of theoretical research lies in its progressive nature” (理论研究的价值很⼤⼀部分在于它的超前性),542 as contemporary political and social theory possessed the ability to promote a more democratic, pluralistic, and rational social order.543 This was widely echoed in the broader photographic press, where the pluralisation of cultural discourse was rooted in the translation and transmission of contemporary philosophy and critical theory.544 The conceptual shift was specifically driven by a move towards continental theory, as scholars and academics began exploring more recent cultural and political theorists,

542 Zhou Jianming (1988; 35).

543 Ibid, 35. Zhou argued the “realising democratisation” (shixian minzhuhua 实现民主化) was the embodiment of social development, and was in fact an aspect of socialism, and legitimacy and legality (helixing he hefaxing 合理性和合法性) of a more pluralistic society was rooted in the socialist system. See Zhou Jianming (1988; 32). The medium of photography is generally (though I might argue incorrectly) tied to the democratisation of visuality. Writing over a decade later in 2002, the art critic Feng Peixia 冯佩霞 opined that if one could highlight a general trend for the development of the arts in China, then a concept of ‘pluralistic change’ (duoyuan zhuanhua 多元转化) rooted in an increasingly open and globally interconnected art world was the defining marker for contemporary art production (Feng Peixia 172).

544 See Bei Yan (1989).

182 and international perspectives on contemporary cultural developments, in light of the crisis then befalling the broader cultural class in China.545

This critical historical consciousness was exemplified in a letter to the editor of Dushu in the late summer of 1988 by literary scholar Han Yunbo 韩云波 (ﬂ. ca. 1980s-present), who called upon scholars and intellectuals to show greater “care for reality” (“guanhuai xianshi 关怀

现实”), by arguing that increasing economic precarity and the marketisation of society had drastically affected the world of ideas in China.546 The celebrated photographer Yuan Yiping, writing in Dushu in early 1988 in an essay about one of the seminal realist photographers of the

1980s, Zhu Xianmin 朱宪民 (b. 1943), argued that “unfolding before the eyes of every photographer is an objective world that is fast-developing and instantly-changing” (展现在每个

摄影家眼前的客观世界是飞速发展瞬息万变的).547 Yet capturing the rapidity of change not only required the careful observation of such documentarians as Zhu Xianmin and Yuan Yiping,

545 Du Shengfeng 杜声锋 (fl. ca. 1988), in “Looking at the “Cultural Crisis” in the Modern West from France” (“Cong Faguo kan xiandai xifang ’wenhua weiji‘”从法国看现代西⽅“⽂化危机”), examined the global crisis among intellectuals in the late 1980s from the perspective of contemporary French theory, including the works of Bernard Henri Levy, Alain Finkielkraut, and others. See Du Shengfeng (1988). Also writing in Dushu later that year, Zhang Xudong 张旭东 (b. 1965) explored Walter Benjamin’s seminal essay “On the Concept of History” (Zur Begriff der Geschichte), in which he discusses theories of historical change, revolution, allegories of the nation state, and the notion of history as tragedy (beiju 悲剧) (Zhang Xudong 1988; 87). Meng Yue’s 孟悦 (b. 1956) book History and Narrative (Lishi yu xushu 历史与叙述), published in 1991, also examined the various approaches to the study of historical narrative, primarily through an engagement with the thought of Benjamin. For an analysis of Benjamin’s conception of historical time in relation to the photographic medium, see Cadava (1998).

546 Han began by noting the rising cost of books and other commodities in relation to the stagnant wages of many academics and intellectuals, and argued that “Under these conditions, today’s publishing, cultural, and educational undertakings have taken a hit from the economy. If we use the ratio of real value and price to examine [this problem, we will see that], it is increasingly devalued.” (Han Yunbo 5). The original reads: “⽽⽇下出版、⽂化、教育事业受到经济的冲击，如果⽤实际价值和价格的⽐值来看，是⽇益贬值了。” Rebecca Karl has examined the economic precarity of the era, along with the relationship between juridic exceptionalism and dwindling social and political rights. Aligning these changes with the ‘political existentialism’ of the 1990s (a term borrowed from scholar Mark Neocleous), and the uncertainty among intellectuals over the trajectory of the reforms, Karl argued that “politics... is always about an imagination of futurity” (Karl 2010; 89).

547Yuan Yiping (1988; 108).

183 but a fundamental rethinking of the role of photography in reflecting the myriad and uncertain ways in which this history was unfolding.

Documentary photography had by the late 1980s returned to a form of realism rooted in the critical humanism that gripped the broader cultural establishment at the end of the 1970s.

While the increasingly transnational nature of photo theory was by the late 1980s marked by the translation and reception of contemporary theory and imagery, through the work of critics such as Li Yuan,548 much of the pedagogical material that was available was still markedly technical in nature, and for the most part completely a-theoretical. While most international photographic work was introduced through publications such as Chinese Photography, Popular Photography,

Modern Photo, and Light and Shadow, there were also anthologies of international photography produced throughout the 1980s and 1990s, of varying degrees of quality and sophistication, along with technical manuals.549

Shifting the visual vernacular of contemporary photographic representation required an entirely new appraisal of the role of photography within society. The theorisation of abstract photography continued to develop throughout the late 1980s, with critics introducing of novel forms of image making. Writing in Light & Shadow in 1989, Si Dazi’s 司⼤宇 edited and translated article “Constructivism and the Abstract School of Photography” (“goucheng zhuyi he chouxiang pai sheying 构成主义和抽象派摄影”)550 introduced the symbolic and abstract work

548 See chapter 2, pp. 38-40.

549 On the internationalisation of photo theory during the 1980s, see chapter 2. See He Xiugui & Xiao Xushan (1983) and He Xuefeng (1990). He Xuefeng’s work, in particular, was primarily technical in nature, and concerned lighting, optics and the functioning of camera lenses, and other technical analyses of image making.

550 The original author and publication is not provided.

184 of Alvin Langdon Coburn (A・L・科伯恩), who produced some of the first abstract photographs utilising a photographic technique he invented, the vortograph.551 The article also included work from such giants of photography as Lazlo Moholy-Nagy and Man Ray, however also discussed the work of many artists then current, arguing that German art academies took the lead in promoting abstract photography throughout the 20th century.552

Independent photo publishing developed out of the inability of the official photographic press to promote more autonomous, critical voices within the photo scene. With the publication of the journal Photography (Sheying 摄影) in Shenzhen by Sheng Erlong 盛⼆⿓ (b.

1948)553, Li Mei 李媚 (b. 1952), Yang Xiaoyan 楊⼩彥 (b. 1957) and Qu Caikang 瞿采康 (fl. ca.

1980s) in August 1988, contemporary photography and photo criticism made a remarkably prescient shift both within and beyond documentary realist representation. The inaugural volume of the publication, featuring a photograph by Zhang Haier 张海⼉ (b. 1957) (Image 3), featured a simple design, which aimed to highlight the images. The publication marked a radical

551 Vortograph is rendered in Chinese as Xuanwo shi zhaopian 漩涡式照⽚. Coburn utilised what was called a vortoscope to produce his vortographs, which was composed of a triangular array of small mirrors placed in front of the lens, which would refract the image. The term was purportedly coined by Ezra Pound, whose broken shaving mirror is said to have made up the vortoscope. The term derives from the name of the group that Pound and Wyndham Lewis formed in London - The Vorticists - and featured prominently in the magazine of the group Blast: Review of the Great English Vortex.

552 See Si Dazi (1989; 4-7).The article discussed the work of Mari Mahr (M・马尔) from the late 1970s, Man Ray (M・雷), Lazlo Moholy-Nagy (L・莫豪利・纳吉), Rene Burri (R・伯里), Franco Fontana (F・方塔纳), Christian Vogt (C・沃格特), Aaron Siskind (A・西斯金德), Andre Kertesz (A・凯泰兹), and Andreas Feininger (A・费宁格).

553 Sheng (b. 1948) was the lead publisher of the Zhejiang People’s Fine Art Press (Zhejiang renmin meishu chubanshe 浙江⼈民美术出版社) as well as the Zhejiang Photographic Press. A specialist in oil painting and a native of Guangdong, he graduated from the Zhejiang Academy of Fine Art in 1968. He was also close with the photographer Xu Yong 徐勇 (b. 1954), publishing his first book. Interview with Xu Yong at his home in Beijing, 26. May 2016.

185 transformation in the type of documentary photography promoted within China, showcasing more sophisticated and academically-oriented cultural debates, intimately tied to shifting perceptions of the role of the individual (and photographer) within society.554

The images published during the brief two-year lifespan of the journal -- a wide array of documentary realist, straight, surrealist, and conceptual photography -- had a lasting impact upon those able to obtain a copy.555 The publication introduced the work of photographers as diverse as Zhang Haier 张海⼉, Cheng Shouqi 程绶琦 (fl. ca. 1988), Gao Bo ⾼波 (b. 1964),

Huang Jiadong 黄家东 (fl. ca. 1988), the experimental imagery of Meng Weiwei 孟威威 (b.

1958), and the surrealist images of Yu Haibo 余海波 (b. 1962).556 Yu’s cut-negative photograph in the publication, entitled My World (wo de shijie 我的世界) (Image 5), collaged together separate elements to create what appears to be an homage to interiority, the absurdity of contemporary life, and the disjointed and perhaps even broken paths linking past and present.

The image evokes no singular reading, and absent any critical statement from the artist or editors of the publication, its interpretation is left to the viewer. Such a strategy embodied the editorial direction of the publication, which unlike official publications was not concerned with telling its readers how to view images, and instead letting their meanings swirl in the minds of viewers.

554 Articles such as Bao Kun’s “Strides and Leaps of Freedom: On the Works of Cheng Shouqi” (“ziyou de kua yue: tan Cheng Shouqi de zuopin ⾃由的跨躍：談程綬琦的作品”) explored the role of the artist as a documentarian of the everyday, including banal structures with no evident aesthetic value, in his series Back Windows (hou chuang 後窗) (Image 4). See Bao Kun (1988; 46-47).

555 Interview with Bao Kun, 3 June 2016.

556 Yu is best known as a photojournalist.

186 Although the Shenzhen-based Photography published an array of compelling and innovative imagery and critically reflected upon the work of many international photographers during the two years of its existence, its lasting impact was in the poignant social criticism promoted within its pages. The opening editorial called for a critical approach to contemporary photography that was at once “scholarly, systematic, pluralistic, and avant-garde.”557 Following this ambitious opening, Photography would come to embody a “new way of thinking” about the role of images within society. (kaitou de hua 1). Yet despite, or perhaps more accurately because of its merits, the journal ceased publication after the events of 1989.

Beyond Photography: Documenting the Social Symbolic

The events of 1989 were both an historical turning point, and a crucial bridge linking two intricately connected historical moments - the New Era embodied by humanist social documentary photography on the one hand, and the post-1989 cultural world, in which photographic practice fragmented in numerous directions. Many of those who photographed the protests, such as Li Xiaobin, quietly withdrew from the public eye for nearly a decade afterwards.558

By the early 1990s, the photo publications dominant in previous decades were increasingly irrelevant to young photographers, as many sought a complete break from the

557 The original text reads: “學術，系統，多元，前衛”. Much like within the rest of the art world of the 1980s, photographers began to challenge the narratives promoted within official publications. See also Andrews (1995).

558 From 1989 until 2002 Li worked at the Association of Chinese Writers. Interview with Li Xiaobin, 2 June 2016, at his home in Beijing. Bao Kun, as previously noted, took up a career in advertising. See above, p. 11. Additionally, Wu Hung has argued that after Tiananmen, artists “were transformed from soldiers in a heroic struggle into lone individuals facing an alien world.” (Wu Hung 2009; 295).

187 official publishing system.559 Their art and imagery circulated instead within unofficial (minjian

民间) contexts, and among friends in the contemporary art world. For example, Li Xiaobin would show his work to friends in private, but did not exhibit it publicly.560 This disconnection from the official cultural establishment meant that they could showcase (though not formally exhibit or publish) critically oriented and politically poignant work at this tragic historical juncture.561 In particular, photographs of the 1989 political protests remained hidden from public view for decades afterwards, with many of the most prominent views of the protests coming from international photojournalists.562

Yet how does one capture the intensity of the political in a photograph, and the broader historical structures which underlie it?563 In the case of Li Xiaobin, light became a defining motif in his powerful image of the square during the protests, entitled The Lifeline of Tiananmen

Square at Night, 1989 (89 Tiananmen guangchang zhi ye shengmingxian 89天安门⼴场之夜⽣

命线) (Image 7) of the student movement.564 Taken from the roof of the Museum of Chinese

History (Zhongguo lishi bowuguan 中国历史博物馆), where he had worked since the mid

1970s, Li’s long exposure image captures the intensity of the square, as individuals ferried

559 Interview with Wang Ningde 6 November 2013, and interview with Mo Yi, 1 December 2013.

560 Interview with Li Xiaobin, 2 June 2016.

561 Interview with Li Xiaobin, 2 June 2016.

562 This includes Jeff Widener’s (b. 1956) famous Tank Man photograph (Image 6). Xu Yong’s series of photographs from 1989, entitled Negatives, has only recently been published. See Xu Yong (2015).

563 For an analysis of the concept of "political intensity” in 20th century China, see Dutton (2012).

564 The image has yet to be published, though among all of his photographs, Li holds this one in the highest regard. Interview with the artist at his home in Beijing, 2 June 2016.

188 supplies to the encamped students.565 Rapid movement, unending flows, pulsing lights, monumental spaces - defining characteristics of urban modernism and political engagement.

Stretching time, the image screams like a pulsing red vein straight through the heart of the body politic.

All of Li’s images are intensely symbolic, and evocative of the profound social upheaval of the New Era. His work from the 1980s and 1990s explored a wide array of themes, and often touched upon the rapid consumerisation of society. In one image taken at the southern end of

Wangfujing, the first major commercial artery in Beijing during the 1980s, we see a giant Sony billboard advertising televisions and stereos, in what Li claims is the first large billboard featuring Japanese products in contemporary China (Image 8). Another image from over a decade later (Image 9), from a series of images depicting economic development in Shanghai, shows a man walking in front of another giant billboard, this time advertising Budweiser beer. In the image, an army of ants marches forward, carrying bottles of Budweiser back to their colony, as a curious passerby stares into the lens. This focus on the commercialisation of society linked the pre- and post-1989 moment, and while not necessarily critical of economic development, does highlight the profound changes then taking place in the economy.

Despite the resolute failure of the student movement to overturn the prevailing political order and rectify economic disparities, as well as the very real precarity experienced by many in the countryside, many continued to pursue a critical humanist cultural politics.566 Though there is

565 Li’s danwei gave him unprecedented access to the area, as his family home (both then and now) lies in a small lane to the east of Tianamnen, next to the Supreme Court of the People’s Republic of China (Zhonghua renmin gongheguo zui gao renmin fayuan 中华⼈民共和国最⾼⼈民法院). His job at the museum gave him access to the roof, from which he was able to take such a monumental, and seemingly forbidden, image of the square.

566 See Zhang Xudong (1997 & 2008). See also Chen & Jin (1997), and Gong Haomin (2010). On the distinction between rural and urban fashions, identity, and self-representation during the reform era, see Lei Guang (2003).

189 a general perception that the intellectual and cultural world withdrew into depoliticised and commercialised silos of specialisation567, there was once again a blurring of productive boundaries, as had been the case throughout the late 1970s and early 1980s among photographers.

Despite the closure of the journal Photography, and the diminished presence of critical documentary realism, many working as photojournalists continued to pursue their own personal styles. Though the work of photographers such as Li Xiaobin remained unpublished for decades, others more saw publication as early as a year later, as the party further entrenched its power, and the economy continued its upward march. In a critique of the particular temporality of development, emerging as a rebuttal of the New Enlightenment movement of the 1980s, the work of Qiu Xiaoming 邱晓明 (fl. ca. late 1980s and early 1990s) can be seen as part of the wider critique of reform era economic policies, which formed a critical component of the student movement (Image 10).568 In his work, entitled Hope (xiwang 希望), which was shot in 1989 but not published until 1991, listless figures, intensely rugged yet somehow also frail and withering,

567 For Xu Jilin, it was a period when: “thinkers faded out and academicians came to prominence” (sixiangjia danchu, xuewenjia tuchu 思想家淡出，学问家凸出”). See Xu Jilin (1998; 182). Xu also argued that many in the 1990s thought the New Enlightenment Movement a purely rhetorical and non-scholarly enterprise, and as a result, the "academic style" it produced was "superficial" (fuzao 浮躁) and “vacuous" (kongshu 空疏). As such, scholars simply gave up on the vague promises of "enlightened reason" and pursued rigourous, "specialized scholarly research.”

568 Ding Zunxin 丁遵新 wrote widely on the “photographic enlightenment” (sheying qishi 摄影启⽰). See Ding Zunxin (1993 & 1989). Wang Yichuan has also written of the shift in the early 1990s from a focus on enlightenment politics to the overt commercialisation of the broader cultural field. See Wang Yichuan (1996). In a review of Li Zehou’s magisterial Historical Essays on Modern Chinese Thought (Zhongguo jindai sixiang shilun 中国近代思想史论) for dushu in early 1988, which the scholar Li Yao 李遥 entitled “The Price of History” (“Lishi de daijia 历史的代价”), the influence of enlightenment thought in China was seen to embody the entire 20th century. Li explored the notion that the history of modern China was typified by the pursuit of “enlightenment and salvation” (qimeng yu jiuwang 启蒙与救亡), and argued that this was the case as much for the May Fourth era intellectuals as it was for those who led the communist party, and continued to define the intellectual criticism of the Reform Era (Li Yao 31). For an analysis of the internationalisation of enlightenment thought, see Conrad (2012).

190 are documents of underdevelopment and allegories of the frailty of the labouring body.569 More significantly, they also embody the disconnect between rural and urban life, as much of Qiu's work in Shaanxi documented rural rustication and the everyday lives of rural farmers.570 The critic Dou He ⾖⽲ (fl. ca. 1991), in an article entitled “Life, Reality,

Enlightenment” (“Shenghuo, xianshi, qimeng ⽣活，現實，啟蒙”)571, situated Qiu’s documentary series Hope (Xiwang 希望) within the tumult of the era, and lamented the loss

(shiluo 失落) of the idealism of the previous era.572 The image was initially included in the 1988 national photo competition An Arduous Journey (Jianju licheng 艰巨历程),573 under the title

“The Elders of Central Shaanxi, Number 6” (“Guanzhong fulao zhi liu 关中⽗⽼之六”). The exhibition, which opened in March 1988 at the National Art Museum of China, explored how photography and society had changed within China from 1949 until 1987,574 and in particular

569 For a critical appraisal of the relationship between national allegories and the photographic representation of labour, see Edwards (1996).

570 See Hu Wugong, Hou Dengke, & Qiu Xiaoming (2002).

571 Enlightenment was incorrectly translated into English in the publication as ‘initiation’, though there was a clear reference to the New Enlightenment Thought of the late 1980s.

572 Dou He (1991; 52). Qiu was a member of the Shaanxi Photo Group (Shaanxi sheying qunti 陕西摄影群体), and is perhaps best known for his collaborative project with fellow Shaanxi photographers Hou Dengke 侯登科 (1950-2003) and Hu Wugong 胡武功 (b. 1949), the leader of the group, on the documentary series Walled City (Sifang cheng 四⽅城), shot in Xi’an in 1997. He also collaborated with the photographer and critic Pan Ke 潘科. Hou Dengke is best known for his lengthy series Wheat Hands (Maike 卖客), discussed below, and produced throughout the late 1980s and 1990s, with images appearing in a wide array of publications, though the completed project was not published until 2000. See Hou Dengke (2000).

573 A collection of winning images from the exhibition was published in Jianju licheng (1988). A recent retrospective exhibition which looked back at the role of “An Arduous Journey” within the history of Chinese photography was held in Xi’an in April 2017, and was curated by Pan Ke 潘科 (b. 1953) and Dong Jun 董钧 (b. 1982). Titled “An Arduous Journey”: 30th Anniversary Scholarly Exhibition (Jianju licheng: 30 zhounian xueshu zhan 艰巨历程：30 周年学术展), the event brought together scholars, critics, and photographers from around China. For more see Liu Shuang (2017).

574 See jianju licheng (1988) and Na Risong (2012).

191 highlighted how critics of the reform era reconsidered previously banned and unpublished imagery.575

The exhibition helped foster a debate about the role of previously banned historical photographs in both mediating historical memory, and in documenting the truth about historical experience. Images from the Great Leap Forward and Cultural Revolution, which even in the relatively liberal environment of the 1980s were generally considered taboo, helped foster a debate about the role of photography in documenting the negative externalities of social, economic, and political change. A few months earlier, in December 1987, a little-known photojournalist from northern China named Li Zhensheng 李振盛 (b. 1940) submitted 20 images taken during the Cultural Revolution in Harbin to the same competition, under the heading “Let

History Tell the Future” (rang lishi gaosu weilai 让历史告诉未来). These powerful images

(Image 11) told a more nuanced story of political upheaval than most individuals in China had thus far seen in photographic form. Originally taken for the Heilongjiang Daily (Heilongjiang ribao ⿊龙江⽇报), though for the most part hidden away for over a decade as they were deemed too controversial to publish, they captured both the joy and fervour of the early months of the Cultural Revolution in the autumn of 1966, as well as the darker, more pernicious side of

575 The exhibition also featured Li Xiaobin’s widely celebrated photograph Petitioner (Shangfangzhe 上访者), which was first seen by the public during the previous year at the exhibition “Ten Years in an Instant” (shi nian yi shunjian ⼗年⼀瞬间), which opened on the symbolic date of 5 April 1986, also at the National Art Museum of China. The exhibition was symbolic insofar as it commemorated the ten-year development of photography in China since those who went on to form the April Photo Society first took to Tiananmen Square on 5 April 1976, to document the mass mourning of Premier Zhou Enlai.

192 Mao’s political experiment. These photographs shocked audiences, and won Li first prize in the competition.576

While none of these photographs embodied the sort of conceptual photography that would later define the scene in China, they were nonetheless driven primarily by ideas about the role of photography within society. Neither proleptic nor pessimistic, they embodied the

Enlightenment ideals of a generation for whom the liberalisation of thought and culture was the primary motive. The noted historian and scholar Ding Zunxin’s book A Record of Photography’s

Successful Enlightenment (Sheying chenggong qishi lu 摄影成功启⽰录) published in 1993, embodied this progressive vision.577 One of the key texts examining the history of photography after Mao, the book discusses the April 5th movement in great detail, focusing on the “sense of responsibility" (zerengan 责任感) exhibited by many of the young photographers of the era.578

Photography, for Ding, should be a progressive cultural pursuit, and photographers had the responsibility to both truthfully document social change, while also producing art that would inspire critical reflection.579 Although other photographers embodied this visual trajectory, they

576 Later that year, in December 1988, the exhibition “Contact: Photojournalism Since Vietnam” (Lianxi: Yuenan yilai de xinwensheying 联系：越南以来的新闻摄影) was held at the National Museum of History. It was there that Li Zhensheng first met with Robert Pledge of Contact Press Images, and initiated discussions about his now celebrated Red-Color News Soldier project. See Li Zhensheng (2003).

577 The book contains sections on a photographers path to success (sheyingjia chenggong zhi lu 摄影家成功之路), the profound mysteries of photographic production (sheying chuangzuo de aomi 摄影创作的奥秘), and trends in the development of the photographic arts (sheying yishu fazhan quxiang 摄影艺术发展趋向). While this typological approach to representing the “success” of photography in enlightening a new generation might seem somewhat trite, it was nonetheless quite influential within photography circles in the mid 1990s - particularly the generation who were working in the late 1970s and 1980s.

578 Ding Zunxin (1993; 4).

579 Ibid, 4-5. Ding noted that this was the case for photographers such as Wang Miao and Wang Wenlan, and in particular had embodied the work produced during the April Fifth Movement.

193 were at the time disconnected from the official cultural establishment.580 Perhaps the most iconic of these figures was Mo Yi, discussed in the previous chapter, whose images and career spanned this crucial transitional divide, though being based in Tianjin meant that he was generally at a distance from the key cultural debates of the period.581

While critically-oriented documentary photography and photojournalism in China was on the ascendency in the 1990s,582 particularly with the work of Zhang Haier 张海⼉, which oscillates between grippingly gritty avant-garde depictions of everyday life and international photojournalism, they were few and far between.583 Rong Rong has praised Zhang Haier as an artist whose work depicts a form of “self-awakening” (ziwo juexing ⾃我觉醒), and whose images concoct a profound melancholy with his own “peculiar voice” (yiyang de shengyin 异样

的声⾳).584 By the late 1980s and early 1990s, Hou Dengke was in the process of producing his seminal documentary series Wheat Hands (Maike 麦客) (Images 12, 13 and 14), which

580 Not all conceptual and abstract work was excised from official publications, as traces of differing trajectories of conceptual photography lingered in some publications throughout the 1990s. For an early example, see the conceptually oriented work of Guo Jianshe 郭建设 (b. 1959), with his series embodying the free-spirited ideals of the 1980s entitled Explore (Tansuo 探索), in Zhongguo sheying jia 中国摄影家 (Chinese Photographers) Vol. 1 (1990), 4-6.

581 Mo Yi was briefly a student of Bao Kun at the Tianjin Academy of Fine Arts (Tianjin meishu xueyuan 天津美术学院) in the early 1990s. Interview with Bao Kun, 17 March 2015 at his home in Beijing.

582 For an analysis of trends within documentary photography in the 1990s, see Gu Zheng (2008).

583 Many texts produced for aspiring photographers and photojournalists were well-meaning, but relatively topical affairs. For an example, see Jiang Duo 蒋铎 (1996). This is despite a rather robust discussion of the role of photojournalism in documenting social change that took place in the late 1970s and early 1980s. For more, see chapters 1 and 2. By the end of the 1990s, more critically oriented texts on photojournalism and news photography would emerge, including Han Congyao’s 韩丛耀 (b. 1957) lengthy prescriptive text Studies in News Photography (Xinwen sheying xue 新闻摄影学) (1998).

584 Xin jiangou (2013; 12).

194 examined the lives of migrant workers in central China and the hardship of rural labour,585 though its publication would not come until a decade later in 2000.586 Another long-term documentary project which would see its completion much later was Wang Wenlan’s 王⽂澜 (b.

1953) poignant exploration of the relationship between the bicycle and the individual in modern

China, Life With Bicycles (Zixingche de rizi ⾃⾏车的⽇⼦) (Image 15), which examined this ubiquitous facet of everyday life from the 1950s through to the 2000s.587 The period also saw the dispersion of documentary photojournalism, as photographers for official news agencies were increasingly sent abroad on assignment and began publishing their work in monograph format.

There were numerous documentary photographers producing excellent work, such as Lu

Yuanmin 陆元敏 (b. 1950), who captured scenes from everyday life in Shanghai,588 and Zeng

Huang 曾璜 (ﬂ. ca. 1985-present), who worked for Xinhua589 in the 1990s, and began publishing texts documenting global conflict.590

By the mid 1990s, an array of discussions centring around the more independent and individualistic critical realism of contemporary documentary photography emerged. Authors such as Xiao Hong 萧泓 (ﬂ. ca. 1994) primarily valourised the role of the artist as documentarian of the quotidian, rather than either photojournalist or conceptually oriented social critic

585 The unpaginated introduction by the photographer examined his experience photographing these migrant workers in detail. See “wo pai ‘maike’ 我拍’卖客’” (“I photograph ‘Wheat Hands’”) in Hou Dengke (2000).

586 See Hou Dengke (2000), which contains hundreds of candid photographs, and numerous texts by the photographer exploring his time with these migrant workers. The book was also edited by Li Mei of Modern Photo.

587 See Wang Wenlan (2004). The book is translated on the cover as Life With Bicycles. Wang has produced multiple excellent photobooks over the years, which merit further research and analysis.

588 See Na Risong (1998).

589 A photojournalist for Xinhua, and a member of RAPID (Reaction Team for International Events at Xinhua News Agency) (Xinhuashe guoji redian kuaisu fanying baodao xiaozu 新华社国际热点快速反应报道⼩组).

590 See Zeng Huang (1995).

195 attempting to deconstruct dominant modes of visuality. In his analysis of the documentary realism of Jiang Jian 姜健 (b. 1953), Xiao Hong examined his individuality and independence as a photographer, and his ability to capture the more mundane aspects of everyday life.591 Jiang

Jian was one of the few early photographers to produce more critically oriented documentary work, which would stress the serial nature of the genre, and its relation to the broader intellectual and cultural politics to which it was connected.592 Outside of photographic circles, conceptually- oriented art and criticism was beginning to thrive, as artists such as Xu Bing 徐冰 (b. 1955) and

Huang Yongping 黄永砯 (b. 1954), and critics such as Fei Dawei 费⼤为 (b. 1954) and Gao

Minglu ⾼名潞 (b. 1949) sought to bring about “a challenge not only to existing art practices, but also existing methods of interpretation.”593 As a means of destabilising the representational hegemony of major publications, these individuals saw conceptual art as “a global artistic language, a geo-historical phenomenon, a critical attitude, and a smattering of specific mediums, formats, and strategies.”594

Photographic discourse within China shifted markedly in 1994. Specifically, the publication of the Black Cover Book (Hei pi shu ⿊⽪书) by Zeng Xiaojun 曾⼩俊 (b. 1954), Ai

591 Xiao Hong (1994; 31).

592 Ibid, 31.

593 P. Wang (2014; 1). The article provides the most authoritative analysis of the discourse surrounding conceptual art in 1990s China to date.

594 Ibid, 1.

196 Weiwei, and Xu Bing (Image 16).595 The book included translations of the writings of Marcel

Duchamp and Andy Warhol, and included the photographic work of Man Ray, such as his iconic

1923 portrait of Duchamp, Rrose Sélavy (Marcel Duchamp), which was rendered in Chinese as

Duchamp in Drag (Banzhuang de duxiang 扮装的杜⾹) (Image 17). Though the book was self- published and not for sale, as it was simply handed out to a select group of artists (which limited its overall influence), its focus on global trends in conceptual art helped to introduce radically new ways for thinking about artistic production, particularly among the group of artist friends living in the East Village. In an article entitled “Beijing East Village: A Place Where Art

‘Vagrants’ Gather” (“Beijing dongcun: ‘liulang’ yishu jia de juju di 北京東村：’流浪’藝術家的

聚居地”), the anonymous author discussed how the space was initially housed with students from the Central Academy of Fine Arts, though gradually attracted young artists from around the country, including Zhang Huan 张洹 (b. 1965), Ma Liuming 马六明 (b. 1969), and Cang Xin 苍

鑫 (b. 1967).596

New Photo and the Liumang Aesthetic: Documenting the Unrepresentable

After 1989, the depoliticisation of photographic representation led to the emergence of novel forms of imagery within China’s art communities. The early 19990s saw the flourishing of

595 This was followed by the White Cover Book (Bai pi shu ⽩⽪书) in 1995, edited by Zeng Xiaojun and Ai Weiwei (with considerable contributions from Zhuang Hui 庄辉, b. 1963), and finally the Grey Cover Book (Hui pi shu 灰⽪书) in 1997, edited by Zeng Xiaojun and Ai Weiwei (again with considerable contributions from Zhuang Hui). Mo Yi was given a set by Ai Weiwei, however not until well over a decade after the Black Book was first published. Interview with Mo Yi, 4 March 2014.

596 Zeng Xiaojun, Ai Weiwei & Xu Bing (1994; 154).

197 artist communities, most notably in Beijing, where young experimental artists gathered in spaces such as the East Village (dongcun 东村) and Yuanmingyuan 圆明园 in Beijing.597 It was in artist communities such as these that contemporary photography in China was born.598 Visual representations of individual identity began to appear in the East Village, the most notable of which was Ma Liuming’s fen, Ma Liuming images, photographed by Xing Danwen 邢丹⽂ (b.

1967), and depicting Ma’s transgender identity,(Image 18). This recalibration of visual experience focused on the representation of individual experience and site-specific observation.

Emblematic of this shift in photographic practice, the painter Huang Yan 黄岩 (b. 1966) turned to urban ruins to to capture traces of disappearance in his series Collection Series, Demolition of

Buildings (shoucang xilie・chaiqian jianzhu 收藏系列・拆遷建築) (Image 19), when he photographed rubbings (tapian 拓⽚)599 he made of buildings in Changchun that were in the process of being demolished, and published them in the Black Cover Book in 1994.600 The

597 See Wu Hung (2013). This was well before the founding of the 798 Art District in Beijing, and 50 Moganshan Road 莫⼲⼭路 in Shanghai.

598 Wu Hung (2013; 7). There was naturally a wide array of arresting imagery produced around the country. For a detailed study of photography in Guangdong, see Gong Yuan (2008). For experimental art in the 1990s and early 2000s, particularly among this group of artists, see Berghuis (2004), notably for an analysis of the exhibition Fuck Off (Bu hezuo fangshi 不合作⽅式, lit. “An Uncooperative Approach”). It was in the East Village that Ai Weiwei cultivated a network of young artists, and collaborated on projects with artists such as Feng Boyi 冯博⼀, the most notable of which was the production of the Black Book (Hei pi shu ⿊⽪书), which for the first time published Ai Weiwei’s photographic works 1994.6 (Liu yue 六⽉), Dropping of a Han Dynasty Urn (Shi shou 失⼿), and A Study in Perspective (Toushi 透视). While there is a general perception that the Black, White, and Grey books introduced much avant-garde art into China, this had been going on for well over a decade, beginning with Overseas Fine Art Materials. The black, white, grey cover books discussed in detail in Lee Ambrozy’s introduction to Ai Weiwei’s blog. See Ai Weiwei (2011; xx), as well as in Tung (2017).

599 The artist described the rubbings using the term tayin 拓印.

600 See Zeng Xiaojun, Ai Weiwei & Xu Bing (1994; 99-100). The representation of the illusory nature of the modern urban experience was not unique to the artists of Beijing's art communities or Mo Yi, as the work of Xu Demin 许德民 also explored this theme, in “Explaining the Dream: The Feeling of the City and the Accidental Life” in Zhongguo sheyingjia 中国摄影家 (Chinese Photographers) Vol. 4 (1990).

198 marketisation of society after Deng Xiaoping’s Southern Tour in the early 1990s and the collapse of the danwei 单位 system produced social dislocations and a reshuffling of urban life.601

Abandoning their danwei and eking out a meagre financial existence, many young artists spent their days creating art and socialising with friends - disconnected from the world around them, and above all from politics.602

This generation of photographers, such as that of Rong Rong in the East Village, became self-proclaimed drifters (liumang 流氓),603 upended and unrooted from space and place, with neither a politics nor a market to guide their counter-cultural creativity.604 Their solace was their aggressive withdrawal into their newfound sense of community;605 and their work has had an

601 For a detailed analysis of the history of the danwei system, see Bray (2005) and Wang Jun (2011).

602 Interview with Rong Rong, 5 April 2015. For the cultural historian Geremie Barmé, the malaise which overcame the cultural world in the early 1990s was a form of “terminal turmoil,” in which “existence and illusion - or everyday life and political posturing,” produced an existential and psychological shattering of social and cultural relations (Barmé 1999; 62)

603 Rong Rong & Inri (2006; 5).

604 Wu Hung (1999; 114). A thorough overview of Rong Rong’s photographs and personal recollections of the East Village can be found in Wu Hung’s book Rong Rong’s East Village (Rong Rong de dongcun 荣荣的东村) (2013). See also Wang Jifang’s 汪继芳 excellent book The Last Romantics of the 20th Century: A Factual Record of the Lives of Beijing’s Independent Artists (20 shiji zuihou de langman: Beijing ziyou yishujia shenghuo shilu 20世纪最后的浪漫：北京⾃由艺术家⽣活实录) (1999).

605 One of the films that captured this cultural withdrawal and malaise was Wu Wenguang’s 吴⽂光 (b. 1956) documentary Bumming in Beijing: The Last Dreamers (Liulang Beijing: zuihou mengxiangzhe 流浪北京：最后梦想者). Wu filmed the transient lives of an array of young artists, including Zhang Dali 张⼤⼒ (b. 1963), who was then a graffiti artist. Wu’s documentary eschewed standard cinematographic conventions, and adopted a more rugged form of xianchang (on the spot) filming. For more, see Reynaud (2010).

199 enduring influence on contemporary art in China, not the least of which was due to the fact that they eschewed the political-ideological aesthetic so in vogue in at the time.606

This approach to photography evolved out of a general skepticism concerning both the nature of contemporary society, and how it was represented within the photographic arts of the period. 607 The figures of the artists, and their often impecunious environs, was the locus of their self-reflection, and became both medium and object of visual reflection. This was particularly the case for Rong Rong, whose explorations of his lived environment provide a powerful document of the everyday lives of liulang generation of artists (Images 20 & 21). This focus on drifting, unhinged bodies was a prominent motif of the self-professed liumang generation, and would define the detached, withdrawn aesthetic of this generation of young photographers. Rong Rong captured these scenes after the East Village was demolished, in his new home in Beijing's

Liulitun 六⾥屯, also in east Beijing.

Many of his images from the period are about nothing in particular: we see images of a table littered with food and empty beer bottles - an homage to the feast and lively discussions of a dinner party that has since passed (Image 22); cats playing around the house, and perhaps most tellingly, the production of one of the more important photo publications of the 1990s - New

Photo (Xin sheying 新摄影) (Image 23).608

606 Interview with Rong Rong, 4 June 2016. See also Wu Hung (199; 114-116). Another such photographer was Han Lei 韩磊 (b. 1967), who worked alongside Li Na at Modern Photo (Xiandai sheying 现代摄影) in Shenzhen. Han’s work appeared in many issues of the publication, for which he was also the designer. His documentary images capture a certain alienation (shuli 疏离) from society. See xin jiangou (2013; 12), as after leaving the magazine Han Lei roamed the countryside, moving from place to place and documenting the vagaries of everyday life as a self- appointed drifter.

607 Interview with Rong Rong, 5 April 2015.

608 See Rong Rong & Inri (2006), which includes a wide array of images from Rong Rong’s time in Liulitun, and which features short essays by Wu Hung and Ai Weiwei.

200 In 1996, Rong Rong 荣荣 and Liu Zheng 刘铮609 founded the magazine New Photo, which along with Photography and Modern Photo was among the first journals which showcased the sort of independent avant-garde photography which eschewed simplistic and reductive conceptions of the role of photography within the arts. Despite its influence, only four issues were produced during the short-lived existence of the journal, from 1996-1997. Privately funded by Rong Rong and Liu Zheng themselves, and with a print run of only 20-30 copies per issue, 610 the magazine was a simple collation of photocopied prints, with works drawn from and distributed among their small community of artist friends (Image 24).611

Written by Liu Zheng, the inaugural preface outlined the rationale for the publication and discussed its historical influences. New Photo was not concerned with “excluding any particular style of photography” (paichi renhe xingshi de sheying fangshi 排斥任何形式的摄影⽅式), and the editors were neither interested in developing a new style that would be “unique” (dushuyizhi

独树⼀帜) to China, nor in adopting “an abnormal photographic attitude” (jixing sheying taidu

609 At the time, Liu was a photojournalist for the Worker’s Daily (Gongren ribao ⼯⼈⽇报), though he would soon give up his job at the newspaper to focus on his personal photography full time.

610 Interview with Rong Rong, 4 June 2016, and interview with Liu Zheng, 31 May 2016.

611 After the first few photocopies were made, Rong Rong realised that their A4 (8.27 x 11.7) size printed copies were too small and lacked the visual impact they were hoping for, so suggested that they increase the size to A3 (12 x 17) (Interview with Rong Rong, 4 June 2016). For the later three issues they solicited images from photographers around the country through their network of friends.

201 畸形摄影态度).612 Rather, the editors wished to call into being the “essence” or “spirit of photography” (sheying jingshen 摄影精神) that would enable them to explore the

“soul” (linghun 灵魂) of the medium in China. In explaining the rationale for the publication,

Liu outlined three key historical markers of modern photography. The first was pictorialism, or

“pictorial photography” (huayi sheying 画意摄影), and the “literati form” (wenren xingtai ⽂⼈

形态) adopted by many in China and widely promoted in the photographic press.613 He then critiqued Henri Cartier-Bresson’s (Buliesong 布列松) “distorted understanding” (waiqu de lijie

歪曲的理解) of the medium and the general fashion for “documentary photography” (jishi sheying 纪实摄影) in China.614 While praising Cartier-Bresson for adeptly reworking traditional concepts of light and shadow (chiaroscuro), and upending standard compositional rules, Liu nonetheless saw his influence on Chinese photography as restricting, as most had adopted the style of photojournalists in uncritically capturing candid, aestheticised “moments” (shunjian 瞬

间).615 Third, Liu criticised the perception that China should “go towards the world” (zouxiang shijie ⾛向世界), a phrase widely touted at the time, and specifically singled out World Press

612 Liu Zheng (2007; 1). Reprint of the original 1996 version of New Photo. For the 10 year anniversary of New Photo and the opening of the Three Shadows Photography Art Centre (San ying tang sheying yishu zhongxin 三影堂摄影艺术中⼼) in Beijing in 2006, a high-quality reissue of all four volumes of the publication was produced, entitled New Photo: 10 Years (Xin sheying: 10 nian 新摄影：10年), along with a highly informative catalogue, including a detailed scholarly appraisal of its historical import by Wu Hung, and a series of interviews with key figures from the publication.

613 Ibid, 1. This was one of the primary critiques of the editors of Photography, and to a lesser extent Modern Photo. A photojournalist by trade, Liu was exceptionally critical of such proscriptive and reductive ways of image making as was generally required of photojournalists. For an example, see Han Congyao (1998) and Jiang Duo (1996).

614 Ibid, 1.

615 Ibid, 1.

202 Photo (hesai 荷赛) for promoting the international homogenisation of photographic representation.616

Liu Zheng therefore directly opposed the sort of photography promoted by the April

Photo Society. Thus he sought a radical break with the earlier generation of documentary humanist photographers, whom he saw as “naïve” (youzhi 幼稚).617 He instead advocated for a type of “personalised photography” (rengehua sheying ⼈格化摄影),618 and not the slavish,

“deliberate imitation” (keyi mofang 刻意模仿) of Western photojournalism or surrealism so in vogue among young photographers in China during the late 1980s.619 Arguing that throughout

Chinese history, a feudal consciousness had “smothered the spiritual value” of the Chinese people, and seriously “alienated and distorted” (yihua he niuqu 异化和扭曲) individual subjectivity, Liu felt that many were unable to apprehend the nature of “real life” (xianshi shenghuo 现实⽣活).620 Liu further argued that New Photo did not represent a new stylistic

616 Ibid, 1. There was a certain nativist undertone to Liu’s writing, epitomised by his series The Chinese (Guoren 国⼈), a long term project in the style of ‘native place’ (xiangtu 乡⼟) photography.

617 Ibid, 1.

618 Ibid, 1. The phrase could also be translated as ‘anthropomorphic photography’, though this was not Liu’s original intent.

619 Ibid, 1. Most notable among this group of surrealist photographers were Gu Dayan 古⼤彦 and Yu Haibo 余海波 (b. 1962), whose work appeared in multiple publications in the late 1980s and early 1990s. Three photographs of Yu Haibo, entitled Regression (Huigui 回归), The Void (Tianwen 天问), and Dialogue (Duihua 对话) (Image 25) appeared in Zhongguo sheying 中国摄影 (Chinese Photography) Vol. 1 (1989), 33. Yu’s work Dialogue had previously appeared in the publication Photography in 1989 as My World. See image 5 in this chapter. For more on Yu’s work, see Li Nan (2013; 80-93). Li Nan’s excellent book examines a wide array of contemporary photographers, along with their historical and visual influences.

620 Ibid, 1. Liu argued that artists needed “freedom of creation” (ziyou de chuangzao ⾃由的创造) if they were to reflect contemporary social relations, and that their work should not be guided by predetermined political frameworks or artistic trends.

203 “branch or category" (fenzhi huo menlei 分⽀或门类) for photography, but rather embodied a return to the original essence of photography, as “the only true means of dialogue in the world” (shijie weyi zhencheng de duihua fangshi 世界唯⼀真诚的对话⽅式).621 In “getting rid of all vulgar concepts” (baituo le yiqie yongsu guannian 摆脱了⼀切庸俗观念), New Photo was to represent all that was "pure" (chuncui 纯粹) about photography, which could directly represent the human experience in an unmediated, apolitical, and intrinsically personal manner.

New Photo was to be, quite literally, a new beginning for photography in China, and the publication was dedicated to the “friends of idealism” (lixiang zhuyi de pengyoumen 理想主义的

朋友们).622 The first issue included works by Liu Zheng, from his now celebrated and iconic series The Chinese (Guoren 国⼈), which he began working on in 1995, including his photograph Convicts Fetching Water, Baoding, Hebei Province (dashui de qiufan 打⽔的囚犯), which was featured on the cover of the first issue (Image 26).623 Rong Rong has argued that this marked the first departure from the standard representational format for documentary photography in China,624 though as I have previously indicated in chapter 3, Mo Yi’s works from the late 1980s presented an earlier, and equally critical social document of the body politic. Mo

Yi had submitted his photographs to Rong Rong and Liu Zheng for New Photo in 1997, entitled

Front and Back, That Day, Remembering June 4th (zhengmian he beimian・nage rizi, jinian 6.4

621 Ibid, 1.

622 Ibid, 2.

623 He denies that he was influenced by Robert Frank’s series The Americans (Interview with the artist, 31May 2016 in Beijing), though the affinities with Frank’s earlier project are certainly evident.

624 Interview with Rong Rong at Three Shadows Photography Art Centre in Beijing, 4 June 2016.

204 正⾯和背⾯・那个⽇⼦，纪念6.4) (Image 27), but related that at the time “they didn’t understand or like these works” (tamen bu mingbai huo xihuan zhe xie zuopin 他们不明⽩或喜

欢这些作品).625

In presenting work to Liu Zheng and Rong Rong, Mo Yi referenced the notion of the postmodern as his primary influence, noting that these works were “the only [examples] of postmodern photography before the year 2000” (2000 nian qian Zhongguo weiyi de houxiandai zhuyi sheying 2000年前中国唯⼀的后现代主义摄影).626 Although Mo Yi was not a close reader of postmodern theory, the concept had previously appeared in a variety of photographic publications over the previous decade;627 in these publications, it was seen to embody work that was somehow more avant-garde and conceptually-oriented - even if only vaguely so.628 Liu

Zheng and Rong Rong were also not close readers of theory.629 Therefore they did not take a specifically academic approach towards their publication, though they did have an eye for work which embodied the ideals of the avant-garde, and promoted anti-formalist, genre bending work that went against current trends in the field.

In New Photo, Rong Rong and Liu Zheng published work that was driven by a sense of personal experience and institutional autonomy.630 Among the many photographers whose work

625 Interview with Mo Yi at his studio in Caochangdi, 9 October 2014.

626 Interview with Mo Yi, 9 October 2014. Mo Yi, 1990s (90 niandai 90年代), powerpoint presented given to author.

627 Interview with Mo Yi, 9 October 2014. See also Li Yuan (1986 B; 36-38), and chapter 2, p. 21.

628 Mo Yi gave Rong Rong and Liu Zheng a series of works all linked together on one long strip, which he felt represented a postmodernist take on standard forms of display.

629 Interview with Rong Rong, 4 June 2016.

630 On the emergence of unofficial art in the early 1990s, see Hou Hanru (1996). Other photographers and artists, such as Li Mangye 李茫野, explored their own personal worlds in seclusion from the broader arts community. See Li Mangye (1991).

205 was showcased in the journal, the expressionistic photography of Jin Yongquan embodied sense of detachment, and conveyed obscure and seemingly scenes suspicious scenes of everyday life

(Images 28 & 29). The photographs of Wang Xu 王旭 (fl. ca. 1996) explore similar themes, though evoke the desolation and emptiness of urban life in a more immediate, forceful manner

(Images 30 & 31). In their works, each of these photographers embodied the solemn, quiet, seemingly withdrawn moments of everyday life that the editors hoped to capture.631

Yet in 1996, their work was not widely known by international critics and curators.632 By the early and mid 1990s, artists selected for exhibition abroad produced works which directly referenced the tumultuous history of modern China, either as a reaction against the representational regime of radical revolutionary politics, or as a conscious reflection upon and dissection of its proleptic iconography.633 These familiar visual cues were seemingly encoded within the global imaginary, as perceptions of Chinese communism and its attendant visual field spoke directly to the desire of an international art community eager to promote avant-garde reactions to the stultifying and cloistered artistic world during the Maoist era. These familiar visual cues were seemingly encoded within the global imaginary, as perceptions of Chinese communism and its attendant visual field spoke directly to the desire of an international art

631 Jin has also been active in documenting the history of photography in China, and his excellent book Red Flag Studio (Hongqi zhaoxiang guan 红旗照相馆) presents a detailed overview of photography during the Mao era, with a specific focus on the role of photography in documenting social change in the late 1950s, just after the first Five Year Plan. See Jin Yongquan (2014). See also Hu Wugong & Ren Shide (1988).

632 Interview with Rong Rong, 4 June 2016.

633 See Köppel-Yang (2007). The focus on proleptic realism in relation to documentary film is widely discussed in Berry, Lu & Rofel (2010).

206 community eager to promote avant-garde reactions to the stultifying and cloistered artistic world during the Maoist era.634

Furthermore, early discontent among critics in China of the wholesale adoption and promotion of such artistic styles as Political Pop or Cynical Realism (and specifically of oil painting) at the expense of other styles or mediums, was a natural result.635 As Wang Lin argued in 1993, China was seen as a “living fossil of the cold war era” (lengzhan shidai de huohuashi 冷

战时代的活化⽯), while Chinese artists were simply the “product of the Maoist era, and bearers of the burden of ideology” (⽑泽东时代的产物，是意识形态负担的承受者).636 Wang further argued that:

the profound changes in Chinese avant-garde art during the 1990s were not merely a solution to the Mao complex, as removing the burden of ideology has become an inevitable trend, and a fundamental problem of the contemporary Chinese cultural revival. 中国前卫艺术在九⼗年代的深刻变化并不仅仅是⼀个⽑泽东情结的解决，当代中国⽂化复兴的根本问题在意识形态负担的解除已成必然趋势的情况下。637

634 This was specifically the case in the work of Wang Guangyi 王⼴义 (b. 1957). See Gao Minglu (2005).

635 See Wang Lin (1994).

636 Wang Lin (1994; 123). This frustration with the outward representation of contemporary art in China was structured around an East-West dialectic, with the perception that international audiences were solely interested in work which directly reflected the experience of Chinese communism. Wang Lin further argued that the selection of such work valourised the third world status of China, and subsumed its cultural revival (wenhua fuxing ⽂化复兴) under the symbolic imagery of post-cold war cultural politics. See Wang Lin (1994; 124).

637 Wang Lin (1994; 124).

207 While this trend was perhaps the result of the resurgent “Mao fever” (Mao re ⽑热) of the late

1980s and early 1990s,638 a great many artists eschewed politics altogether.639

After 1989, the historical consciousness that compelled an earlier generation to bear witness to the struggle for social and political change was not the primary concern for these young artists.640 For them, the changing urban landscape, the dissolution of the welfare state, and the urban precarity in which they willingly placed themselves became the defining motifs of their work. 641 Among photographers such as Rong Rong, Wang Xu, and Jin Yongquan,

638 See also Wang Jing (1996; 266-267). Michael Dutton examines this curious cultural transformation through a reading of Adorno and Horkheimer’s Dialectic of Enlightenment, by outlining two conceptions of politics: the first is the ‘basis of a political dialectic’ predicated upon the affirmation of individual subjectivity, while the second “grounds the flight of our desires, and as it does, we are in a very Heideggerian way, thrown back into the world of the mundane and the everyday.” (Dutton 2005; 151-152). Thus, the first type uses politics to directly control the individual, while the second subsumes our desire for political participation under the auspices of consumption, transforming it into a politics of distraction. Yet in contemporary China, the dialectic can be seen as a form of struggle, in which intellectuals and cultural figures sought both a ‘struggle for enlightenment’ on the one hand, and the transformation of Mao into a commodity on the other (Dutton 2005; 154). In this direct critique of the commodification of history (and also historical memory), Dutton illuminates how the perpetual subsumption of the political within the throes of modernity leads to an irrevocable sense of disenchantment, for “caught between the Scylla of passion and excess and the Charybdis of alienation and order, China is drawn to the latter, and, as it is, it increasingly faces the dilemma that confronts all liberal democracies, disenchantment.” See Dutton (2005; 167).

639 On the retreat from the political, Li Zehou 李泽厚 and Liu Zaifu’s 刘再复 widely read Farewell to Revolution: Looking back at Twentieth Century China (Gaobie geming: hui wang ershi shiji Zhongguo 告别⾰命：回忘⼆⼗世纪中国) from 1995 provides a detailed appraisal of the failure of political engagement among China’s intellectuals. For a discussion of Li Zehou and Liu Zaifu’s Farewell to Revolution, consult Zou Dang (1996) and Xu Ben’s Disenchanted Democracy: Chinese Cultural Criticism After 1989 (1999). Xu discusses Li and Liu’s book, and its central claim that economic development should be put first, before “personal freedom, social justice, and democratic reform.” Further, “by arguing for putting economic development before the other three stages, the authors unwittingly retreat from their pro-enlightenment position in the 1980s, prioritizing national interest over enlightenment ideals of freedom, justice, and democracy.” See Xu Ben (1999; 182). See also Shendon Hsiao-Peng Lu (1997; 67).

640 Interview with Rong Rong, 4 June 2016.

641 See Wu Hung (2013; 7), Reynaud (2010; 156-158), and Rong Rong & Inri (2006)

208 photographs of isolated photographs of lonely, desolate scenes, and urban ruins,642 captured through the lens the unruly melancholy of youth.643

In the early 1990s, talented photographers active elsewhere in China were also producing compelling and technically sophisticated work, yet have since been ignored within the contemporary photography scene. One such artist was the Tianjin-based photographer Gao

Dapeng ⾼⼤鹏 (fl. ca. late 1980s), whose series Explore (Tansuo 探索) (Image 32) embodied the move towards surrealist conceptual photography in the late 1980s, grounded in a desire to push the boundaries of the medium.644 He continued publishing his surrealist imagery into the

1990s, including a self-portrait embodying an infinite series of recursive self portraits (Image

34). For some unknown reason, Gao never achieved critical acclaim, despite the fact that his images were considerably more original, thought provoking, and technically sophisticated than those of many of his peers. In this context, community counted, and as Gao was not part of the burgeoning contemporary art world of the early and mid 1990s, his work drifted into obscurity.

642 Ruins were perhaps the most prominent motif of the 1990s, as the rapid urbanisation of China’s cities saw the equally rapid destruction of historical buildings. On the historical traces left behind, Ai Weiwei wrote that “Ruins show eclipsed orders that once flourished. Eternal ruins are pieces of deserted land without life, and all possibilities vanish there.” (Ai Weiwei 2006; 27). Original translator unknown. The original text reads: “廢墟，是對曾經的秩序繁榮⽽⾔，永遠的廢墟，可能是指那⽚從來沒有⽣命的⼟地，沒有可能的……” (Ai Weiwei 2006; 30). For more on ruins and contemporary art in China, see Wu Hung (1998 & 2003).

643 They rejected routine lives structured around the stability of the danwei, which in many ways was already fast disappearing from Chinese society by then. Seeking solace in their complete autonomy, they triumphed the idiosyncratic and ephemeral nature of a free, art-centric life. They embodied the critique of the quotidian levied by Walter Benjamin, who in his essay “Left Wing Melancholy” quipped that “to be in a routine means to have sacrificed one’s idiosyncracies.” See Benjamin (2005; 424).

644 For an analysis of Gao’s work, see Ji Nan (1990). Gao’s surrealist images had previously appeared in the 1988 Modern Photo Salon (Image 33). See Yang Xiaoming & Wang Miao (1988; 118-121).

209 Towards the end of the 1990s, a more globalised generation of artists emerged. This new shift in conceptual photography was marked by the images of such artists as Wang Qingsong 王

庆松 (b. 1966), now regarded as one of China's foremost artists, who in 1997 first began producing his staged photography. In Last Supper (zuo hou de wancan 最后的晚餐) (Image 35), the photographer situates himself at the centre of a giant, gaudy feast designed to reflect the seminal Leonardo da Vinci (1452-1519) painting of the same name, as an array of attractive young women flank him. The celebrated video artist Yang Zhenzhong 杨振中 (b. 1968), first began producing photographic work in the mid 1990s as well, and embodied the much darker view of humanity that began to emerge among artists and intellectuals. In a series of three photographs from 1994, entitled Christmas Present (shengdan liwu 圣诞礼物) (Image 36) we are presented with a dark homage to life and death, portraying a lifelike cast of a female breast in front of a fetus encased in glass, as wax candles slowly burn down upon them. As the artist notes in his description of the piece, “On Christmas Day of 1994, a Christmas gift - a wax-moulded breast was presented to a dead infant who was exhibited in the pathological specimen room of a hospital.”645 While a rare topic for photographers, exploring death, pain, and suffering was quite common among performance artists of the period. Another emergent photographer in the 1990s was Miao Xiaochun 缪晓春 (b. 1964), who initially trained as a painter, though he would go on to become the chair of the photography department at the Central Academy of Fine Arts in

Beijing. He first began producing his iconic photographic work in 1999 while he was studying for an MA degree at the Kunsthochschule Kassel, in Germany (Image 37). Miao's series of photographs featuring a mannequin dressed in traditional scholarly robes, though placed in a

645 See http://www.yangzhenzhong.com/?p=174&lang=en

210 markedly different cultural context, was meant to embody both traditional Chinese culture and its loss, though its uncanny depiction in modern Germany highlighted Miao’s own feeling of being a “stranger to modern life.”646

The influential critic Zhu Qi 朱其 (b. 1966) has argued that this work sought to deconstruct and delimit the emergent consumerist tendencies of a more prosperous and innately globalised postsocialist society. These artists were not engaged in the sort of avant-garde conceptual critiques which were so prominent in the early 1990s, as their work “continued to utilise the method of avant-garde photographic imagery which took shape during the previous era, though did not meticulously emphasize the nature of avant-garde photography at all, and focused more on a type of individual cultural self-examination of the state of China’s ‘New

Society’” (沿⽤了先锋摄影在过去形成的影像模式，但并不刻意强调⼀种先锋摄影的性

质，更多的是⼀种个⼈对中国“新社会”状态的⼀种⽂化反省).647 Within the broader intellectual and cultural milieu of the late 1990s, these works developed in tandem with critical appraisals of liberal and neoliberal thought, as prominent public intellectuals of the New Left were increasingly gaining traction abroad, and the representation of pressing social issues was once again at the forefront of the intellectual and cultural world.648

646 Wu Hung (2005; 75).

647 Zhu Qi (2004; 27). Reprinted in Zhu Qi (2014; 120).

648 The prominent academic journal Frontiers (Tianya 天涯) published a series of critical affronts to liberal and neoliberal thought in the spring of 2011, which harkened back to the cultural politics of the 1990s in China. See Xiao Sanmu (2011), who wrote on Xu Jilin’s criticism of liberalism, and one scholar writing under the pseudonym Yang Xing 杨⾏, who argued that “the world of neoliberalism is a foul world indeed.” See Yang Xing (2011; 207).

211 By 1997, the work of this new generation of photographers began to be introduced to an international audience. Organised by Hans van Dijk (1946-2002)649 and curated by Andreas

Schmid, the first major exhibition of this work, entitled,Contemporary Photography from the

People’s Republic of China (Zeitgenossische Fotokunst aus der Volksrepublik China),650 was held in Berlin at the Neuer Berliner Kunstverein from 27 September to 9 November 1997).651 The exhibition included the work of Liu Zheng, Mo Yi, Qiu Zhijie 邱志杰 (b. 1969), An Hong,

Zhuang Hui, Zheng Guogu 郑国⾕ (b. 1970), and many others who would go on to shape the field.652 Yet within China, conceptual photography still lacked the proper theorisation and dedicated curatorial focus that had been given to it by international critics and curators. That would change with a widely lauded exhibition of conceptual of photography in Beijing later that year.

Experimental Narratives: Conceptual Photography as Contemporary Theory

In 1997, China’s first exhibition devoted solely to conceptual photography, New Image:

An Exhibition of Conceptual Photography (xin yingxiang: guannian sheying zhan 新影像：观念

649 Hans van Dijk organised a great many exchanges and exhibitions between European and Chinese photographers, which had a profound influence upon the direction of the photographic arts in China, including the exhibition Celebrations and Celebrities between Thomas Struth (b. 1954) and Luo Yongjin 罗永进 (b. 1960) at CAFA in 1996. It wasn’t until seeing the work of Struth that Luo turned to the architectural photography for which he is now so well known. The Hans van Dijk Archive is available online through the Asia Art Archive, in collaboration with the New Amsterdam Art Consultancy (NAAC) here: http://www.aaa.org.hk/Collection/SpecialCollections/Details/32

650 The Chinese title was given as 來⾃中華⼈民共和國的當代攝影藝術. This was not their first collaboration, as Hans van Dijk, Andreas Schmid, and Jochen Noth curated the China Avantgarde show at the Haus der Kulturen der Welt in Berlin, which opened in January 1993, and subsequently toured numerous galleries and museums in Europe.

651 See Schmid & Xu (1997).

652 Ibid.

212 摄影展),653 was held at the Beijing Theatre.654 Curated by Daozi 岛⼦ (Wang Min 王敏),655yn像

展656 it marked a turning point for photography in China, finally finding its place at the forefront of the bourgeoning contemporary arts scene.657 The exhibition introduced an eager public to the work of twenty conceptual photographers from the mainland, including An Hong 安宏, Huang

Yan ⿈岩, Shi Ruofu 师若夫, Hong Lei 洪磊, Liu Shuyong 刘树勇, Qiu Zhijie 邱志杰, Liu Yan

刘彦, Zhao Bandi 赵半狄, Xu Ruotao 徐若涛, Mo Yi 莫毅, Zhang Peili 张培⼒, and others.658

As a scholar and translator of contemporary philosophy, perhaps best known for his translation of Jean-Francois Lyotard’s The Postmodern Condition: A Report on Knowledge, Daozi endeavoured to move beyond subjective conceptions of relational photographic practice, and to define conceptual photography from a philosophical and theoretical standpoint.659 Daozi was

653 Zhu Qi elsewhere mistakenly gives the name of the exhibition as New Image: An Exhibition of Conceptual Art Photography (xin yingxiang: guannian sheying yishu zhan 新影像：观念摄影艺术展). See Zhu Qi (2004; 17).

654 Daozi (1998; 278).

655 A curator, critic, art theorist, and poet, Daozi is currently a professor in the Department of Fine Arts at Tsinghua University.

656 Zhu Qi elsewhere mistakenly gives the name of the exhibition as New Image: An Exhibition of Conceptual Art Photography (Xin yingxiang: guannian sheying yishu zhan 新影像：观念摄影艺术展) (Zhu Qi 2004; 17).

657 The second exhibition was Images Telling Stories: An Exhibition of China’s New Conceptual Photography (Yingxiang zhi yi: Zhongguo xin guannian sheying yishu zhan 影像志异：中国新观念摄影艺术展) in 1998, curated by Zhu Qi 朱其 at the School of Fine Arts at Shanghai University. While Zhu Qi published an article in a small pamphlet as part of the exhibition, entitled “A Stranger’s Eyes: Chinese Conceptual Photography” (Mosheng ren de yanjing: Zhongguo guannian shying, 陌⽣⼈的眼睛：中国观念摄影), I have been unable to obtain a copy, including from Zhu Qi himself. For a retrospective analysis of the exhibition and its influence, and a brief outline of the rise of conceptual photography in China, see Zhu Qi (2015).

658 See Daozi (1998; 278-294).

659 Interview with Daozi, 5 March 2015, at his office at the Department of Fine Art, Tsinghua University. He had previously translated Jean-Francois Lyotard’s book The Postmodern Condition: A Report on Knowledge into Chinese a few years earlier, which appeared as Houxiandai zhuangkuang: guanyu zhishi de baogao 后现代主义状况：关于知识的报告. See Rang Fulangsuowa・Li’aota (1995) and Daozi (2007). Two years later, in 1997, Tang Xiaobing 唐⼩兵 (b. 1964) translated Fredric Jameson’s Postmodernism and Cultural Theory, based on a series of lectures that Jameson had given at Beijing University during the late 1980s.

213 highly critical of many of the incorrect translations of contemporary art theory which had flooded China throughout the 1980s, in particular those sponsored by the noted cultural historian

Li Zehou 李泽厚 (b. 1930), who as editor of the series Translated Texts in Aesthetics (Meishu yiwen congshu 美术译⽂丛书), initiated many of these poor translations, and for which he apologised in an op-ed in Dushu in 1995.660 As one of the key cultural historians during the New

Enlightenment movement of the 1980s, Li hoped to rapidly bring an array of important international texts to the Chinese market, though in retrospect agreed that the translations of many of the scholars brought together for the project were of poor quality. For Daozi, who drew influences from a wide array of sources, including theories of postmodern and poststructural philosophy, Lacanian psychoanalysis, and the work of such photographers as Cindy Sherman and

Jeff Wall,661 the aim was rethink photo theory as it was then understood in China.662 In tandem with the exhibition, Daozi published a lengthy curatorial and critical statement outlining his approach to theorising conceptual photographic practice, entitled “New Image: The Appearance of Conceptual Art Photography in 1990s China” (“xin yingxiang: jiuling niandai dalu yishu sheying de guannianhua xian zheng 新影像：九〇年代⼤陸藝術攝影的觀念化顯徵”).663

Rather than being published in any of the prominent photographic or art publications on the mainland, it appeared in the Hong Kong based journal Artists (Yishujia 藝術家) in early 1998.

660 See Li Zehou (1995).

661 Interview with Daozi, 6 May 2015. The staged photographs of Jeff Wall, in particular, were a major influence on photographers in China during the late 1990s. Interview with Wang Ningde, 6 November 2013.

662 Interview with Daozi, 6 May 2015.

663 Daozi (1998).

214 In this essay, Daozi adopted the language of contemporary theory in articulating his vision for contemporary photography. He argued that conceptual photography was first and foremost a product of textual criticism, and specifically poststructural linguistics (hou jiegou zhuyi yuyanxue 後結構主義語⾔學), as images of a conceptual nature possess "textual attributes" (wenben shuxing ⽂本屬性) which enable one to uncover hidden meaning (Daozi

1998; 278).664 Daozi referred to this connection between text and image as a "symbolic chain" (fuhao lian 符號鏈) linking viewer to object, and an idea to its visual representation. In order to properly understand the import of conceptual photography, one must first rethink the

"temporality of semantic meaning" (lishixing de yuyi 歷時性的語義), and the role of photographic representation in both capturing and structuring theoretical problems.665 He argued that throughout the 1960s and 1970s, the term "conceptual" signified an inclination towards rationalism (lixingzhuyi 理性主义) within contemporary artistic practice, and conceptual photography was merely a type of meta-photography (yuan sheying 元摄影) which had developed out a “conscious self-awareness" (zijue bing ziwoyishi ⾃覺並⾃我意識) of the nature of the photographic act).666 For Daozi, the rhetoric of photography (sheying xiucixue 攝影修辭

學),667 driven by the variability of the individual, was thus theorised as a form of individual practice.

664 Daozi (1998; 278).

665 Daozi (1998; 279). A photograph could capture a single ‘real’ moment, and be theorised as representing any given issue, but could could also be a ‘staged’ image meant to represent a particular theoretical or philosophical problem.

666 Daozi (1998; 279-280).

667 Clearly a reference to Barthes’ seminal essay “Rhetoric of the Image” (1977). For Barthes, “the literal image is denoted, and the symbolic image is connoted” (Barthes 37). It is this latter type of image, the symbolic, with which Daozi was most concerned.

215 Many well-regarded photographers of the early and mid 1990s, such as Rong Rong and

Xing Danwen, took a markedly atheoretical approach to the medium. Yet this was, nonetheless, the "conceptual" approach they had unwittingly adopted, and is exemplified in images 18 and 20, discussed above. It was a personal, raw, and seemingly "pure" embodiment of the spirit of photography which Liu Zheng had earlier written about in his preface to New Photo.668

Daozi drew on a clear historical lineage for his appraisal of the medium. His definition of the term "conceptual photography" (guannian sheying 观念摄影) was taken from the

International Center of Photography’s Encyclopedia of Photography, published in 1984669, which defined it as the opposite of "purism" (chuncui pai 純粹派) or ‘pure photography’ (chuncui sheying 純粹攝影).670 Conceptual photography in China, in opposition to pure photography, thus became a new visual vernacular rooted in heterogeneous visual forms, disconnected from traditional logics of representation (especially those after the April 5th Movement), and rooted in a conscious appraisal of individual identity made possible by political and cultural liberalization.

The question of identity (shenfen ⾝份) - cultural, political, personal, social, and sexual - was central to Daozi’s reading of the individual’s relationship to contemporary theory, and many of the images selected would embody this perspective.671

Consider An Hong’s 安宏 (b. 1965) evocative rendering of a Buddhist bronze, in which two figures provocatively embrace, China Doesn’t Need AIDS, China Needs Love (Zhongguo

668 Liu Zheng (2007; 1).

669 See International Centre of Photography (1984).

670 An alternative name for straight photography (zhijie sheying 直接摄影), which is now more commonly used.

671 Daozi (1998; 282).

216 buxu aizi, Zhongguo xuyao ai 中国不需要艾滋，中国需要爱) (Image 38).672 The work is a reflection not only upon changing sexual mores, but also upon emergent health crises brought on by an increasingly interconnected world.673 Tellingly, Daozi’s reading of contemporary photo theory was not driven by the work of either international or Chinese photo theorists, but rather by philosophers, cultural theorists, psychoanalysts, and art theorists.674 In order to move towards a

“new definition of conceptual photography” (guannian sheying de xin dingyi 觀念攝影的新定

義), Daozi argued that one must first deconstruct the semantics upon which previous conceptions of visual meaning had been based.675 This simultaneously included a focus on both the role of contemporary theory in shaping and mediating visual experience, as well as the internationalisation (guojihua 國際化) of conceptual art to encompass diverse cultural forms.676

The theme of emptiness and nothingness also played a key role in Daozi’s reading of conceptual practice. In attempting to define the relationship between emptiness and its representation, he adopted a Lacanian iteration of nothingness - specifically, through the deconstruction of semantic referents - as the primary means of decoding the emptiness, or lack of meaning, of the real.677 For Daozi, this represented a direct challenge to the documentary nature

672 Published in Daozi (1998; 282).

673 Daozi discussed the image in relation to health and sexuality, but also in relation to Lyotard’s conception of the libidinal economy, noting that it reflected “the absurd plight of society’s libidinal economy” (shehui de libiduo jingji de huangdan chujing 社會的⼒必多經濟的荒誕處境).

674 Interview with Daozi, 25 May 2015.

675 Daozi (1997; 280).

676 Ibid, 286-287.

677 Ibid, 280-281. Daozi also developed this line of thinking in relation to Julia Kristeva’s (Kelisidaiwa 克⾥絲帶娃) reading of intertextuality (huwenxing 互⽂性). Ibid, 289.

217 photography, and specifically to the importance of capturing images "on the spot" (xianchang 现

场), as even if an image depicted an unmediated vision of reality, its meaning was always encoded in either the desires of the photographer or the interpretation of the audience, and was thus never purely objective.678 Conceptual artists, such as Yang Maoyuan 杨茂源 (b. 1966), produced photographic work that Daozi felt encapsulated this critique of visuality, as empty, desolate scenes were taken as symbolic of the inability to represent singular forms of meaning.

This was particularly the case with Yang’s image included in Daozi's essay on the exhibition, entitled The Sea (Hai 海) (Image 39).679 From a formal perspective, Yang’s image is a straight, medium-format photograph of a slender slab of concrete leading out into a lonely sea. Neither a dock nor a barrier, its meaning and function, like those of the photograph itself, are unknown to us. Formally framed in the square format of 120 film, the image appears to be nothing more than a banal snapshot of a frothy sea and an unwelcoming shoreline. Yet symbolically, the formal aesthetics of the image, with its careful framing, symmetrical, three-tiered rendering of sky, sea, and soil, and centred concrete slab, convey a haunting sense of emptiness and loneliness. This is not a beach meant for enjoyment, much like the image is not meant to convey a pleasant vision to the viewer.

The issue of form was integral to Daozi’s reading of contemporary photography, as divergent formal styles played different roles in representing an array of issues.680 The often nihilistic undertones of Daozi’s philosophical approach are levied against the general tendency to subsume all critical discourse in China under what Gloria Davies has termed a “sense of anxiety"

678 Ibid, 280.

679 Ibid, 279-280.

680 Ibid, 278-279.

218 or "crisis mentality" (youhuan yishi 忧患意识) about the state of the nation, where intellectual discourse was seen as a response to the problems facing the nation sate.681 For Daozi, interrogating the nature of social reality in an indirect, philosophical, and explicitly apolitical manner, need not slavishly adopt the intrinsically ideological and historically affected images so in vogue among his contemporaries. 682 Mao was nowhere to be found, and the critique of power

- symbolic, ideological, and historical - lay in the gazes of an audience for whom these were

“new images" indeed.

Daozi’s exhibition marked a profound shift for photography in China, with implications for the future representation of issues as wide ranging as politics, economic development, urbanisation, the environment, historical memory, gender, and everyday life. Contemporary photography, now fully integrated into the cultural imaginary as an intrinsic component of contemporary art, would go on to develop over the subsequent years, with a great many artists receiving international acclaim. The varied approaches to photography that developed from the late 1980s until the late 1990s spanned a variety of forms, and photographers and critics derived their influences from multiple sources. Whether in the conceptual realism of Bao Kun and Zhang

Haier, the expressionistic works of Rong Rong and Wang Xu, or the incisive criticism of Daozi, photography in China had finally begun to adopt the experimental, iconoclastic, and conceptually driven approaches that had inexplicably eluded the medium throughout the previous decade.

Through their incisive visual criticism, they would make their mark not only on the history of the

681 Davies (2007; 5).

682 Interview with Daozi, 5 March 2015.

219 arts in China, but within the broader intellectual and cultural worlds within which they had so long been neglected.

220 Epilogue - Lineages: Baipai as Contemporary Art

In the summer of 1995, Wang Ningde 王宁德 (b. 1972) graduated from the Lu Xun

Academy of Fine Arts (Lu Xun meishu xueyuan 鲁迅美术学院) and moved south to Guangzhou, where he took on a job as a photojournalist.683 Along with many young photographers of his generation, a job as a photojournalist could provide a decent salary, while enabling him to work on his own artistic projects in his spare time.684 Looking at the evolution of his career in retrospect, while sitting on the couch in his expansive two-storey studio in Caochangdi, surrounded by an impressive record collection, tall green plants demarcating the main entrance, and a choice array of his own photographic repertoire hung on crisply painted white brick walls,

Wang Ningde recalled a moment of rupture:685 It was as a photojournalist that his career had begun, though as an innately conceptual thinker he had refused to be constrained by the desire to capture in photographic form an objective reality held for a moment in the mind. Representation was not simply a matter of freezing a moment in silver. What he was after was a rethinking of the image - its documentary, fabricated, historical, and also transgressive tactility - not merely as a physical object, but as an object of thought. It was as an artist, and not a simply a photographer,

683 Interview with Wang Ningde at his studio in Beijing, 6 November 2013. See also: http://wangningde.com

684 Interview with Wang Ningde, 6 November 2013. Zhang Haier was another such photojournalist turned contemporary artist. He exhibited widely in the 1990s in major national and international exhibitions, such as An Exhibition of Contemporary Photography from China, Taiwan, and Hong Kong (Zhongguo, Taiwan, Xianggang dangdai sheying zhan 中国，台湾，⾹港当代摄影展), held at the Hong Kong Arts Centre (Xianggang yishu zhongxin ⾹港艺术中⼼) in 1994. Later that year, an exhibition entitled the Photographs of Zhang Haier (Zhang Haier sheying zuopin 张海⼉摄影作品) took place at Pine Crane Pavilion (song he tang 松鹤堂) in Ritan Park in Beijing, which opened on 7. December 1994 and ran until the 18th. The exhibition included Zhang’s black and white documentary realist photographs from the late 1980s and early 1990s, with many photographs taken in Guangzhou, as part of his ‘dirty girls’ (huai nühai 坏⼥孩) series.

685 Interview with Wang Ningde at his studio in Beijing, 28 May 2016.

221 that he sought to encapsulate and project his personal historical representation, which is indeed still in the making.

Wang Ningde’s first published series of photographic explorations marked his first foray into the poignantly desolate scenes for which he is now recognized. Eventually titled Walking

Toward a Darker Place (Zouxiang geng hun’an de difang ⾛向更昏暗的地⽅) (Image 1), and produced between 1996-1999, the photographs build upon themes of loneliness, dislocation, and darkness.686 The series of photographs present fragments of everyday life, such as in one photo of two young girls walking along along the side of the road, as photographed from the window of a passing bus (Image 2). In another photo, a man lies on the ground beside a bicycle, as though he has just fallen off (Image 3). In all of the photographs, Wang captures a detached, yet somehow cathartic melancholy. These often bleak, desolate visions of Guangzhou, exemplified by these three images from the series, explore the disconnection Wang felt from his family, friends, and broader community.687

Walking Toward a Darker Place also represents a profound shift in the visual landscape among contemporary photographers in the 1990s. Contemporaries of Wang Ningde who shared a similar approach to photographic practice included Rong Rong, Wang Xu, and Jin Yongquan.688

These photographers gradually began to move away from explicitly documentary work and

686 An exhibition of the works was first held in 1999 at Libreria Borges (Boerhesi shudian 博尔赫斯书店) in Guangzhou, the first solo exhibition for the artist. A year later, he took part in a key show at the Guangzhou Museum of Art, The Younger Generation and the New Century (hou sheng dai yu xin shiji 后⽣代与新世纪). He was also heavily influenced by dark wave music throughout the early and mid 1990s, which perhaps influenced the direction his early photographs would take. Interview with the artist in his studio in Beijing, 28 May 2016.

687 Interview with Wang Ningde, 28 May 2016.

688 For a discussion of their work, see chapter 4, pp. 27-36. See Rong Rong (2015). *** add page numbers ***

222 towards performative explorations of personal identity and the banality of contemporary life, as is evident in their best known works.689

Since the 1990s, Wang Ningde’s artistic evolution has encompassed virtually every form of photography, from photojournalism and documentary realism to conceptual realism and staged photography, and finally to the experimental images for which he is now so widely celebrated.

This includes documentary work, such as his series of portraits of a travelling circus in

Guangdong province, entitled Dancing in the Outskirts of a Small Town (zai xiao zhen shang wudao 在⼩镇上舞蹈) (Image 4), which was produced between 1995-1999. His series Some

Days (mou yi tian 某⼀天) marked his first foray into staged photography (Image 5), while his

Form of Light series, including Colour Filter for a Utopian Sky No. 3 (Image 6), embodied his evolution into experimental imagery. His most recent works, a series of digital composites, weaves together photographs of paint from the walls of Beijing’s buildings (often used to mark out phone numbers written on the walls) into an array of found compositions, including one of a scrum in the Ukrainian parliament in 2015 (Image 7). His evolution as a photographer and artist embodies the profound shift that took place within photographic circles in China from the late

1980s to the late 1990s, during which an emergent sense of dislocation and fragmentation embodied the art scene. Photographers such as Rong Rong and Liu Zheng began to see

689 On performance art and its photographic representation in the early 1990s, see Qian, Zhang & Ma (1999). For the critic Jean Baudrillard, this performative shift marked “the death of photography by raising it to the level of performance” (Baudrillard 2005; 94).

223 themselves primarily as contemporary artists, and produced work that would eventually go on to transgress the boundaries of the medium itself.690

The evolution of conceptual photography in China was part of a broader process of visual contestation reaching back to the late 1970s, emerging as a powerful new form only in the late

1980s, amid the tumult of the student movement, and as a somewhat belated response to the

Modern Photo Salons. Driven by a desire to critique the dominant mode of visuality in official publications, which embodied the positive, progressive view of a fast developing society, and for photography to play a more prominent role within the contemporary art world, photographers and critics of the 1990s – most notably Rong Rong, Liu Zheng, and Daozi – consciously endeavoured to place their work at the forefront of the bourgeoning experimental arts scene.691

Whether a document of a fleeting present or staged rendition of contemporary social ills, what connected these various iterations of conceptual photography was their desire to both bear witness to the tremendous historical forces which were radically reshaping the world around them, and call into being a future unhinged from predetermined narratives and structures.692

Artists working in photography, such as Bao Kun and Mo Yi, questioned not only the objective

690 See xin jiangou (2013; 6). Rong Rong also spoke of this phenomenon at length in an interview on 5 April 2015. In Why Photography Matters as Art as Never Before, Michael Fried argued that within the arts internationally, photography emerged in the late 1970s and 1980s in large format with the explicit purpose of challenging the relationship between the beholder and the work. A critical appraisal of Fried’s analysis can be found in Maimon (2010). See also Costello (2007 & 2008).

691 See chapter 4, pp. 27-50.

692 Whether Mo Yi’s illusory rendering of urban Tianjin (see chapter 3, image 16), Li Xiaobin’s image of student protest (see chapter 4, image 7), Xing Danwen's portraits of Ma Liuming (chapter 4, image 18), or Rong Rong's portraits of bohemian life (chapter 4, image 22), what linked these artists was a desire to explore social change, and the world as it appeared to their artistic sensibilities.

224 nature of photographic representation, but also probed the possibility of authentically documenting social reality, and its political, economic, and cultural valences.693

Books on avant-garde and conceptual photography finally began to appear in the early

2000s, by which point photography in China was beginning garner attention within an increasingly globalised contemporary art world. By far the most immersive, relevant, and historically important collection of contemporary imagery from China was collected by the artists and photographers Qiu Zhijie 邱志杰 (b. 1969) and Wu Meichun 吴美纯 in Imagery and the Postmodern (Yingxiang yu houxiandai 影像与后现代). The text presents a varied selection of imagery from China’s underground photography scene in a non-traditional format, with images displayed in a uniquely designed, non-linear manner, and serves as the seminal repository of experimental imagery at the end of the 1990s.694 Among the other influential texts was True

Absurdity (Zhenshi de huangdan 真实的荒诞) by Guo Shaoming 郭绍明 (fl. ca. 2001) and Ge

Hongbing 葛红兵 (b. 1968),695 which examined avant-garde photography through the lens of contemporary literary and art theory.696 From a scholarly perspective, Zhu Qi’s edited volume

Chinese Avant-Garde Photography Since 1990 (1990 Nian yilai de Zhongguo xianfeng sheying

693 Interview with Bao Kun, 3 June 2016, and interview Mo Yi, 1 December 2013.

694 The book included work by an array of contemporary artists and photographers from around the world, including Jeff Wall, Andy Warhol, Edward Weston, Josef Sudek (1896-1976), Gilbert and George (Gilbert Prousch, b. 1943 and George Passmore, b. 1942), Henri Cartier-Bresson, and Robert Mapplethorpe (1946-1989). The publication also featured the work of photographers from China, including Qiu Zhijie, Hong Hao, Wu Xiaojun 吴⼩军 (b. 1970), Zhao Bandi 赵半狄 (b. 1963), An Hong, Zheng Guogu 郑国⾕ (b. 1970), Huang Yan 黄岩 (b. 1966), and others.

695 A professor of modern literature and theory in the Department of Chinese at Shanghai University, Ge is a widely celebrated critic and theorist of contemporary culture in China, while Guo is a fashion photographer. See Guo & Ge (2001).

696 The book published a wide array of work by international photographers, mostly working within the sub-genre of surrealism, including Welsh photographer Angus McBean (Angusi・Maikebin 安古斯・麦克宾; 1904-1990),

225 1990年以来的中国先锋摄影) provides one of the most thorough overviews of avant-garde photography during the 1990s, addressing the work of 48 artists including Cang Xin, Miao

Xiaochun, Qiu Zhijie, Wang Qingsong, Wang Ningde, Zhang Dali, Zhang Haier, and numerous others, with critical essays by Zhu Qi, Karen Smith, and Gu Zheng.697

The production and dissemination of photobooks in China has developed considerably in the past two decades to become one of the most influential ways of transmitting photographic imagery, and representing one’s oeuvre within the Chinese art world.698 Perhaps the most accomplished and well-regarded designer of contemporary art and photo books in China is He

Hao 何浩 (b. 1975), who currently teaches at the Central Academy of Fine Arts in Beijing.

Having produced photobooks for Rong Rong, Liu Zheng, Mo Yi, Miao Xiaochun, Xu Yong,

Zhang Dali, Wang Chuan, Yang Fudong, and others.699 He Hao has therefore been one of the most influential designers responsible for the transmission of contemporary photographic imagery both within and beyond China.700

Projects which have examined the history of photo publishing have also begun to document the role of photobooks in representing China. The most significant of these, The

697 See Zhu Qi (2004).

698 This is perhaps surprising, given the pervasive nature of WeChat (weixin 微信), where images are also widely shared, as well as the internet. Nonetheless, the photobook is still the defining visual statement of an artists work. See, for example, Mo Yi’s hand-bound and self-published photo books (2008) as well as the work of Rong Rong (2006),

699 This has included Rong Rong & inri (2005 & 2006), Liu Zheng (2006), Mo Yi (2008), Miao Xiaochun (2006), Xu Yong (2008), Zhang Dali (2006), Wang Chuan (2009), and Yang Fudong (2008).

700 For a detailed analysis of his work, see He Hao (2014), which highlights the design and development of many of the most important photobooks to have been produced in China from 2003-2013.

226 Chinese Photobook, documents the expansive collection of Martin Parr, and was produced in partnership with the Dutch photo duo WassinkLundgren, namely, Ruben Lundgren (b. 1983) and

Thijs Groot-Wassink (b. 1981).701 The vernacular photography collected by Thomas Sauvin (Su

Wen 苏⽂) for his long-running Beijing Silvermine (Beijing yinkuang 北京银矿) project has also been transformed into numerous award winning and highly collectible small photobooks.702

Over the past few decades, many exhibitions of contemporary photography from China have showcased conceptually-oriented work.703 Since the late 1990s, exhibitions of experimental and critically-oriented photography have touched various themes. The scholar and critic Wang

Chunchen 王春⾠ (fl. ca. 2006-present), who teaches at CAFA, has overseen many such exhibitions, with one of the most notable being Conceptual Renewal: A Brief History of Chinese

Contemporary Photography (guannian weixin - Zhongguo dangdai sheying jianshi 观念维新

——中国当代摄影简史), which took place from 3 November 2012 – 3 February 2013 at the

Sishang Museum of Art (Sishang meishuguan 寺上美术馆), Beijing.704

701 See Parr & WassinkLundgren (2015).

702 See Sauvin (2013 & 2015). For a list of all of Sauvin’s photobooks, see http://www.beijingsilvermine.com/ photobooks/. Along with his design partners, Sauvin has adopted an array of unconventional approaches to representing his vast collection of found images. One of the most interesting features an array of images about the pervasiveness of smoking in China. Encased in a cigarette package, the small photobook is one of many such unconventional examples adopted by the collector. See Sauvin (2015).

703 The exhibition New Framework: Chinese Avant-garde Photography from the 1980s-1990s (xin jiangou: Zhongguo bashi dao jiushi niandai xianfeng sheying 新建構：中國⼋⼗⾄九⼗年代先鋒攝影 ), which took place at the Blindspot Gallery in Hong Kong from May 11th - June 22nd, 2013, showcased an array of imagery from this seminal period in Chinese photography. Other earlier exhibitions also had a lasting impact on the field. See Chang & Nedoma (2003).

704 In New York, he curated Supernatural: China’s Photography in the New Century in 2008 at ArtGate Gallery.

227 As the art world has become increasingly globalised, particularly in the decade and a half since China’s admission to the WTO in 2001, so too have exhibitions in China. Some have explored the connection between the globalisation and consumerism, such as WATW, which stands for We Are the World (Tianxia yi jia 天下⼀家).705 The exhibition was held at the Three

Shadows Photography Art Centre, and ran from the 28 November 2009 - 28 January 2010, and included texts by Bas Vroege, Stephenie Tung, Cai Meng, and others. Ruminating upon themes of expropriation, the global circulation of people and commodities, and transnational subjectivities, the title of the exhibition derived from Lionel Ritchie and Michael Jackson’s song of the same name, which while initially produced to help raise awareness of the 1995 famine in

Ethiopia, was subsequently deployed for a variety of commercial purposes.706 Other key exhibitions have sought to mediate upon the medium itself, including Cai Meng’s 蔡萌 Spectacle and Gaze: A Collection of Contemporary Photography in China at the CAFA Art Museum in

Beijing in 2009. The exhibition aimed to rethink landscape photography in relation to a changing

China, with both older and younger photographers taking part in the exhibition. Participants included Zeng Li 曾⼒ (b. 1961), He Chongyue 何崇岳 (b. 1960), Jin Jiangbo ⾦江波 (b. 1972),

Qu Yan 渠岩 (b. 1955), Wang Chuan, Wang Tingmei 王婷梅 (fl. ca. 2009), Wu Yinxian 吴印咸

(b. 1900-1994), Xian Yunqiang 线云强 (b. 1965), Yang Tiejun 杨铁军 (b. 1970), Yao Lu 姚璐

(b. 1967), and Yu Yang 于洋 (b. 1979).707 Exhibitions such as these aimed to explore the

705 Many photographers throughout the 2000s explored the theme of commodification, by depicting the banality of contemporary life, and the seemingly lonely, dejected state of consumerist society. For an example, see the work of Tian Yibin ⽥益宾 (aka Lao Liu ⽼六) (2006) or Yang Yong (2006). In response, some chose to explore more spiritual themes in their work, such as Li Tianyuan 李天元 (2006).

706 See Vroege, Tung & Cai (2010; 31-33).

707 See Cai Meng (2009). For the exhibition notice explaining the rationale behind the show, see http:// www.cafa.edu.cn/2018cafa/nl/?c=901&N=2977.

228 relationship between documentary and conceptual photography, and the ever-evolving nexus of divergent forms of photographic representation. Whether the images were documentary or staged in nature was increasingly irrelevant, as long as they embodied, in the words of the critic and curator Cai Meng, “the form of a social image” (shehui tuxiang de biaoge 社会图像的表格), which would "manifest the return of contemporary art to social reality.” (呈现着当代艺术对社

会现实的重返).708

What has sustained photography over the years in China has been the desire to connect the medium to the truthful representation of social reality, even if the images themselves were fabricated.709 As Zhu Qi has argued, “the history of photography in China can be said to have always been about fabricated imagery - during the Cultural Revolution the images were staged for political purposes, while now they are staged for equally political, but very different reasons” (中国摄影史，可以说，⼀直对摆拍有关。⽂⾰时期，影像都是摆拍的，⽬的是

政治的。现在，摆拍摄影有完全不⼀样的政治意图).710 The history of photography during this tumultuous historical period has been one of inversion and subversion, where the truth was as much a product of individual intent as it was an objective representation of real life. For as the celebrated photographer Wang Qingsong has cleverly opined, “staged photography is more

708 See exhibition notice: http://www.cafa.edu.cn/2018cafa/nl/?c=901&N=2977

709 This was particularly the case with Chen Qingsong & Huang Ou (2002), who sought to return a measure of experiential truth to the medium.

710 Interview with Zhu Qi at his office in Beijing, 20. April 2016. Wen Danqing also adopted a similar viewpoint, and agreed with this assessment of the history of photography in 20th century China. Interview with Wen Danqing at his home in Beijing, 2. June 2016.

229 truthful than truth, as it explores how we actually experience the world” (摆拍探索我们的⽣活

经验，于真实好像⽐较真实性).711

711 Interview with Wang Qingsong at his home in Beijing, 19. May 2016.

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280 ______(B). ”Yuyan yu weiji: Zhongguo xiandai lishi zhong de 'Wusi' qimeng yundong (xiabian) 预⾔和危机：中国现代历史中的’五四’启蒙运动(下边)” (“Prophesy and Crisis: The 'May Fourth' Enlightenment Movement in Modern Chinese History (Part 2)”) in wenxue pinglun ⽂学评论 (Literary Review) Vol. 3 (1989), 35-47 & 86.

Wang Jifang 汪继芳. 20 shiji zuihou de langman: Beijing ziyou yishujia shenghuo shilu 20世纪最后的浪漫：北京⾃由艺术家⽣活实录 (The Last Romantics of the 20th Century: A Factual Record of the Lives of Beijing’s Independent Artists). Harbin 哈尔滨: Beifang wenyi chubanshe 北⽅⽂艺出版社, 1999.

Wang Jing. High Culture Fever: Politics, Aesthetics, and Ideology in Deng’s China. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1996.

Wang Jing & Tani Barlow (Eds.). Cinema and Desire: Feminist Marxism and Cultural Politics in the Work of Dai Jinhua. London: Verso, 2002.

Wang Jun. Beijing Record: A Physical and Political History of Planning Modern Beijing. Singapore: World Scientific Publishing, 2011.

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281 Wang Liping 王⽴平 et al. Yongyuan de siyue: jinian siyue yinghui ershi zhounian 永远的四⽉：纪念四⽉影会⼆⼗周年 (Forever April Fourth: Commemorating the 20th Anniversary of the April Photo Society). Beijing 北京: Zhongguo shuju 中国书局, 1999.

Wang Ningde. Some Days. Beijing: Galerie Paris-Beijing, 2010.

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Wang Ruoshui 王若⽔. wei rendao zhuyi bianhu 为⼈道主义辩护 (In Defence of Humanism). Beijing 北京: sanlian shudian 三联书店, 1986.

Wang Tong. Mao On the Wall. Hong Kong: China Tushu Publishing, 2006.

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Wang Xiaoming. “China on the Brink of a "Momentous Era’” in Intellectuals and Social Movements, part 1 – A special issue of positions: east asia cultures critique Vol. 11 No. 3 (2003), 585-611.

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282 Wang Yuejin. "Anxiety of Portraiture: Quest for/Questioning Ancestral Icons in Post-Mao China" in Politics, Ideology, and Literary Discourses in Modern China. Edited by Liu Kang and Tang Xiaobing. Durham: Duke University Press, 1993, 243-272.

Wang Zhiping 王志平 (Ed.). jinian si yue yinghui chengli 30 zhounian yaoqing zhan 1979-2009 纪念四⽉影会成⽴30周年邀请展1979-2009 (30th Anniversary Invitational Exhibition of the April Photography Association 1979-2009). Beijing 北京: Zhongguo tushu chubanshe 中国图书出版社, 2009.

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Wen Fong. Beyond Representation: Chinese Painting and Calligraphy, 8th-14th Century. New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1992.

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Wu Lifu 伍蠡甫. “Xifang weimizhuyi de yishu piping 西⽅唯美主义的艺术批评” (“Western Art Criticism of Aestheticism”) in wenyi lilun yanjiu ⽂艺理论研究 (Theoretical Studies in Literature and Art) Vol. 1 (1981), 23-33.

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Wu Mu 吴⽊. “Gei qingshaonian xiehao tongsu de zhengzhi duwu 给青少年写好通俗的政治读物” (“Give the Youth Well-Written and Popular Political Literature”) in Dushu 读书 (Reading) Vol. 3 (1979), 2-9.

Wu Qun 吴群. “kan 《Zhongguo zaiqi lishi zhaopian zhanlan》yougan 看《中国早期历史照⽚展览》有感” (“Some Thoughts on Viewing the ‘Early Historical Photos of China Exhibition’”) in Zhongguo sheying 中国摄影 (Chinese Photography) Vol. 2 (1985), 37.

Wu Shanzhuan 吴⼭专. “guanyu Zhongwen 关于中⽂” (“On Chinese”) in meishu 美术 (Fine Arts) Vol. 8 (1986), 61.

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Wu Yiching. The Cultural Revolution at the Margins: Chinese Socialism in Crisis. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2014.

Wu Yue 吴越. “jinggu bu hao, wanquan kaifang ye xingbutong 禁锢不好，完全开放页⾏不通” (“Prohibition is no good, however a complete opening up will not work”) in Reading 读书 Vol. 6 (1979), 9-12.

Wu Yulun 吴⽟崙. “Gaige pingxuan fangfa xiaoyi 改⾰评选⽅法⼩议” (“An Opinion Concerning Reforming the Selection Process”) in dazhong sheying ⼤众摄影 (Popular Photography) Vol. 3 (1987), 11.

286 Wu Zhenxin 吴振鑫. “fang zhuming sheying jia Andelie・Kedixi 访著名摄影家安德烈・克蒂希” (“A Visit with the Famous Photographer Andre Kertesz”) in guoji sheying 国际摄影 (International Photography) Vol. 2 (1983), 34-35.

Xi Yu 西瑜. “Gaige sheying ji qi wenhua yiyi 改⾰摄影及其⽂化意义” (“The Significance of the Reform of Photography and its Culture”) in Chinese Photography (Zhongguo sheying 中国摄影) Vol. 2 (1988), 1-2.

“Xiandai sheying shalong ’88 yingzhan zhengji zuopin tongzhi 现代摄影沙龙’88影展征集作品通知” (“Notice Regarding the Call for Works for the 1988 Modern Photo Salon Photo Exhibition”) in dazhong sheying ⼤众摄影 (Popular Photography) Vol. 10 (1987), 16.

Xiao Hong 萧泓. “Sheying ren Jiang Jian 摄影⼈姜健” (“Photographer Jiang Jian”) in Dongfang yishu 东⽅艺术 (Oriental Art) Vol. 1 (1994), 30-31.

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Xiao Lei 萧勒. “qian lun dongfang gudai sixiang yu Ouzhou qianwei yishu guannian zhi yitong 浅论东⽅古代思想与欧美前卫艺术观念之异同” (A Brief Analysis of the Similarities and Differences Between Ancient Eastern Thought and Concepts in European Avant- Garde Art”) in meishu 美术 (Fine Art) Vol. 3 (1981), 42-44.

Xiao Sanmu 萧三⽊. “Xu Jilin renwei xiyoupai sixiang 1990 niandai hou shibai 许纪霖认为⾃由派思想1990年代后失败” (“Xu Jilin Thinks Liberal Thought After the 1990s Has Been Defeated”) in Tianya 天涯 Vol. 3 (2011), 206-207.

Xiao Xushan 肖绪珊. “Meiguo 1978 nian zuijia xinwen zhaopian xuan: guoji xinwen sheying jizhe xiehui he Misuli xinwen xueyuan pingxuan 美国1978年最佳新闻照⽚选：国际新闻摄影记者协会和密苏⾥新闻学院评选” (“The Best American News Photographs of 1978: Selected Works from World Press Photo and the Missouri School of Journalism”) in guoji xinwen jie 国际新闻界 (Chinese Journal of Journalism and Communication) Vol. 1 (1979), 49-57.

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287 ______. “Sheyingzhe ‘lengku’ de yanjing 摄影者‘冷酷’的眼睛” (“The Callous Eyes of Photographers”) in dazhong sheying ⼤众摄影 (Popular Photography) Vol. 11 (1987), 9.

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Xiao Zhou 晓⾈. “Jiang Qing gao geren yingzhan juxinhezai 江青搞个⼈影展居⼼何在” (“What was the Motive Behind Jiang Qing’s Solo Photo Exhibition”) in Zhongguo sheying 中国摄影 (Chinese Photography) Vol. 1 (1979), 50-51.

Xie Deping 谢德萍 & Liu Bang 刘榜. “Haiyin (Meiguo) 海因（美国）” (“Hine (America)”) in dazhong sheying ⼤众摄影 (Popular Photography). Vol. 2 (1980), 10.

Xie Cheng 谢成. “xieshi sheying jia Asi・Luositan 写实摄影家阿瑟・罗思坦” (“Realist Photographer Arthur Rothstein”) in guoji sheying 国际摄影 (International Photography) Vol. 3 (1983), 36-37.

Xie Hanjun 谢汉俊. A・Yadangsi lun sheying 亚当斯论摄影 (Ansel Adams on Photography). Beijing北京: Zhongguo sheying chubanshe 中国摄影出版社, 2004.

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Xin jiangou 新建構: Zhongguo bashi dao jiushi niandai xianfeng sheying 中國⼋⼗⾄九⼗年代先鋒攝影 (New Framework: Chinese Avant-garde Photography from the 1980s-1990s). Hong Kong ⾹港: Blindspot Gallery, 2013.

Xu Ben. Disenchanted Democracy: Chinese Cultural Criticism After 1989. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1999.

Xu Chengde 余成德 & Yang Shaoming 杨绍明 (Eds.). Shinian yi shunjian ⼗年⼀瞬间76-86 (A Decade of Flashbacks, 76-86). Beijing: Zhongguo sheying chubanshe 中国摄影出版社, 1986.

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Xu Gang 徐钢 (Gary G. Xu). Pian kan: wuyishi de dangdai yishu 偏看：⽆意识的当代艺术 (Looking Awry: The Unconscious in Contemporary Chinese Art). Beijing 北京: Liliji wenhua yishu chubanshe ⼒礼记⽂化艺术 (Lelege Art), 2012.

Xu Jilin 许纪霖. “Qimeng de mingyun: ershi nian lai de Zhongguo sixiangjie 启蒙的命运：⼆⼗年来的中国思想界” (“The Fate of Enligtenment: Twenty Years in the Chinese Intellectual Sphere”) in ershiyi shiji ⼆⼗⼀世纪 (Twenty-First Century) Vol. 12 (1998), 4-13.

Xu Jilin. “The Fate of An Enlightenment: Twenty Years in the Chinese Intellectual Sphere (1978-1998)” Trans. Geremie R. Barmé and Gloria Davies in East Asian History. No. 20 (Dec 2000), 169-186.

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Xu Peng 徐澎 entitled “Differentiating the Pictorial School (“‘huayipai’ sheying bianxi “画意派” 摄影辨析) in Zhongguo sheying 中国摄影 (Chinese Photography) Vol. 2 (1985). 7-9.

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298 Appendix 1

Interviews

Arranged Alphabetically, including date, location, and length of recorded interview

Bao Kun 鲍昆 10. June 2014, at a coffee shop near his home in Beijing, 56:22 + 34:26 + 1:13:38 17. March 2015, at a coffee shop near his home in Beijing, 17.59 + 21.51 17. March 2015, at his home in Beijing, 33.01 + 7:20 + 0:38 + 1:20 + 1:00:08 24. May 2016, at the Inter-Art Gallery (ying hualang 映画廊) in Beijing, with Guo Peihe 郭培和, 34.13 + 1.02.19 3. June 2016, at his home in Beijing, 34:46 25. Nov. 2016, at the AGO in Toronto, 11:42

Daozi 岛⼦ 5. March 2015, at his ofﬁce at the Department of Fine Art, Tsinghua University (清华⼤学美术学院B座五层557号), 48:36

Hu Yang 胡杨 29. April 2016, at the University of Toronto, 40:31

Li Xiaobin 李晓斌 2. June 2016, at his home in Beijing, 2:02:29

Liu Zheng 刘铮 31. May 2016, at his studio in Beijing, 30:43 + 1:30:54

Lu Yanpeng 卢彦鹏 3. June 2014, in Beijing, 46:36

Mo Yi 莫毅 1. December 2013, at his home/studio in Beijing, 24:00 + 5:54 + 17:49 + 9:56 4. March 2014, at his home/studio in Beijing, 38:36 9. January 2015 at his home/studio in Beijing, unrecorded, notes taken. 19. May 2016 at his home/studio in Beijing, unrecorded, notes taken.

Rong Rong 荣荣 5. April 2015, at the Three Shadows Photography Art Centre (san ying tang sheying yishu zhongxin 三影堂摄影艺术中⼼), 1:15:10 4. June 2016, at Three Shadows Photography Art Centre (san ying tang sheying yishu zhongxin 三影堂摄影艺术中⼼), 45:55

Wang Ningde 王宁德 6. November 2013, at his home/studio in Beijing, 59:38 28. May 2016, at his home/studio in Beijing, 1:05:46

299 Wang Qingsong 王庆松 5. November 2013, at his home/studio in Beijing, 7:39 + 45:47 + 8:48 25. September 2014, at his home/studio in Beijing, 7:39+8:48+ 19. May 2016, at his home/studio in Beijing, 17:45 + 41:29 + 17:34

Wen Danqing 闻丹⻘ 2. June 2016, at his home in Beijing, 1:06:10

Xu Yong 徐勇 26. May 2016, at his home in Beijing, 2:15:19

Yang Weidong 杨伟东 17. May 2016, at his home in Beijing while under house arrest, 30:25 + 14:18 + 38:29

Zhang Dali 张⼤⼒ 30. April 2015, at his studio in Beijing Heiqiao ⿊乔, 26:47 + 50:08

Zhu Qi 朱其 20. April 2016, at his ofﬁce in Beijing, 1:02:23

300