The Moscow Helsinki Group the Seed from Which the Helsinki Movement Grew
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Helsinki Watch Committees in the Soviet Republics: Implications For
FINAL REPORT T O NATIONAL COUNCIL FOR SOVIET AND EAST EUROPEAN RESEARC H TITLE : HELSINKI WATCH COMMITTEES IN THE SOVIET REPUBLICS : IMPLICATIONS FOR THE SOVIET NATIONALITY QUESTIO N AUTHORS : Yaroslav Bilinsky Tönu Parming CONTRACTOR : University of Delawar e PRINCIPAL INVESTIGATORS : Yaroslav Bilinsky, Project Director an d Co-Principal Investigato r Tönu Parming, Co-Principal Investigato r COUNCIL CONTRACT NUMBER : 621- 9 The work leading to this report was supported in whole or in part fro m funds provided by the National Council for Soviet and East European Research . NOTICE OF INTENTION TO APPLY FOR COPYRIGH T This work has been requested for manuscrip t review for publication . It is not to be quote d without express written permission by the authors , who hereby reserve all the rights herein . Th e contractual exception to this is as follows : The [US] Government will have th e right to publish or release Fina l Reports, but only in same forma t in which such Final Reports ar e delivered to it by the Council . Th e Government will not have the righ t to authorize others to publish suc h Final Reports without the consent o f the authors, and the individua l researchers will have the right t o apply for and obtain copyright o n any work products which may b e derived from work funded by th e Council under this Contract . ii EXEC 1 Overall Executive Summary HELSINKI WATCH COMMITTEES IN THE SOVIET REPUBLICS : IMPLICATIONS FOR THE SOVIET NATIONALITY QUESTION by Yaroslav Bilinsky, University of Delawar e d Tönu Parming, University of Marylan August 1, 1975, after more than two years of intensive negotiations, 35 Head s of Governments--President Ford of the United States, Prime Minister Trudeau of Canada , Secretary-General Brezhnev of the USSR, and the Chief Executives of 32 othe r European States--signed the Final Act of the Conference on Security and Cooperatio n in Europe (CSCE) . -
Dissidents Versus Communists
DISSIDENTS VERSUS COMMUNISTS An Examination of the Soviet Dissidence Movement Matthew Williams Professor Transchel History 419 May 12, 2016 Williams 1 On February 25, 1956, Nikita Khrushchev gave a speech to the Twentieth Congress and to the Communist Party stating that Joseph Stalin was responsible for all of the empire’s then-current issues. He also gave insight into the criminal actions performed by the man during his lifetime. This speech was called the “Secret Speech” as it was not publicized at first, but once word got out about the true nature of Stalin, people began to doubt everything they knew to be true. Khrushchev decreased the censorship and restrictions on people and also freed millions of political prisoners from Gulags, beginning what would come to be referred to as the “thaw”. Many people had practically worshipped Stalin and knew him to represent the Communist party’s creed of infallibility. The tarnishing of his image led many people to seriously doubt the capabilities of the party.1 As truths came out and people began to discuss issues, there was increasing dissatisfaction with the Communist Party and a community of dissenters was born. This community of dissenters would ultimately keep the fight for freedom going long after the end of the thaw era, until the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. This paper will examine the dissent movement, from its roots in the end of the Stalin era to the collapse in 1991; it will address how the dissent movement came into being, and how it evolved as new challenges were presented to it. -
Russia 2012-2013: Attack on Freedom / 3 Introduction
RUSSIA 2012-2013 : Attack on Freedom Article 1: All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood. Article 2: Everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration, without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status. Furthermore, no distinction shall be made on the basis of the political, jurisdictional or international status of the country or territory to which a person belongs, whether it be independent, trust, non-self-governing or under any other limitation of sovereignty. Article 3: Everyone has the right to life, liberty and security of person. Article 4: No one shall be held in slavery or servitude; slavery and the slave trade shall be prohibited in all their forms. Article 5: No one shall be subjected to torture or to cruel, February 2014 / N°625a Cover photo: Demonstration in front of the State Duma (Russian Parliament) in Moscow on 18 July 2013, after the conviction of Alexei Navalny. © AFP PHOTO / Ivan Novikov 2 / Titre du rapport – FIDH Introduction -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 4 1. Authoritarian Methods to Suppress Rights and Freedoms -------------------------------- 6 2. Repressive Laws ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ 8 2.1. Restrictions on Freedom -
Download This Report
A LICENSE TO KILL Israeli Operations against "Wanted" and Masked Palestinians A Middle East Watch Report Human Rights Watch New York !!! Washington !!! Los Angeles !!! London Copyright 8 July 1993 by Human Rights Watch. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. Library of Congress Card Catalog Number: 93-79007 ISBN: 1-56432-109-6 Middle East Watch Middle East Watch was founded in 1989 to establish and promote observance of internationally recognized human rights in the Middle East. The chair of Middle East Watch is Gary Sick and the vice chairs are Lisa Anderson and Bruce Rabb. Andrew Whitley is the executive director; Eric Goldstein is the research director; Virginia N. Sherry and Aziz Abu Hamad are associate directors; Suzanne Howard is the associate. HUMAHUMAHUMANHUMAN RIGHTS WATCH Human Rights Watch conducts regular, systematic investigations of human rights abuses in some sixty countries around the world. It addresses the human rights practices of governments of all political stripes, of all geopolitical alignments, and of all ethnic and religious persuasions. In internal wars it documents violations by both governments and rebel groups. Human Rights Watch defends freedom of thought and expression, due process of law and equal protection of the law; it documents and denounces murders, disappearances, torture, arbitrary imprisonment, exile, censorship and other abuses of internationally recognized human rights. Human Rights Watch began in 1978 with the founding of Helsinki Watch by a group of publishers, lawyers and other activists and now maintains offices in New York, Washington, D.C., Los Angeles, London, Moscow, Belgrade, Zagreb and Hong Kong. -
Statement on Moscow Helsinki Group's 30 Anniversary
PC.DEL/459/06 19 May 2006 ENGLISH only United States Mission to the OSCE Statement on Moscow Helsinki Group’s 30th Anniversary As delivered by Political Counselor Bruce Connuck to the Permanent Council, Vienna May 18, 2006 Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Last week marked the 30th anniversary of the founding of the Moscow Helsinki Group. The United States applauds the Group's three decades of contributions to the worldwide movement for human rights. Established on May 12th, 1976 by a small circle of steadfast human rights activists, the Moscow Helsinki Group sought to promote the Soviet Union's implementation of the 1974 Helsinki accord -- an agreement linking security among states to respect for human rights within states. At a press conference held in Nobel Laureate Andrei Sakharov's apartment announcing the Group's formation, the Group's leader, physicist Yuri Orlov, asked those present to join him in the traditional toast of Soviet dissidents: "To the success of our hopeless cause!" Thanks in great measure to the courage, perseverance and sacrifice of the Moscow Helsinki Group members -- and the work of the NGOs that they inspired in the Soviet Union and Eastern and central Europe -- the Helsinki process has not just borne witness to historic changes once thought to be hopeless causes; it has helped to bring those changes about. We recognize the pioneering contributions the Group has made and the importance of NGOs to the development of civil society in supporting OSCE commitments. Mr. Chairman, even today, citizens of some OSCE participating States face harassment or arrest for meeting quietly in private homes and apartments. -
From Helsinki to Human Rights Watch: How an American Cold War Monitoring Group Became an International Human Rights Institution
Peter Slezkine From Helsinki to Human Rights Watch: How an American Cold War Monitoring Group Became an International Human Rights Institution On September 7, 2010, George Soros gave Human Rights Watch (HRW) a $100 million grant, the largest in its history. ‘‘I’m afraid the United States has lost the moral high ground under the Bush administration, but the principles that Human Rights Watch promotes have not lost their universal applicability,’’ he said. ‘‘So to be more effective, I think the organization has to be seen as more international, less an American organization.’’1 Today, it is taken for granted that HRW’s scope should be international and its principles universally applicable. It seems self-evident that an organization called Human Rights Watch should strive to monitor abuses wherever they occur and to enforce universal standards on a global scale. It is also understood that to be most effective (and least vulnerable to criticism), HRW should appear to reflect the univer- sality of its principles. In its ideal form, it would operate outside the world of particular allegiances, origins, and ideologies; at the very least, it would embody a global cross-section of particular concerns. Of course, such perfect impartiality and universal representativeness must always remain elusive. A headquarters in New York and a significant percentage of American donors and staff risk tying HRW’s moral standing to that of the U.S. government, as Soros pointed out. And the opening of each new office, the issuing of each new report, and the acceptance of each new donation may be construed as examples of particular biases that would undermine HRW’s declared universalism. -
The Paradigm of Scientists for Sakharov, Orlov and Sharansky (Sos)
GUERRILLA TACTICS FOR HUMAN RIGHTS: THE PARADIGM OF SCIENTISTS FOR SAKHAROV, ORLOV AND SHARANSKY (SOS) (Invited speech on the occasion of the Sakharov Prize Award at the 2010 “April” meeting of the American Physical Society) February 15, 2010 Morris (Moishe ) Pripstein Physics Division, National Science Foundation I would like to thank the American Physical Society for honoring me as a co-recipient of the Sakharov Prize along with such illustrious human-rights activists as my colleagues Joe Birman and Herman Winick. I would also like to thank my wife, Flo, for her major contributions to the activities described below which led to this award and to our children, David, Jeremy and Laura, for their unstinting support throughout that hectic period. In addition, I want to express my deep appreciation to Elena Bonner for her very generous comments presented earlier in this session by her daughter, Tatiana Yankelevich, and to Tatiana and her brother Alexey Semyonov and his wife, Liza, for joining us in this occasion. This award is especially meaningful to me as it pays homage to the great scientist and human- rights champion Andrei Sakharov, a role model to many of us, and because of the outstanding previous awardees, Yuri Orlov and Xu Liangying. While many scientists have valiantly engaged in the struggle for human rights, it is this group, along with Natan Sharansky, Elena Bonner, Fang Li Zhi and the long list of other dissident and refusenik scientists who put their own lives at risk on behalf of human rights, who are the heroes of the movement and a special inspiration to the rest of us. -
The Helsinki Watch Committees in the Soviet Republics
FINAL REPORT T O NATIONAL COUNCIL FOR SOVIET AND EAST EUROPEAN RESEARC H TITLE : The Helsinki Watch Committees i n the Soviet Republics : Implica - tions for Soviet Nationalit y Policy AUTHOR : Yaroslav Bilinsky T8nu Parmin g CONTRACTOR : University of Delawar e PRINCIPAL INVESTIGATOR : Yaroslav Bilinsk y COUNCIL CONTRACT NUMBER : 621- 9 The work leading to this report was supported in whole or in part from funds provided by the National Council for Sovie t and East European Research . Yaroslav Bilinsky (University of Delaware, Newark, DE 19711, USA ) Tönu Parmin g (University of Maryland, College Park, ND 20742, USA ) HELSINKI WATCH COMMITTEES IN THE SOVIET REPUBLICS : IMPLICATIONS FOR SOVIETY NATIONALITY POLICY * Paper presented at Second World Congres s on Soviet and East European Studies , Garmisch-Partenkirchen, German Federal Republic , September 30 - October 4, 198 0 *This paper is based on the authors' longer study, The Helsinki Watch Committees in the Soviet Republics : Implications for the Sovie t Nationality Question, which was supported in whole or in part fro m funds provided by the National Council for Soviet and East Europea n Research, under Council Contract Number 621-9 . Travel to Garmisch- Partenkirchen has been--in Bilinsky's case—made possible by grant s from the American Council of Learned Societies and the University o f Delaware . The authors would like to thank their benefactors an d explicitly stress that the authors alone are responsible for th e contents of this paper . 2 Unexpectedly, within two years of the signing by the Sovie t Union, the United States, Canada, and thirty-two European states , of the long and solemn Final Act of the Conference on Security an d Cooperation in Europe in Helsinki, August l, 1975, there sprang u p as many as five groups of Soviet dissenters claiming that th e Helsinki Final Act justified their existence and activity . -
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD— Extensions of Remarks E780 HON
E780 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — Extensions of Remarks May 10, 2006 this capacity since May 2004 and he will soon our visit many of the incarcerated had been brain cancer after waiting years for Soviet au- be accepting command of the 6th Marine released and by 1991 the camp had emptied thorities to give her permission to leave the Regiment at Camp Lejeune, North Carolina. out completely in the closing chapter of the Soviet Union for specialized treatment abroad, Through his assignment as the Marine USSR. As Co-Chairman of the Helsinki Com- a reminder of the personal costs to human Corps Liaison Officer to the House, Colonel mission, I can vividly recall that glimpse into rights activists and their families under a cruel Simcock has been an invaluable link between life in the Soviet GULag, both a memorable regime. Members of Congress and the Marine Corps. and sobering experience. But the Helsinki spirit lived on. In the West, He has coordinated and accompanied con- I mention that trip because Friday of this supporters and sympathizers demonstrated on gressional delegations to places such as Iraq week, May 12, will mark the 30th anniversary behalf on imprisoned Helsinki Monitors. The and Afghanistan, organized and contributed to of the founding of the Moscow Helsinki Group, cases of imprisoned or exiled Helsinki Mon- meetings between Members of Congress and a leading human rights organization devoted itors were often raised at diplomatic meetings key leaders of the Marine Corps, and worked to monitoring the Kremlin’s adherence to the between the United States and the Soviet au- to ensure that Members are kept fully in- Helsinki Final Act of 1975. -
Human Rights in the Cold
17 HUMAN RIGHTS AND THE COLD WAR Sarah B. Snyder Scholars interested in human rights during the Cold War are increasingly producing innovative new work on the issue.1 Unfortunately, human rights has not yet warranted serious, sustained consideration by those writing survey accounts of the Cold War. For example, John Lewis Gaddis’ The Cold War mentions human rights in connection with only four subjects: the Jackson-Vanik Amendment, Jimmy Carter’s foreign policy, the United Nations, and the Helsinki Final Act.2 Yet, human rights mattered to international relations at far more points in the Cold War. We can think of the Cold War as bookended by two major human rights developments – agreement to the 1948 United Nations (UN) Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) and the influence of human rights and human rights advocacy on the end of the Cold War. In between, attention to human rights abuses internationally was inconsistent and often overshadowed by the perceived stakes of the Cold War in political, military, ideological, and economic terms. Existing scholarship on human rights in the Cold War has repeatedly pointed to two human rights “booms” – one in the late 1940s and one in the 1970s.3 This chapter, however, will argue that the pattern was more undulating and that moments might be a more useful framework for understanding when human rights emerged as a priority in international relations.4 Human Rights during the Early Cold War Building upon the UN Charter’s affirmation of respect for human rights, the UN Human Rights Commission began drafting a document that outlined international human rights norms and protected individual freedoms in 1947.5 Members of the Human Rights Commission considered the devastation of World War Two and former United States President Franklin D. -
Aspects of the Decline of Human Rights Defenders in the OSCE Region
In: IFSH (ed.), OSCE Yearbook 2009, Baden-Baden 2010, pp. 257-265. Aaron Rhodes Aspects of the Decline of Human Rights Defenders in the OSCE Region Human rights defenders in the OSCE region have received more attention and support than those in any other region of the world. Each of the powerful international governmental organizations dealing with human rights in the region has, in the past 20 years, promulgated standards, commitments, and declarations about the “vital role” of civil society human rights defenders and the need for governments to respect their work and the international community to protect their activities. The contents of these texts and docu- ments need not be repeated here, and have been discussed by this author and numerous others many times.1 The OSCE, in particular, has devoted much attention to human rights defenders, especially since around 2001. Numerous meetings in the frame- work of the human dimension were held, providing a platform for human rights defenders and for national delegations to show their support; the Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR) eventually estab- lished a unit to focus on human rights defenders; a number of Chairmen-in- Office declared that protecting human rights defenders was a priority, and in some cases lobbied intensively for the release of incarcerated activists;2 and input by human rights defenders was sought on many occasions. Numerous other initiatives have been taken within the Council of Europe, especially by the Commissioner for Human Rights; by the United Nations, whose Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights established a Civil Society Unit during this period, and which appointed a Special Representative of the Sec- retary General (now Special Rapporteur) on human rights defenders; and by the European Union. -
I Was Born 1954, Next Year After Tyrant's Death
Hall 1. CASE A I was born in 1954, next year after tyrant’s death. Government’s bulletins about dying Stalin having “Chain- Stocks” breathing gave the hope to my parent’s generation that they will breathe more freely. Yet “Archipelago GULAG” did not vanish completely. Three of our family got first hand experience in 70’s-80’s of what it is to be a prisoner of conscience. First my father, then my wife and I. Then the wall was broken, communist party and Soviet Union ceased to exist, criminal code was changed and article 70 we were charged by removed, special political labor camps were closed and former prisoners rehabilitated. Once again there was a hope that GULAG is dead. Once again this hope has been proven to be wrong. There are political prisoners in Putin’s Russia. These are people imprisoned because of government’s political reasons. The country, its rulers and prisoners, the life itself is very different, but prison does not change much. In 1992 I had a rare opportunity to tour Russian prisons and labor camps - this time as a photographer, not as prisoner. Most of the pictures on this exhibit are from that trip. These pictures and artifacts would allow you to glance at one island of the archipelago so to speak. Overhung: Door into solitary confinement cell. My wife spent many days behind it. Books GULAG HISTORY BY APPLEBAUM, MY TESTIMONY BY A.MARCHENKO Books and dissemination of information and opinions in general were by far the most common reasons for political imprisonment during 60’s – 80’s.