FROM THE GROUND UP CASE STUDY NO.4

Religious Beliefs and .Environmental Protection: The Malshegu Sacred Grove in Northern Ghana

Clement Dorm-Adzobu Okyeame Ampadu-Agyei Environmental Protection Council Ministry of Local Government Accra, Ghana

Peter G. Veit Center for International Development and Environment World Resources Institute Washington, D.C., USA

July 1991

Edited by Center for International Development and Environment World Resources Institute, USA

J Published in Kenya by World Resources Institute (WRI) Center for International Development and Environment 1709 New York Avenue, NW, Washington, DC 20006 USA Tel.: (1-202) 638-6300; Fax: (1-202) 638-0036 Tlx.: 64414 WRIWASH /

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Cataloguing-in-PubJication Data

Religious beliefs and environmental protection: the Malshegu sacred grove in northern Ghana/Clement Dorm-Adzobu. Okeame Ampadu-Agyei and Peter G. Veil. - Washington. DC, USA: World Resources Institute and Nairobi. Kenya: Acts Press. African Centre for Technology Studies. 1991.

(World Resources Institute (WRI) and African Centre for Technology Studies (ACTS) From the Ground Up Case Study Series; 4)

Bibliography: p.

ISBN 9966-41-031-7 Series Introduction

In 1987, the Center for International long term, these fi~dings will promote Development and Environment ofthe World decentralized, small-scale natural resource Resources Institute, in collaboration with management policies, influence the Mrican development institutions and Clark allocation ofdevelopment resources to the University's International Development and grassroots, and foster self-reliance and Social Change Program, initiated an sustainability within the communities. ambitious program in Mrica known as FROM THE GROUND UP. The program seeks WRI's FROM THE GROUND UP case study to increase local, national, and international series is designed for professionals in the development assistance institutions' development community - governmental capacity to strengthen community and nongovernmental development and management of natural resources in Mrica. environment planners and field workers, The guiding beliefofFROM THE GROUND UP international and national development is that important insights can be gained by assistance officers, and concerned analyzing effective community-level efforts academics. The series is intended to inform in natural resource management. In policy-making, stimulate discussion on practical terms, that means identifying environment and development, and assist in communities that are already pursuing training programs for development officers. ecologically sound self-development and analyzing the reasons behind their success The Mrican Centre for Technology -localleadership, viable institutions, Studies (ACTS), based in Nairobi, Kenya, suitable technologies, etc. Collaborating and WRI are jointly publishing the FROM institutions in Mrica have studied and THE GROUND UP series for distribution in documented the cases in the series to date; Mrica and elsewhere. ACTS is a similar manuscripts can be submitted to the nonpartisan, nonprofit institution Manager ofthe FROM THE GROUND UP established to conduct policy and practical program to be considered for publication. research in technological innovation and natural resource management. ACTS FROM THE GROUND UP shares the results promotes the view that technological of its case study and their policy change, natural resource management, and implications with other communities, institutional innovation are crucial to national policy-makers, and the sustainable development and should be at international development community. the core of all developme:Qt efforts. Publications, conferences, workshops, training programs, radio, and video are all used to reach these audiences. Over the Contents

Acknowledgments vii

I. Introduction 3

II. Malshegu Sacred Grove 7 Location and Ecology 8 Land Use Changes...... 8 Traditional Religion and Effective Environmental Protection - History ...... 12 Traditional Religion and Effective Environmental Protection - Practice 13 Limitations andAdaptations 17 III. Core Elements of Effective Resource Management ~ 19 Strong Local Religious Beliefs ...... 19 Locally Accepted Protection Guidelines for the Grove ...... 20 Regional Importance ofthe Kpalevorgu Fetish 21

IV. Implications and Recommendations 23 Vital Connections between Religious Systems and Natural Resource Management ...... 23 Ghanaian Government Support for Sacred Groves: A Good Beginning 23 Recommendations ...... 25 Legal Government Support for Locally-managed Natural Areas ...... 25 Meeting Local Needs for Forest Resources; Environmental Education in Forest Functions ...... 28

V. Conclusions 31

References 33

v Figures Figure 1. Map of Ghana ., ...... 9 Figure 2. Location of Malshegu and Sacred Grove ...... 10 Figure 3. Malshegu Grove and Buffer Zone 14 Figure 4. Malshegu Grove and Grazing Fields 15

VI Acknowledgments

This case study reflects the work ofmany program in Ghana. Special thanks go to individuals and institutions. Most Eddie Telly, EPC Coordinator in Tamale, important, the Environmental Protection for his participation in the field research Council (EPC), Ministry of Local effort and to Thomas Fox, Kara Page, Kirk Government, extends its thanks and Talbott, and Herbert Acquay at the Center, appreciation to the citizens and local leaders without whom this project would not have of Malshegu, the local assembly member, been possible. In addition, the authors and in particular the village chiefdom and thank the EPC and WRI support staffs for religious leaders, for receiving the field their secretarial services. Funds for field research team and for sharing their research, data analysis, and report experiences. The researchers cherish their preparation have come from the Pew hospitality and cooperation, and the frank Charitable Trusts and the United States and open manner in which discussions were Agency for International Development held. through the FROM THE GROUND UP program. The EPC also wishes to express its profound gratitude to the Center for International Development and C.D-A Environment ofthe World Resources O.A-A Institute (WRI) for the opportunity to P.G.V. participate in the FROM THE GROUND UP

.. VI/ F.rnearly three centuries, the increase the regional importance of community ofMalshegu in the Northern the Kpalevorgu fetish. In turn, Region of Ghana has preserved a small traditional religious beliefin forest that they believe houses a local spirit: Malshegu has been reinforced, which the Kpalevorgu god. Over the years, this further encourages local people to "sacred grove" has been threatened by such protect the grove. nearby activities as road-building, mining, and installing electrification poles. Yet the • Regulations established centuries community's traditional beliefs, embodied in ago for using and protecting the the religious priest charged with protecting grove are well observed by local the abode ofthe god, have been sufficiently people, preventingbushfires, strong to prevent human interference in the farming, grazing and most hunting forest. Indeed, this once-open forest area and gathering afforest resources has developed into a partially closed-canopy from degrading the integrity ofthe forest. forest ecosystem.

Three elements stand out in the study of The experience ofthe community of Malshegu's success in protecting this forest: Malshegu can enrich the case made by policy-makers and development assistance •A strong local religious beliefin the officials for local environmental protection. grove as the sanctuary ofthe local Specific policy recommendations for god, more than any other factor, has ~ supportingthe government's buffered the forest from human decentralization and local protection of disruption. ecosystems can be found in the final pages ofthis report. • The degradation of sacred groves in surrounding areas has helped

1 /' I. Introduction

Ghanalies ;n a eentral posmon along and human interferences, viable, West Africa's southern coast. Ithas two biologically diverse forests have been distinct ecological zones: forest and replaced with less complex ecosystems. The savannah. Originally, high, closed-canopy environmental and human consequences forest covered approximately 82,258 square are predictable - increased water runoff, kilometers (34.5 percent of Ghana); the soil erosion, fire damage, overall lower remaining 156,280 square kilometers was rainfall, and lower availability offorest savannah. Low, open-canopy forest is products (Asibey 1977, 1987; Manu 1987; typical ofabout 58 percent of the savannah Dorm-Adzobu 1988). In a country that zone, though closed-canopy forest can be gains from its wooded areas a value ofUS found along waterways (World Bank 1987; $200 million each year in fuelwood and pole IUCN 1988). use alone, these environmental and economic issues have become urgent (World Ghana's closed forests are confined Bank 1987). primarily to the southwest and constitute the eastern edge ofthe Guineo-Congolean There are no current figures on the rate forest region. This region, which also ofdeforestation or forest destruction in includes forests in Cote d'Ivoire, Liberia, Ghana. In 1981, the United Nations Food and Sierra Leone, is separated from and Agriculture Organization and its forestlands in Nigeria and central Africa by Environment Programme projected a the arid Dahomey Gap and is distinct in deforestation rate of220 square kilometers faunal and floral composition. Ghana's per year for the period 1981- 85. Today, closed forests shelter over 2,100 plant only 20,000 - 25,000 square kilometers of species, most of the 818 tree species that closed forest remain (24 - 30 percent ofthe have been identified in Ghana, and forest zone) (World Bank 1987; IUCN 1988; numerous endangered and endemic species Government ofGhana 1990; WRI 1990). (some 19 species and 2 sub-species) (IUCN 1988), The forest reserve system, established in the 1920s and 1930s, is one ofthe most Much of Ghana's original vegetation has extensive in sub-Saharan Africa (covering been considerably modified, degraded, or 11 percent ofthe country), yet much ofthe removed. Through natural disturbances protected forest, especially in the reserves, '6)~..,4 3 has been degraded. Several of the country's are symbolized in such objects as trees, seven forest types are not included or stones, or even manmade objects. Many well-represented in the protected areas have been allocated special dwelling places (IUCN 1988). Ghana's protected areas (streams, lagoons, forests) that are usually include nine National Parks, five Game left undisturbed and only occasionally Production Reserves, and over 280 Forest visited for important lifecycle ceremonies, Reserves.! Technically, 70 - 86 percent of religious rituals, or secret society meetings. the closed forest that remains in Ghana is protected in some way. However, very little The nearly one-hectare sacred grove in closed-canopy forest is actually fully Malshegu community is the largest in protected from being cut. For example, only northern Ghana and, from a sociocultural 309 out of 11,754 square kilometers ofthe perspective, is one ofthe country's most land covered by the national parks is important. The community has preserved forested. the forest for nearly 300 years by establishing and enforcing land use rules The most serious degradation is taking and practices designed to safeguard the place in forests outside the protected areas. abode ofthe Malshegu guardian fetish. There are few current, reliable data on These measures restrict human these areas, however, estimates of2,500 ­ interferences, limit theuse offorest 7,500 square kilometers of natural high products, and protect against natural forest outside the legally protected areas ­ disasters and other events, including 13 - 30 percent of remaining forests - have annual bushfires. They have enabled the been proposed (Silviconsult 1985, World grove, originally open-canopy forest, to Bank 1987; WRI 1990). develop a partially closed canopy which is visually striking in the semiarid Small pockets ofresidual closed-canopy surroundings ofMalshegu. forest, sometimes near human settlements, are scattered throughout Ghana and·in In 1989, a field research team was other African and Asian countries (Gadgik organized by the Environmental Protection and Vartak 1976; Messerschmidt 1985; Council (EPC) (Ministry ofLocal Chandrakanth et al. 1990; Chandrakanth Government) to examine the local beliefs, and Romm 1990). Many are "sacred" or regulations, and practices thathave "fetish" groves - forests preserved for local successfully protected the Malshegu sacred sociocultural, primarily religious purposes. grove and to determine their core elements Traditionally, many settlements in Ghana and policy implications. The research team were founded on a reliance on ancestral included two professionals from the EPC spirits for the protection of the settlement. headquarters in Accra and the EPC These community gods or guardian spirits coordinator in Tamale. Three visits were

1 Each category ofprotected area affords a different level ofprotection. National parks are fully protected and are used primarily for tourism, and some scientific research. Game production reserves are set aside to raise wildlife for human use. Forest reserves are minimally protected; local people have access to their resources and the state manages them for timber production. G\ 4 made to Malshegu between June and leaders, administration ofa household September 1989, for a total of 13 field days. questionnaire, and discussions with key The researchers made several subsequent informants, individuals, and groups, visits to collect additional data and fill in including special interest groups. information gaps. The data-collection methodology included participant­ observation techniques, site visits with local II. Malshegu Sacred Grove

~e people ofMalshegu, theirheliefs, northern Ghana, Guinea Savannah is the activities, and surroundings all figure largest ofthe three savannah sub-zones centrally in their successful environmental (approximately 83 percent ofthe savannah preservation effort. zone (World Bank 1987». The predominant natural vegetation consists ofshort perennial grasses, up to two meters high, Location and Ecology interspersed with fire-resistant, deciduous broad-leaved trees. Many natural and The community ofMaisheguis located six planted trees on farms, near compounds, or kilometers north ofTamale - capital ofthe in the settlements are maintained for social, Northern Region - on the Tamale­ religious, or economic value. Kumbugu road. (See Figures 1 and 2). Constructed in the 1930s, the road services The mean annual temperature in Tamale two important area facilities, the Tamale is 27.9 degrees C; the recorded rainfall water supply station and now the Botanga range for the region is between 900 - 1,650 Irrigation Project as well. The Malshegu millimeters, with an annual average of sacred grove lies on the outskirts ofthe 1,070 millimeters. The rainfall occurs in settlement. one season, from May to October; a long dry season follows, intensified by a hot Despite its proximity to Tamale, the area northeasterly airstream- the Harmattan surrounding Malshegu is not densely winds - from the Sahara desert. The area populated with human settlements, though is prone to periodic droughts, most recently cattle are numerous. The nearest in 1972 -73, 1976 -77, and 1982 - 83. community, Woggo, is located about 4 kilometers to the south. (See Figure 2). The No surface rivers or streams flow through Malshegu settlement, compound farms, and or near Malshegu, though there are some sacred grove are surrounded by open lands untapped shallow groundwater resources. A used primarily for grazing and, to some standpipe in the village from the Tamale extent, for agriculture. water station provides the only permanent water source. Few houses have zinc pan The Malshegu land is classified as Guinea roofs or other rainwater-collection systems. Savannah. Characteristic of central and I ,~ B P 7 The soils in Malshegu - classified as heads (patriarchs) of several family savannah ochrosols (USDA utisols) - have compounds formed a loose council of elders; low agricultural potential and are highly they chose one oftheir ranks to be a chief susceptible to water and wind erosion. The responsible for the concerned compounds, organic matter content is low (normally less and they acted as his advisors. This than 2 percent) and iron pan or gravel is dispersed pattern of settlement in farm found at shallow depths. Such agricultural compounds and loose political structure is conditions ensure that few farmers can still common in northern Ghana, especially produce enough food to feed themselves and the northeastern region. The existing their families over the long dry season, sociopolitical hierarchy in Malshegu is made especially during drought years, when crop up ofthe chiefs and elders who constitute failure is common. the traditional leadership, together with the Town Development Committee - a village-based development institution Land Use Changes established by British colonialists - the 2 District Assemblyman t and the Committee 3 The people ofMalshegu belong to the for the Defense ofthe Revolution , which Dagbani ethnic group. It is believed the constitute the modern leadership. Dagbani came to Ghana from northern West Africa; they formed part of a long human The Malshegu settlement came into migration beginning after the fall ofthe existence in the early 18th century, when empire ofGhana in the 12th century. (This several families voluntarily moved nearer empire had been a kingdom incorporating each other - but remained in separate farm parts oftoday's Mali, Mauritania, and compounds - to defend themselves and Senegal.) their properties from Arab invaders from the Sudano-Sahelian region to the north. Originally, extended families lived in The main trans-Sahara caravan route was separate compounds on farms scattered in less than two kilometers from the current the countryside. Four to five nuclear settlement and the farm compounds were families usually occupied one compound ­ frequent targets for both slave and livestock round houses positioned in a circle and raiding. As the advantages ofliving joined by a wall with one entrance. The

2 In 1988, the 65 district councils were replaced by 110 district assemblies as the lowest level of administrative and political authority. Two-thirds ofthe assembly members are elected by their constituents (one member from each electoral area in the district), and the remainder are appointed by the central government. 3 The Committees for the Defense of the Revolution are government-initiated revolutionary organs established to create and foster public awareness and vigilance, promote the aims ofthe Chainnan J. J. Rawlings' revolution, defend the nation and ensure peace, and maintain discipline, decency, and accountability. r Figure 1. Map of Ghana

BURKINA FASO

NORTHERN REGION Malshegu. Tamale ..---,

Kumasi

Gulf of Guinea

- Road Atlantic Ocean

9 Figure 2. Location ofMalshegu and Sacred Grove

To Tamale! Electricity 6kmL • ~ ,/t~ansmissjon Kumbuyili •- '" line (Old Mals-hegu Settlement)

Fallow Primary 'I School 15' _--_ , c::=J ..-----=----, \\ ( ,--- \ \ , II \I\ I\ I\, I\ II\ I\ I,. I I I I ~ I I ~ I, I ) I I \ \------~-:-) I' '-----\ Fetish lands (O-25haJ Mosque ~ Grazing grounds I CJ Catholic Church 200m - CJ Stand ) pipe. 1 Farming I Grazing CJ Fertilizer depotl-~ K_E_Y_k-;:::::==QI

Recreational ground o GupanoJgo 00oo°ch°00 0 0 00 Malshegu • 0 0 o 0 0 %0 woggo i The Chief's Nyonkpolo house ~ (Cluster of round houses) To Tamale Water Works IOkm o 5 Not to Scale I I ) o together became evident, other families households, while women do most ofthe joined the community. work.

Today, Malshegu is subdivided into two Most compound land has been sections - Kumbuyili - the cluster of continuously cultivated for several houses around the compound ofthe fetish generations. Soil fertility is maintained by priest- and Malshegu, separated from using animal manure and night soil, by Kumbuyili by several compound farms. (See practicing traditional intercropping and Figure 2). Kumbuyili is the traditional crop rotation techniques (including the home ofthe fetish priest, also called a planting oflegumes), and by allowing for Kpalna, while the village chiefresides in six-month fallow periods during the dry Malshegu.4 At the time of the study, the season. Women use hoes and some animal population ofMalshegu was estimated at traction to prepare the soil; very little 2,000 people and growing (due to an influx chemical fertilizer or pesticide is used. of emigrants from Tamale). Most young men and women (only 20 percent of whom The compound farms in and around the are literate, compared to 65 percent in Malshegu settlement are surrounded by a Ghana as a whole) migrate to nearby urban band of outpost farms, primarily on centers to find manual wage labor, but most communal land. Traditional bush fallow return after a few years to resume farming. farming systems are employed on these farms to cultivate cash crops, principally Mixed agriculture with animal husbandry groundnuts, maize, and upland rice.5 The is the dominant economic activity in commercial farms are managed and worked Malshegu. Villagers cultivate two types of primarily by men. Most men hire a tractor farms - compound and outpost farms. and operator to prepare the land, especially Families intensively work the land for rice production, and organize small, immediately surrounding their compounds seasonal agricultural work parties to plant for subsistence crops. They plant guinea and conduct other work on outpost farms. corn (a staple food) and vegetables Men often call upon their sons and future (primarily pepper, okra) on their compound sons-in-law (as part oftheir dowry payment) farms in March/April and harvest the to participate in these work groups. Women produce in August/September. They also usually help harvest the produce. cultivate some maize, yams, groundnuts, cowpeas, and beans on these farms. Virtually every compound in Malshegu Compound land is generally held with has some cattle (usually four to five), goats, customary title by male heads ofcompound chicken, and guinea fowl. The area has few

4 To enable the second fetish priest ofMalshegu, an elderly man, to perform his functions, a special house was builtfor him near the grove, about 100 meters from the original Malshegu community. According to village elders, the house was namedKumbuyili - "rain never destroys" - because it survived a severe rainstorm immediately after being constructed. 5 In Ghana's more remote northern areas, farmers usually produce vegetables in compound farms and staple food crops - guinea corn, beans, groundnuts - in outpost farms.

(~,.

..'" 11 sheep. Livestock are occasionally sold to fetish god a peaceful and quiet abode as well supplement household income or used for as an overview ofthe village that it protects such sociocultural purposes as religious from enemies and evil spirits. sacrifices or bridal prices. The day-to-day care of the livestock is primarily the In the 19308, the main Tamale-Kumbugu responsibility ofyoung boys. road to the Tamale water station was constructed. The road passes between the Malshegu settlement and the sacred grove, Traditional Religion and Effective within 15 feet of the forest. In the early Environmental Protection ­ 1950s, British colonialists brought electrical History power to the Tamale water supply station. Out ofrespect for local religious beliefs, they Traditional religious leaders, institutions, detoured the transmission lines around the beliefs, and practices have deeply influenced sacred grove. (See Figure 2). Concurrently, the lives of the people ofMalshegu. When many ofthe remaining pockets of savannah the community was first established, the forest on Malshegu land were cut for families came together under the leadership fuelwood and building materials. of an elder believed to be a fetish priest. Justifiably concerned about the potential According to elders living in Malshegu threats to the sacred grove, the Kpalna, or today, the founding families collectively fetish priest, with assistance of the local routed the Arab slave raiders in their first leaders and the approval ofthe villagers, battles. It is believed that a fetish god, demarcated 0.2 hectares of additional area Kpalevorgu - in the form ofa boulder around the sacred grove as fetish buffer under a large baobab tree - helped these lands. families and protected them from the . invaders. The early victories encouraged The forest in the original 0.8-hectare other families to move to Malshegu and sacred grove consists of tall, predominantly increased the power and importance ofthe deciduous trees that form a more or less Kpalevorgu god. complete canopy with lianas and, in the few forest gaps, dense undergrowth. This high Approximately 0.8 hectares ofexisting forest developed from the original open-canopy forest surrounding the boulder open-canopy forest - typical in the and baobab tree was demarcated by the savannah zone - that has been artificially fetish priest/village leader6 as the god's protected from human and natural sanctuary and dwelling place. The forest is disturbances for almost 300 years. The located on flat, slightly elevated land on the Malshegu sacred grove is one of the few outskirts ofthe settlement. It provides the remaining examples ofnon-riverine,

6 The responsi~ilities oft~e fetish priest are inherited through sons. However, at the death ofthe first fe~lsh pnest (and VIllage leader) - who had no sons - the village elders and family heads (~ouncI1 o~ elder~) selected the next priest. In practice, this separated the roles of fetish priest and VIllage chie.f(chiefs are selected b?, the council of elders). Despite early disputes from the family of the first pnest, all subsequent pnests have come from the line ofsons from this selected priest. 'd­pO 12 closed-canopy forest in Ghana's savannah mental ailments are thought to stem from zone. evil spirits, the Kpalna is also the primary traditional healer in the community and the The Malshegu sacred grove and provider of traditional medicines including Kpalevorgu fetish god form part ofa herbs, medicinal plants, and other healing " complex traditional hierarchy ofgods and items, many from the sacred grove. accompanying religious practices found particularly in this region in Ghana. In For family and personal matters, the addition, numerous spirits and Malshegu people establish and worship supernatural powers, both good and evil, various compound and individual-level gods. are present in local tradition. Any item can become the abode ofa god ­ n(t)he power of the fetish is the collective A supreme god, considered male, is power ofthe spirits ofits human creator of all things and is worshipped by all worshippers" (Garbrah 1989) - butthe people. The land, considered female, is the most common form in Malshegu and second most powerful god. Malshegu's land northern Ghana is a clay cone, 30 - 40 is believed to have come into being on a centimeters high, with a small clay pot Friday, so people reserve Fridays for balanced on the cone's point. The pot worship and do not work, and girls born on contains water, blessed by the compound Fridays are given a special name. The patriarch, and certain plants used to wash tindana, a woman custodian ofthe land, the face and cleanse the spirit. Offerings of responsible for distributing communal land, food, chicken, guinea fowl, and goats are is the community's most powerful religious made by families to their compound gods. leader. The Kpalf}vorgu god is Malshegu's The spirit ofthe animal is released by community-level god and is thought to sacrificially cutting its throat and ensure local prosperity (including rain and ceremonially pouring and smearing the adequate agricultural harvests), fertility, blood on the cone. Such practices and lineage stability. strengthen local beliefs in the traditional religion and add to the reverence afforded to The Kpalna, the community's second the Kpalevorgu god and its grove. most powerful religious leader, supersedes the tindana's authority in the sacred grove and on matters regarding its protection. Traditional Religion and Effective The priest leads the community in honoring Environmental Protection ­ Kpalevorgu and advises the village leaders Practice and residents on religious issues ofconcern to the community. The Kpalna is also the Since the Malshegu sacred grove and principal advisor to the villagers regarding fetish lands were demarcated, most trees in compound, family, and individual spiritual the surrounding area have been cut, much matters. Individuals and families with topsoil has been lost to wind and water problems consult him to identify the specific erosion, the water table has dropped, and gods and spirits to be appeased and to other aspects of the resource base have prescribe the precise rituals to be deteriorated. 'Drought in the 1970s and performed. Since many physical and Figure 3. Malshegu Grove and Buffer Zone (Okyeame Ampadu-Agyei)

1980s fueled desertification in the region fauna and flora and serves important and has significantly, and, in some places, environmental functions for the people of permanently, modified the environment. Malshegu. Evidence suggests that the forest may never be able to reestablish itselfin some areas in The forest has become a small refuge for northern Ghana. At best, it would require a large variety offauna and flora and a much more time for forests to develop in repository ofnumerous native species found this area than it would have 100years ago. nowhere else in the region in such large The vegetation on the fetish lands, for concentrations. It probably maintains a example, has been undisturbed since these higher biodiversity than the original lands were set aside almost 5(Jyears ago; open-canopy forest. The grove is an yet, today only a tangle ofwoody plants, in important source of both seeds and seed many places less than one meter in height, dispersers vital to traditional shifting grows there. (See Figure 3). cultivation practices, and ofherbs for local medicinal, social, and religious purposes. The Malshegu grove is an isolated pocket While the grove is too small to be a primary offorest that contrasts sharply with the watershed, its presence ensures that the surrounding Guinea Savannah in the arid water table remains high in the immediate and semiarid northern region of Ghana. Of area. (The presence ofthe original baobab significant ecological importance, the grove in the grove indicates a localized high water constitutes a critical habitat for the area's table). It also protects the village from wind \Cb 14 Figure 4. Malshegu Grove and Grazing Fields (Okyeame Ampadu-Agyei)

and rain storms, bushfires, and other biannual rituals honoringKpalevorgu (see climatic hazards from the south. below) or on other special occasions with advance consent ofthe Kpalna and other The sacred grove in Malshegu has been village leaders. During these occasions some protected and managed by villagers for hunting and collecting offorest resources is nearly three centuries. When it was first also allowed. Only the Kpalna and his aides demarcated, unwritten regulations were put have regular access to the grove and fetish in place by the fetish priest and other lands and regularly visit the grove to pray village leaders regarding land use in and to the Kpalevorgu god on the community's around the grove. Over time, some of these behalf. The priest also routinely collects rules have been amended to ensure their traditional medicinal plants as needed for continued relevance and effectiveness. the community. Today, they protect the fetish lands and the original grove by regulating the behavior of The buffer fetish lands around the sacred the people ofMalshegu and, to some extent, grove are, in turn, encircled by a ofthe residents ofneighboring communities. one-quarter to one-halfkilometer wide band of land on which only grazing is permitted. All forms offarming and grazing in the (See Figures 2 and 4). Only outside this sacred grove and the fetish lands are strip ofgrazing land can villagers cultivate prohibited. Entrance into the grove and farms, establish compounds, or erect other fetish lands is only permitted during structures. For example, a large-scale lel·· J lI 15 gravel pitfor road construction, established symbol (or representative) ofthe 10 - 15 years ago on the outside of the Kpalevorgu god. grazing zone, has been restricted by the Kpalna and village authorities from The branches ofcertain hardwood tree expanding in the direction ofthe grove. species may also be cut at this time for use Indeed, the villagers have piled sand on the as handles for hoes and axes. Custom edge of the road towards the sacred grove as requires that branches cut from the grove be a further deterrent to any development. used only for this purpose. These handles constitute only a small percentage of Twice each year, the Kpalna, aided by the agricultural tool handles, but they are village chiefand other local leaders, particularly important from a sociocultural organizes a grand durb'ar (village-wide perspective.7 Young adults embarking on meeting) and leads the community in prayer independent lives are encouraged to acquire and in various rituals in honor ofthe a handle for their main farming tool from Kpalevorgu god. These religious festivals the grove to ensure agricultural prosperity. mark the beginning (May) and end (October) ofthe agricultural season and are At the conclusion ofthe ceremonies designed to give thanks to the Kpalevorgu marking the end ofthe farming season, a god for the community's prosperity and to three-meter wide firebelt is cleared around solicit such continued blessings as adequate the sacred grove and fetish lands by the rainfall, bumper harvests, and health for young men ofMalshegu and neighboring the community. Residents from Malshegu communities under the direction ofthe and neighboring communities participate in Kpalna to protect the sacred grove from the festivals. annual dry-season bushfires.

During these festivals villagers are The people ofMalshegu and neighboring permitted to hunt and collect some forest communities believe that failure to comply resources. Hunting is restricted to various with the rules protecting the grove, or to species ofrodents and birds; the catch is participate in the biannual festivals, will closely supervised and controlled by the offend and dishonor the Kpalevorgu god and Kpalna and village elders. The feathers, may bring misfortune to the offender, his or skins, and bones ofanimals from the grove her family, and perhaps even the whole are proudly displayed by the hunters during community. There are stories ofpeople these ceremonies. This temporary lifting of (including one American) who, despite the hunting ban does not extend to reptiles. warnings from the villagers, violated the All reptiles are believed to be harmless; and sanctity ofthe god and established the African python is considered the sacred residency in the grazing zone, fetish lands, or sacred grove and soon fell ill, went

7 Most hoe and ax handles, acquired from outside the grove, are, in fact, becoming more difficult to secure, adding another pressure for use ofthe forest resources on the grove. Most ofthe remaining forests and trees have been cut and the fire-resistant savannah trees have few branches suitable for farm tool handles. 10 16 insane, or died. And according to village In response to the growing shortage of elders there has not been a single year in fuelwood and building poles, the Malshegu which the biannual festivals for the Town Development Committee under the Kpalevorgu god were not performed. leadership ofthe local district assembly member, began working in 1988 with a local Community vigilance, under the Kpalna's grassroots institution, the Amasachina direction, is well entrenched and effective. Self-Help AssociationS and the Forestry It is nearly impossible for anybody to enter Department to develop a village woodlot. the grove without being detected, approached, and reported to local A one-hectare woodlot was initiated in authorities. The support ofthe village chief 1988, but the villagers expressed and other leaders from Malshegu and dissatisfaction with the communal effort neighboring communities ensures that the and a preference for private woodlots. Kpalna has the power needed to enforce Indeed, many ofthe tree seedlings donated these rules. In the past, offenders were by the Forestry Departmentfor the lynched; today, they are fined several cows expansion ofthe communal woodlot have or goats, which are sacrificed by the Kpalna been used instead to establish family to appease the Kpalevorgu god. Fines on woodlots in compounds or on compound nonbelievers are paid by family members farms. who still believe in the traditional religious system. Malshegu residents' disinterest in the communal woodlot is indicative oftheir low level ofinvolvement in community Limitations andAdaptations development initiatives. Traditional Dagbani institutions, government­ Resource shortages exist in Malshegu sponsored "revolutionary organs", and other despite the care evident in the protection of externally-initiated organizations are the grove. Forest products, for example, are involved in few community development scarce resources in Malshegu and the activities in Malshegu. Traditional Dagbani surrounding area. Women walk up to 10 social and settlement patterns - extended kilometers to collect fuelwood; one full day families living on separate compound farms of searching is commonly required to gather - encourage and reward self-sufficiency at enough fuelwood for three days. Malshegu the compound level. residents know they could make use ofthe forest resources in the sacred grove, but Many such communal characteristics of avoid using them. most ethnic groups in Ghana as traditional chieftaincy (Queenmother), youth groups, and self-help are not common in Dagbani

8 Amasachina, founded in 1967 and based in Tamale, is a voluntary group involved in catalyzing community self-help efforts for local development, especially the regeneration of natural growth around vlllages. Their success in mobilizing more than 500 villages in northern Ghana has earned the group the United Nations Environment Programme Global 500 Award for 1989. ~f 17 society (Dorm-Adzobu and Veit 1990; Without viable local institutions, Dorm-Adzobu et al. 1991). For example, cooperation among compounds for unlike the Asafo youth groups of the Ewe community development is difficult to people in the Volta Region, Dagbani "youth organize and limited in its ability to address leagues," or boys' groups, are important for such village-wide problems as the lifecycle ceremonies rather than for overgrazing and population increases that organizing community development. have led to land degradation and Action-oriented revolutionary organs ­ desertification in Malshegu. Thus some such as mobilization squads and the 31st environmental problems remain unsolved. December Women's Movement - are conspicuously absent.

~ 18 III. Core Elements of Effective Resource Management

~;s investigation leads to several ifnot significant in economic or nutritional hypotheses regarding the causes of terms. In addition, the forest serves Malshegu's success in protecting its sacred important ecological functions for the grove. community (some perhaps not locally recognized). Yet none of these benefits appear to be among the primary reasons Strong Local Religious Beliefs why the community protects the forest.

The small pocket offorest that comprises In Malshegu, more than in many nearby Malshegu's sacred grove is protected villages, the traditional religion has primarily because it is the sanctuary ofthe survived nearly three centuries of Kpalevorgu god. Indeed, it is difficult to "development," including Christianity and isolate any forest-related activity from the education. Tamale has been an important traditional religious beliefs and practices urban center in northern Ghana since well surrounding the Kpalevorgu god. In the before Malshegu was settled. Catholic people's minds, the defamation ofthe forest churches and schools have operated for would dishonor the god and bring nearly 100 years in both Tamale and misfortune to the offending individual and Malshegu, but most ofMalshegu's residents the community. (some 65 percent, the authors estimate) remain committed to their traditional By protecting the grove, the people of religious beliefs. Even the converted Malshegu derive many benefits in addition minority, while it no longer openly practices to the spiritual rewards of serving their the traditional faith, still believes in the faith. The medicinal plants and herbs local gods, maintains compound and collected by the Kpalna, for example, serve individual gods, and participates in fetish important health needs for the community rituals in the privacy offamily compounds. of Malshegu. The few hoe handles made Few Catholics in Malshegu dare to discredit from wood collected in the grove, and the the local religious beliefs openly or defy the few animals hunted in the forest, are regulations governing the use ofthe sacred important from a sociocultural perspective, grove and fetish lands. Thus, although the I') /1 5/J...,-J 19 urban center and its ways have significantly as the personal satisfaction from adhering influenced many aspects oflife in Malshegu, to the religious mandates, such they have had limited impact on the punishments for misconduct as the threat of resilient local religious patterns. fines and the wrath ofthe god, and community pressure to conform, outweigh An important reason for the strength of the short-term benefits ofexploiting the the local religion in Malshegu is its forest resources. complexity and its penetration into almost every aspect of life. First, the beliefs associated with the community Kpalevorgu Locally Accepted Protection god are woven into a complex religious Guidelines for the Grove system. The number of gods and spirits and the many religious rituals performed, The successful establishment and including almost daily sacrifices to preservation ofthe Malshegu sacred grove compound gods, indicate the importance of trace their roots to informal regulations and the religion in Malshegu. practices founded on the traditional worship ofthe Kpalevorgu god. For centuries, local Second, the keeper of the grove, the people have adhered to specific guidelines village's strongKpalna, is not only the that restrict land use in and around the spiritual advisor on many aspects ofdaily grove and have performed activities to life, buthe is also considered the traditional secure the forest from human interferences. healer and is respected both in Malshegu By respecting the Kpalna's privilege in and in neighboring communities. entering the grove, keeping their compounds, farms, and livestock out ofthe Third, the pre- and post-farming season grove and buffer fetish area, protecting the festivals remind citizens to give thanks and holy site from bushfires, and other prayers to the fetish for recent and future measures, residents have a stake in local good fortune. The Kpalna and village elders adherence to these rules. use these occasions to educate participants, especially the youth and those from In guiding residents' use ofthe grove, the neighboring communities, on certain rules have also encouraged the development aspects ofthe religion; they enable the of other resources to limit pressure on the villagers to rededicate themselves to the grove. Recently, Malshegu's leaders have Kpalevorgu god and to the continued sought alternative responses to local sanctity ofthe grove. shortages of such vital forest products as fuelwood and construction poles. Their Lastly, the people's strong beliefs in the . efforts to develop woodlots indirectly eased traditional religion ensures thatfew any pressure on the grove for forest villagers violate the rules safeguarding the resources and ensured its long-term sacred grove; indeed villagers are key to survivaL In the future, private tree-planting protecting it from nonbelievers. Community efforts will help meet the community's vigilance rather than formal or active growing needs for fuelwood, building poles, policing is sufficient to enforce the and other forest resources, so the villagers regulations. In addition, such daily factors ~~ 20 will not be forced to compromise their Thus individuals who still believe in their religion to meet their need for fuelwood. traditional religion look to other communities with intact sacred groves and resident fetishes for outlets to continue Regional Importance of the practicing their religion. This dynamic is Kpalevorgu Fetish operating in support ofthe Malshegu grove. The nearest sacred grove to Malshegu is 10 Malshegu's grove is becoming kilometers distant; it is not well-maintained increasingly important in the area, adding and is being degraded by the activities of strength to villagers' beliefs and protection local villagers and outsiders. Believers in efforts. As religious beliefs in small neighboring communities, especially communities are weakened, displaced, or relatives ofMalshegu residents, are coming lost, and as pressures on forest resources to Malshegu to pray to the Kpalevorgu god increase, sacred groves in many and to attend the biannual festivals. communities are encroached upon and Indeed, people from throughout the country, forests are degraded or entirely destroyed. including government officials from Accra, This is especially the case in areas near come to pay their respect to the Kpalevorgu urban and industrial centers where god. As a result, the Kpalevorgu god is traditional religious systems and today one ofthe most importantfetishes in commonly-held natural resources are northern Ghana. exceptionally vulnerable to modernization and large-scale development. With the Nat surprisingly, the widening regional destruction of the forest, the resident god of support and influence ofthe Kpalevorgu god the sacred grove is dishonored and lost to strengthens the traditional religion and those community members who still believe guardians thereofin Malshegu (and in the traditional religion. neighboring communities) and further encourages the people to protect the sacred The fetish gods ofsacred groves grove. The citizens ofmany nearby threatened by encroachment or destruction communities now adhere to the regulations are sometimes relocated to other forests. and practices safeguarding the forest and But few pockets of remnant forest remain in come under the power of sanction ofthe northern Ghana's savannah zone, much less Kpalna and other local leaders. on anyone community's land, on which to relocate a displaced fetish (a fetish is rarely Concurrently, the people of Malshegu moved from a sacred grove to a non-forest have come to derive an even greater sense environment). Furthermore, the process of ofpride from their position as custodians of establishing a new sacred grove by planting the Kpalevorgu god and his dwelling place. tree seedlings or safeguarding land for Villagers extend open invitations to natural forest growth is complex and long, neighboring villagers to attend the rituals and in some places in Ghana the local honoring the fetish (despite having to feed resource base has been so degraded that the the increasing numbers ofparticipants). forest cannot be reestablished. They also discuss the history and practices surrounding the Kpalevorgu god more openly now than before with outsiders, an9,.. lJ~... ft)U 21 more frequently grant them permission to exploiting the forest resources. The Kpalna visit the grove. is confident that the strength ofthe villagers' and neighboring residents' belief Thus due to its growing regional in the Kpalevorgu god and their traditional significance, Malshegu's grove is being religion, as well as the ancestral and accorded protection by believers from modern measures ofprotection, will ensure outside the community, thereby adding to the continued existence of the grove. the strength ofbeliefs inside the village and further deterring non-believers interested in

'LG? 22 IV. Implications and Recommendations

~e core elements of success in lifecycle rituals. Sacred groves are usually Malshegu's maintenance of its sacred grove small in size, but large in number; together, have important implications for they constitute an unknown but significant policy-makers and environment and percentage of the remaining natural forests development officers concerned with forest in West Africa that in most cases are not conservation and management in Ghana officially protected. In some countries, they and other Mrican nations. may constitute the bulk ofthe remaining closed-canopy forest.

Vital Connections between Sacred groves are one example of how Religious Systems and Natural traditional religious or sociocultural Resource Management practices lead to environmental preservation or sound resource Throughout the world, traditional management. Some communities recognize religious beliefs and practices are key to sea or river gods; they protect coastal protecting and managing local resources lagoons or stream headwaters by restricting (Rappaport 1968, 1979; McNeely and Pitt water use and such activities as fishing 1985). The protection of the community and (Ntiamoa-Baidu 1990). Others believe its land - god's creations - including certain wildlife species are gods or natural resources, is an integral part of representatives ofgods; they protect these many traditional indigenous religious belief animals' habitats and do not hunt them systems. (Akowuah et al. 1975).

Sacred groves are common in Mrica and Ghanaian Government Support Asia (Gadgil and Vartak 1976; Guinko 1985; Messerschmidt 1985; Chandrakanth et al. for Sacred Groves: A Good 1990; Chandrakanth and Romm 1990). Beginning Most were established centuries ago as dwelling places for traditional gods and are More than most Mrican and other the sites for such important sociocultural governments, Ghana has made good events as religious worship and festivals, progress in understanding the importance burials, secret society meetings, and oftraditional religious practices in natural

23 resource management and in developing cases that all necessary libations and national and subnational policy, legislation, sacrifices were performed (often by paying and appropriate actions to facilitate these for them). In some cases, the fetishes were local efforts. The government's long history relocated, usually in government vehicles of respecting and recognizing traditional (including the helicopter ofthen-President sociocultural aspects and needs recently Kwame Nkrumah), and new sanctuaries took a new turn when it outlined specific established. strategies and laws for promoting cultural traditions that help safeguard the In 1988, the government began environment, such as sacred groves. developing a National Environmental Governments of other sub-Saharan Mrican Action Plan (NEAP) designed to "define a countries and of several Asian nations as set ofpolicy actions, related investments, well as the development assistance and institutional strengthening activities to community should carefully consider make Ghana's development strategy more Ghana's policies and actions. environmentally sustainable" (Government ofGhana 1990). The NEAP preparation Early on, the 1948 National Forestry included input from the private sector and Policy in Ghana (revised in 1989 - 1990) various local/international recognized the sociocultural and religious nongovernmental organizations (NGDs). It importance of sacred groves. Within Forest also established a process for involving Reserves, these groves remain accessible to rural resource users in decentralized the local people, enabling them to continue development planning and implementation. practicing their traditional religion. Even though no systematic attempthas been The NEAP reinforces public statements made to protect all sacred groves in the that sociocultural values and religious forest estate, the approximately 280 Forest practices are indispensable elements ofthe Reserves in Ghana constitute one ofthe institutional arrangements for managing most extensive reserve systems in the environment, and that environmental sub-Saharan Africa and encompass planning and projects must recognize the numerous sacred groves. The new Forest role of such traditional systems and Policy provides for the same opportunities institutions. The plan specifically calls for and also recognizes the role oftrees in land the promotion ofthose aspects ofindigenous use outside the gazetted permanentforest culture that promote conservation and estates and ensures that forest resources enhancement of the environment, including are not used until provision is made for sacred groves. A law currently under their replacement (Asibey 1989). discussion recognizes the environmental, cultural, and scientific role ofgroves and In 1963 - 64, the government expressed other sacred sites and, ifapproved, will concern for the sacred fetishes, shrines, authorize traditional authorities to proclaim groves, and burial sites in the area slated areas sacred and set the conditions for their for flooding by the Volta Dam. To avert protection. local outcry, to enable a peaceful evacuation, and to appease the gods and The NEAP also proposes a national ancestors, the government ensured in many survey ofthe unreserved forests in Ghana to 'Lq 24 examine the number, size, forest cover, and RECOMMENDATIONS condition ofsacred groves in Ghana. Currently, no reliable figures are available Building on Ghana's initiative, several for forest cover outside the protected areas specific recommendations follow which will· in Ghana. Estimates range from 2,500 to further assist planners and decision-makers 7,500 square kilometers. Itis known, working to protect natural resources in however, that sacred groves are among the sacred and other socioculturally important few areas outside forest parks and reserves sites. where primary forest can be found, and most ofthe remaining forest ofat least one forest type in Ghana (Southern Marginal) Legal Government Support for lies within sacred grove boundaries. (IUCN Locally-managed Natural Areas 1988; Garbrah 1989). Throughout parts ofAfrica and Asia, In general, the contributions oftraditional sacred natural sites are facing an increasing religious beliefs and practices, especially at threat as the need for forest resources grows the local level, are neither well known nor and the strength oftraditional religious fully recognized by governments or the beliefs declines. Communities seeking to development assistance community, and the preserve the sacred sanctuaries oftheir implications for policy and programming traditional gods from potentially disruptive are not well understood or implemented. activities would benefit from the legal Few national donor-sponsored support ofthe government. Environmental Action Plans, Tropical Forestry Action Plans, Conservation In Malshegu, the strength ofthe Strategies, or equivalent country-level traditional religion and the action ofthe . planning exercises specifically mention local authorities, primarily the Kpalna, sacred groves or develop policy or program have ensured that the rules and practices actions for improved protection (personal protecting the sacred grove are obeyed and communication, Robert Winterbottom, 1990; performed. The priest has no legal see also Winterbottom, 1990; Halpin, 1990). authority in the modern sense, but with the support ofthe local leaders in Malshegu and In sum, Ghana's efforts in recognizing neighboring communities, he has religious practices as a protective force for commanded sufficient customary power maintaining natural resources suggest that, over the villagers to enforce rules, organize· with concrete action to back this legal protective practices, and punish violators to recognition, sacred natural areas may stay safeguard the grove. intact much longer. Other governments can learn from Ghana's experience. As local traditional religious systems weaken and community leaders lose authority, as often happens when modern influences are introduced, the fetish priest also loses power over the people, especially those removed from his daily influence

25 (such as nonbelievers in neighboring environment in the District" (PNDCL 207, villages). The religious rules are relaxed, Section 6-3-e) and for the formulation of the activities protecting sacred sites are strategies to mobilize and use the district's performed less frequently (and less well), human, financial, and other resources. the forest is increasingly exposed to natural They also have the authority to create and forces such as fires, and the forest resources enforce by-laws to ensure these are exploited. The grove's sanctity is responsibilities are met. violated and, eventually, the forest becomes degraded. Accordingly, the government ofGhana has requested that DAs provide assistance To compensate for such changes, in natural resource management, including communities seeking to protect their sacred that needed to safeguard sacred groves. To sites should be recognized and officially coordinate district environmental matters, empowered by the government to the Environmental Protection Council9 restrict activities that threaten their groves (Ministry ofLocal Government) encourages and to take legal action against those who each district assembly to develop a District encroach on sacred natural sites. Environmental Management Committee (DEMC); to assist in planning and Many options exist for governments to implementing district development provide communities with the legal ability programs, the National Environmental to conserve and manage their natural Action Plan requests each village to resources. In Ghana, the newly created establish a Community Environmental district assemblies are in a good position to Committee (CEC). Among other activities, promote sustainable development and the DEMCs and CECs are to mobilize environmental protection, including the individuals and communities to protect safeguarding of sacred groves. With the fragile and sensitive areas, including release of"District Political Authority and natural forests. l Modalities for District Level Election • in 1987 (Government ofGhana 1987), and the District-level officials have special signing of the Local Government Law ­ responsibility to work with communities on PNDCL 207 - in 1988 (Government of forest management issues and the Ghana 1988), 110 district assemblies (DAs) protection of sacred groves. DAs are lito were established as the lowest level of promote through district bye laws and public administration and political education on aspects ofindigenous cultural authority, and elections were held in 1988 ­ practices which promote conservation of 1989 (see also Government of Ghana 1983, resources and enhancement ofthe 1989; Iddrisu 1987). DAs are "responsible environment such as sacred groves" for the development, improvement and (Government of Ghana 1990, p. 95). In management ofhuman settlements and the addition, the government has requested

9 The EPC was founded in 1974 to coordinate and advise on activities aimed at protecting natural resources and improving the quality of the environment in Ghana.

~/!y/.·l. '{""".'"".\', 26 that DAs conduct surveys of available sanctuary boundaries should be identified natural resources (including sacred groves), with assistance from the community and manage critical/fragile areas and species, legally demarcated by the DA. Sanctuaries establish anti-bushfire committees at the should remain accessible to believers, for district and village levels, and help grant example, for religious rites (as is the case timber concessions, monitor timber with sacred groves in Ghana's Forest extraction, license commercial charcoal Reserves), and their day-to-day burners and firewood producers, and management would remain in the hands of organize environmental activities (including the village leaders and community tree-planting). members. District forestry and other extension staffneed not be stationed at the Assembly officials should work directly grove, but should be available to offer with communities interested in achieving technical assistance ifrequested. additional protection for their sacred groves. This will require that the 110 DAs be Ghana has already established one legal sensitive to the issues ofsacred groves and sanctuary specifically to enable two well-informed of their range ofpotential communities to protect religiously actions for helping communities protect significant natural resources from outsiders. them.1o Conversely, communities must be In 1975 the NkoranzalTechiman District informed ofhow DAs can help them Council established the Boabeng/Fiema safeguard their sacred groves. Wildlife Sanctuary. The founders ofthe .communities of Boabeng and Fiema For communities to achieve the political demarcated the local stream as the dwelling legitimacy needed to safeguard their sacred place of their god. The dense forests that groves, national laws need not be enacted covered these stream banks were home to a nor do communities need to be given the variety ofwildlife, including several monkey political authority to develop their own species, and, through the spiritual by-laws; rather, sacred groves could be investigations of a local religious leader, the gazetted "sanctuaries" through district people discovered that the monkeys were by-laws. Any change in the legal status of "the animals ofthe stream" - sons ofthe sacred groves should reinforce, rather than god. Regulations were established to undermine, traditional religious beliefs and protect the monkeys and their habitat; functions. Thus the legal definition of any these include the prohibition ofhunting, such sanctuary would be informed by the capturing, or disturbing the monkeys traditional- religiously founded, if (Akowuah et a1. 1975). appropriate -land use system. Initially,

10 Some central government officials fear that decentralization as outlined in PNDCL 207 could lead to conflicts between central and local authorities. Regarding forest management, they fear that districts may seek to establish district reserves (or de-gazette national reserves) outside national policies/interests for district development purposes. In contrast, others have argued for further devolution ofpolitical authority, increasedlocal authority, and even the state's legal empowerment ofcertain NOOs involved in forest management. j'( 27 Despite the protection given by Meeting Local Needs for Forest customary laws and traditions, the monkeys Resources; Village-Based and their forest habitat suffered at the Training in Forest Management hands ofhunters and others who did not believe in the local customs. To make protection more effective, the local people, New policies and national legislation or working with the Ghana Wildlife Society (a district by-laws do not guarantee that local nongovernmental organization), sacred groves will be better protected, persuaded the NkoranzafI'echiman District however. Many national parks and forest Council to designate the forest officially (in reserves throughout the world are protected a by-law) as a district wildlife sanctuary. on paper only. To fortify protection, The Department of Game and Wildlife legislative actions must be enforced to deter (DGW), with assistance from the local the exploitation ofprotected areas and their people, selected and surveyed· the resources, and specific activities must boundaries ofthe 260-hectare sanctuary, address the fact that human beings need and posted staffto help enforce the law. those resources and should have access to The local communities now manage the them elsewhere (McCaffrey and Landazuri sanctuary, though the DGW is available to 1987; WWF 1988; Kiss 1990; Wells et al. provide technical assistance. This 1990). Only then can the long-term security sanctuary has helped the community ofprotected areas be possible. protect the sacred monkeys and their habitat; indeed, it has become home for a The small size ofmost sacred groves great variety of wildlife. suggests that the forest cannot sustain much use. The forest and forest resources in The Malshegu study reveals that, with most sacred groves that remain intact, the support ofthe village leaders in including Malshegu's, are used sparingly or Malshegu and neighboring communities, not at all. Increased use of sacred grove the Kpalna has sufficient regional authority resources appears to be an indication that to successfully safeguard the forest. The the religious system is weakening or that Boabeng/Fiema Wildlife Sanctuary suggests resource pressures have grown severe. Too that support from the district officials can often, it has been a first step toward the also effectively serve to provide the degradation and eventual destruction and necessary legal authority for the local loss ofthe forest pocket. Thus to suggest leaders to protect sacred groves from that the forest resources in sacred groves be non-believers interested in exploiting the used to a greater extent, even sustainably, forest resources. This example could be rather than preserved untouched, may adapted to many sacred natural areas, not undermine traditional religious beliefs ­ only elsewhere in Ghana, but in other parts the foundation ofthe rules and practices ofMrica and Asia. Thus central or local that have successfully protected the forest. government agencies should be encouraged and empowered to provide authority to To relieve the increasing pressure on communities to protect their sacred groves sacred groves, the government and and other culturally important natural development assistance community should work toward meeting the forest resource ff;eas.

28 needs oflocal people. This may involve resource management, and the traditional developing new sources offuelwood and religious rules and practices that now building material, and adopting alternative protect the groves, many ofwhich have technologies that use resources much more clear parallels in modern methods of effectively or not at all. In Malshegu, the wildlife protection and management. Some people responded to the growing fuelwood sacred groves could become occasional shortage by establishing woodlots, first at training sites -livingclassrooms - not the village level and more recently at the only for villagers, including school children, compound level. Other activities could but also for forestry extension officers, and include, where appropriate, increased use of perhaps even professional foresters and agroforestry practices and fuel-efficient or wildlife ecologists. Such understanding can alternative energy stoves. help ensure extension services are more socioculturally appropriate and thereby Efforts should also be made to develop improve the delivery of extension services. nonreligious incentives to protect sacred groves as additional incentives for local Undisturbed sacred groves represent people to protect the sacred groves. For miniature forest ecosystems; they also offer example, community members should be opportunities for learning more about forest educated on the ecological values, functions, ecology, including research on the economic and needs of intact fdrests. Lessons should and medical importance ofindigenous fauna emphasize those functions ofthe forest that and flora species. In Ghana, some botanical provide important benefits to the individual research has been conducted in sacred farmers and to the community in general. groves (Lieberman 1979, 1982; Lieberman, Such knowledge might also encourage local D., and M. Lieberman 1984; Lieberman, M., people to safeguard remaining pockets of and D. Lieberman 1986), but considerable natural forest on their lands other than opportunities for academic and applied sacred groves and to become more involved fieldwork remain. in tree-planting. Local, district, and central governments By the same token, sacred groves could have the opportunity to use community­ serve as sites for educating government level initiative and religious faith in extension officers and other natural protecting remaining natural areas. They resource professionals on the importance of also have the responsibility. local religion, its relationship to natural

~:>. 29 v. Conclusions

As human populations, livestock herds, • government recognition, both at the and foreign debts grow, people are national and subnationallevel, ofthe increasingly looking for ways to secure importance ofeffective local-level fuelwood and other forest products, thus natural resource management can perhaps endangering the locally-protected greatly increase the ability of sacred groves that remain. As the coverage communities to safeguard their ofviable forest declines in sub-Saharan natural resources; Africa, governments are taking notice ofthe methods - including local-level initiatives • villages seeking to protect sacred - that appear to preserve and manage the sites threatened by non-believers forests. Malshegu's long-lasting success in need the support and backing ofthe this endeavor may prove an excellent government for the legal authority to example. implement and enforce traditional resource management strategies and The principal driving forces behind practices; Malshegu's effective protection ofits sacred grove include a strong religious beliefin the • community initiatives in resource grove as the sanctuary ofthe local god - in management can benefitfrom the good measure a result ofthe effectiveness of timely input oftechnical expertise the religious leader, the rules and practices and assistance from extension established centuries ago to guide people in officials, particularly with regard to their use of the forest and its resources, and improved management practices and the growing regional importance of the techniques; sanctuary as other local sacred groves become degraded or lost. These elements, • government should work with drawn out in this case study research, lead villagers to develop more efficient to policy implications that are supported by means offorest resource utilization research from sacred groves elsewhere in and to identifY alternative sources of Africa and Asia, and by studies of other these resources; and sacred natural areas. These implications include: • villagers would benefit from environmental education, including training to increase the awareness of further empower communities to take local resource management benefits greater control oftheir resources have the with direct consequences and potential to lead to improved local implications to their social and initiatives in environmental protection and economic welfare. management. Other governments and international development assistance The government of Ghana's recognition of agencies concerned with natural resource the imporlance oftraditional religious management may learn from Ghana's beliefs in local-level natural resource example. management and its recent policy, legislative, and programming actions to

32 References

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