Contributions to the Study of Yang Xiong's 揚雄fayan 法言
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Contents Transcriptions Romanization Zen 1 Chinese Chán Sanskrit Name 1.1 Periodisation Sanskrit Dhyāna 1.2 Origins and Taoist Influences (C
7/11/2014 Zen - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Zen From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Zen is a school of Mahayana Buddhism[note 1] that Zen developed in China during the 6th century as Chán. From China, Zen spread south to Vietnam, northeast to Korea and Chinese name east to Japan.[2] Simplified Chinese 禅 Traditional Chinese 禪 The word Zen is derived from the Japanese pronunciation of the Middle Chinese word 禪 (dʑjen) (pinyin: Chán), which in Transcriptions turn is derived from the Sanskrit word dhyāna,[3] which can Mandarin be approximately translated as "absorption" or "meditative Hanyu Pinyin Chán state".[4] Cantonese Zen emphasizes insight into Buddha-nature and the personal Jyutping Sim4 expression of this insight in daily life, especially for the benefit Middle Chinese [5][6] of others. As such, it de-emphasizes mere knowledge of Middle Chinese dʑjen sutras and doctrine[7][8] and favors direct understanding Vietnamese name through zazen and interaction with an accomplished Vietnamese Thiền teacher.[9] Korean name The teachings of Zen include various sources of Mahāyāna Hangul 선 thought, especially Yogācāra, the Tathāgatagarbha Sutras and Huayan, with their emphasis on Buddha-nature, totality, Hanja 禪 and the Bodhisattva-ideal.[10][11] The Prajñāpāramitā Transcriptions literature[12] and, to a lesser extent, Madhyamaka have also Revised Romanization Seon been influential. Japanese name Kanji 禅 Contents Transcriptions Romanization Zen 1 Chinese Chán Sanskrit name 1.1 Periodisation Sanskrit dhyāna 1.2 Origins and Taoist influences (c. 200- 500) 1.3 Legendary or Proto-Chán - Six Patriarchs (c. 500-600) 1.4 Early Chán - Tang Dynasty (c. -
APA NEWSLETTER on Asian and Asian-American Philosophers and Philosophies
NEWSLETTER | The American Philosophical Association Asian and Asian-American Philosophers and Philosophies SPRING 2020 VOLUME 19 | NUMBER 2 FROM THE GUEST EDITOR Ben Hammer The Timeliness of Translating Chinese Philosophy: An Introduction to the APA Newsletter Special Issue on Translating Chinese Philosophy ARTICLES Roger T. Ames Preparing a New Sourcebook in Classical Confucian Philosophy Tian Chenshan The Impossibility of Literal Translation of Chinese Philosophical Texts into English Dimitra Amarantidou, Daniel Sarafinas, and Paul J. D’Ambrosio Translating Today’s Chinese Masters Edward L. Shaughnessy Three Thoughts on Translating Classical Chinese Philosophical Texts Carl Gene Fordham Introducing Premodern Text Translation: A New Field at the Crossroads of Sinology and Translation Studies SUBMISSION GUIDELINES AND INFORMATION VOLUME 19 | NUMBER 2 SPRING 2020 © 2020 BY THE AMERICAN PHILOSOPHICAL ASSOCIATION ISSN 2155-9708 APA NEWSLETTER ON Asian and Asian-American Philosophers and Philosophies BEN HAMMER, GUEST EDITOR VOLUME 19 | NUMBER 2 | SPRING 2020 Since most of us reading this newsletter have at least a FROM THE GUEST EDITOR vague idea of what Western philosophy is, we must understand that to then learn Chinese philosophy is truly The Timeliness of Translating Chinese to reinvent the wheel. It is necessary to start from the most basic notions of what philosophy is to be able to understand Philosophy: An Introduction to the APA what Chinese philosophy is. Newsletter Special Issue on Translating In the West, religion is religion and philosophy is Chinese Philosophy philosophy. In China, this line does not exist. For China and its close East Asian neighbors, Confucianism has guided Ben Hammer the social and spiritual lives of people for thousands of EDITOR, JOURNAL OF CHINESE HUMANITIES years in the same way the Judeo-Christian tradition has [email protected] guided people in the West. -
Discourses and Practices of Confucian Friendship in 16Th-Century Korea Isabelle Sancho
Discourses and Practices of Confucian Friendship in 16th-Century Korea Isabelle Sancho To cite this version: Isabelle Sancho. Discourses and Practices of Confucian Friendship in 16th-Century Korea. Licence. European Program for the Exchange of Lecturers (EPEL)- The Association for Korean Studies in Europe, Bucharest, Romania. 2014. hal-02905241 HAL Id: hal-02905241 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-02905241 Submitted on 24 Jul 2020 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Friday May 30, 2014 University of Bucharest - EPEL talk Isabelle SANCHO CNRS-EHESS Paris “Discourses and Practices of Confucian Friendship in 16th-Century Korea” The original Confucian school might be described as starting with a group of disciples and friends gathering together around the central figure of a master: Confucius, Master Kong. The man Confucius, as he has been staged in the text of the Analects, is always surrounded by a few key figures with distinct personalities, social backgrounds, and trajectories: the practical and straight-talker Zilu with military training, the gifted and politically skilled Zigong coming from a wealthy family, the youngest and favorite disciple Yan Hui from humble origins whose premature death left the Master inconsolable, Zengzi keen on transmitting the supposed true teachings of Confucius and to whom is attributed the Book of Filial Piety, etc. -
Cheng, Prefinal2.Indd
ru in han times anne cheng What Did It Mean to Be a Ru in Han Times? his paper is not meant to break new ground, but essentially to pay T homage| to Michael Loewe. All those who have touched upon Han studies must acknowledge an immense intellectual debt to his work. I have had the great privilege of being his student at Cambridge back in the early 1980s while I was writing my doctoral thesis on He Xiu and the Later Han “jinwen jingxue վ֮ᆖᖂ.” Along with his vast ۶ٖ knowledge about the Han period, he has kept giving me much more over the years: his unfailing support, his human warmth, and wisdom. All this, alas, has not transformed me into what I ought to have be- come: a disciple worthy of the master. The few general considerations I am about to submit about what it meant to be a ru ᕢ in the Han pe- riod call forth an immediate analogy. I would tend to view myself as a “vulgar ru,” as opposed to authentic ones such as the great sinologists who have taught me. Jacques Gernet, who is also one of them, asked me once half teas- ingly whether one could actually talk about an existing Confucianism as early as the Han. His opinion was that what is commonly called Neo-Confucianism from the Song onwards should actually be consid- ered as the earliest form of Confucianism. Conversely, in an article on ᆖ, Michael Nylan and Nathan Sivinخ֜ Yang Xiong’s ཆႂ Taixuan jing described the new syntheses of beliefs prevalent among leading think- ers of the Han as “the first Neo-Confucianism,”1 meaning that “what sinologists call the ‘Confucianism’ of that time decisively rejected cru- cial parts of ‘Confucius’s Way.’ Its revisionism is as great in scope as that of the Song.”2 I here thank the anonymous referees for their critical remarks on my paper and apologize for failing, due to lack of time and availability, to make all the necessary revisions. -
On the Reconstruction of the Shenxian Zhuan
On the reconstruction of the Shenxian zhuan . School of Oriental and African Studies The Shenxian zhuan is a biographical (or hagiographical) collection of great importance to our understanding of the formation of the Taoist religion in the early centuries of the Common Era. A text of this name was put together by Ge Hong (283–343), but it has long been suspected that the best-known version currently available was actually confected for commercial rather than academic purposes in the sixteenth century from quotations in other sources, and that the direct tradition of the text has been lost. The careful reconstitution of a reliable version of the original work—or at least of an ancient version—has been the goal of a number of scholars, and the appearance of such a work of scholarship in the form of a translation, as part of what will doubtless prove to be a standard reference series for Taoist texts in English, certainly gives full occasion for congratulating not only the author, Robert Ford Campany, but also the series editor and indeed the press that has made the publication of this typographically complex and lengthy monograph possible.1 There is indeed much to admire here, right from the ‘Foreword’ by the series editor, Stephen R. Bokenkamp, which provides (on p. xxii) a stout defence of academic translation against those, including tenure and promotion committees, who see it as ‘just a skill, like taking dictation’.2 This publication does, however, give an unrivalled opportunity for assessing how much we have learned concerning the reconstitution of lost texts from the period of disunion following the collapse of China's first period of imperial unity, and it is on this question of how to go about the work of reconstitution that the following remarks will concentrate. -
A Abbasid Caliphate, 239 Relations Between Tang Dynasty China And
INDEX A anti-communist forces, 2 Abbasid Caliphate, 239 Antony, Robert, 200 relations between Tang Dynasty “Apollonian” culture, 355 China and, 240 archaeological research in Southeast Yang Liangyao’s embassy to, Asia, 43, 44, 70 242–43, 261 aromatic resins, 233 Zhenyuan era (785–805), 242, aromatic timbers, 230 256 Arrayed Tales aboriginal settlements, 175–76 (The Arrayed Tales of Collected Abramson, Marc, 81 Oddities from South of the Abu Luoba ( · ), 239 Passes Lĩnh Nam chích quái liệt aconite, 284 truyện), 161–62 Agai ( ), Princess, 269, 286 becoming traditions, 183–88 Age of Exploration, 360–61 categorizing stories, 163 agricultural migrations, 325 fox essence in, 173–74 Amarapura Guanyin Temple, 314n58 and history, 165–70 An Dương Vương (also importance of, 164–65 known as Thục Phán ), 50, othering savages, 170–79 165, 167 promotion of, 164–65 Angkor, 61, 62 savage tales, 179–83 Cham naval attack on, 153 stories in, 162–63 Angkor Wat, 151 versions of, 170 carvings in, 153 writing style, 164 Anglo-Burmese War, 294 Atwill, David, 327 Annan tuzhi [Treatise and Âu Lạc Maps of Annan], 205 kingdom, 49–51 anti-colonial movements, 2 polity, 50 371 15 ImperialChinaIndexIT.indd 371 3/7/15 11:53 am 372 Index B Biography of Hua Guan Suo (Hua Bạch Đằng River, 204 Guan Suo zhuan ), 317 Bà Lộ Savages (Bà Lộ man ), black clothing, 95 177–79 Blakeley, Barry B., 347 Ba Min tongzhi , 118, bLo sbyong glegs bam (The Book of 121–22 Mind Training), 283 baneful spirits, in medieval China, Blumea balsamifera, 216, 220 143 boat competitions, 144 Banteay Chhmar carvings, 151, 153 in southern Chinese local Baoqing siming zhi , traditions, 149 224–25, 231 boat racing, 155, 156. -
The Problem of Identifying Mudan 牡丹and the Tree Peony in Early
Asian Medicine 5 (2009) 108–145 brill.nl/asme The Problem of Identifying Mudan 牡丹 and the Tree Peony in Early China Teruyuki Kubo Abstract The tree peony is a flowering plant found in China, and well-known in Britain. Its root cortex is often used in Chinese traditional prescriptions, such as Dahuang mudan tang, Liuwei dihuang wan, and Jiawei shaoyao san. In contemporary Chinese, the tree peony is called ‘mudan’, and although its beauty was largely ignored until the Kaiyuan era (713–41 CE), a drug of the same name is mentioned in medical texts of the Eastern Han period (25–220 CE). The early authori- tative materia medica, Xinxiu bencao (659 CE), also describes a plant called ‘mudan’, but it is different from the tree peony in form. Curiously, although the tree peony is not considered to be native to Japan, it is described as a specialty plant in the early Japanese gazetteer, Izumonokuni Fudoki (733 CE). This study demonstrates that in early texts mudan’‘ referred to a different plant from the tree peony, and that ‘mudan’ had two remarkable aliases, ‘bailiangjin’ in China and ‘yamatachihana’ in Japan. Today, both aliases are used to refer to Ardisia species. Furthermore, I will demonstrate that the Xinxiu bencao’s description of the mudan closely matches that of the Ardisia, especially the A. japonica species. My investigations therefore suggest that early prescriptions may have used the Ardisia species, not the tree peony. This raises further questions: when and how did the tree peony come to replace the Ardisia? This paper presents the most likely progression of this transition by tracing the expansion of cultivation of mudan for ornamental purposes. -
2009 Second International Conference on Intelligent Computation Technology and Automation
2009 Second International Conference on Intelligent Computation Technology and Automation (ICICTA 2009) Zhangjiajie, China 10 – 11 October 2009 Volume 1 Pages 1-480 IEEE Catalog Number: CFP0988E-PRT ISBN: 978-1-4244-4741-1 2009 Second International Conference on Intelligent Computation Technology and Automation ICICTA 2009 Table of Contents Volume - 1 Preface - Volume 1 Organizing Committee - Volume 1 Program Committee - Volume 1 Reviewers - Volume 1 Session 1: Neural Networks A Delay Decomposition Approach to Stability of Linear Neutral Systems with Mixed Delays.......................................................................................................................................................3 Duyu Liu, Shouming Zhong, and Xiaomei Wang A Joint Evolutionary Method Based on Neural Network for Feature Selection ................................................7 Biying Zhang A Multi-Coding GA-BP-RBF Model for China Human Capital Prediction ....................................................11 Shiwei Yu, Kejun Zhu, and Ting Liu A New Early Stopping Algorithm for Improving Neural Network Generalization ............................................................................................................................................................15 Xing-xing Wu and Jin-guo Liu A New Improved BP Neural Network Algorithm ................................................................................................19 Li Xiaoyuan, Qi Bin, and Wang Lu A New Supervised Spiking Neural Network .........................................................................................................23 -
Chapter Three
526 Chapter Three 經學昌明時代 The Period of Advancement of Classical Scholarship [3/1 SVA Introductory Comments: In the opening section of Chapter Three, Pi Xirui quotes extensively from the "Rulin zhuan" chapter of the Shi ji so as to support his position that during the reign of Emperor Wu (141-87 B.C.), Classical Scholarship was in its purest and most orthodox form. He also uses the lack of information in the "Rulin zhuan" regarding the Old Script Documents, Zhouli, Mao Shi, and Zuozhuan to argue that Sima Qian did not have access to these texts, which are texts of the "Old Script" school.] 3/11 The "Rulin zhuan" chapter of the Shi ji states, "When the present emperor2 ascended the throne, there were men such as Zhao Wan 趙綰 and Wang Zang 王臧3 who clearly understood Confucian learning and the 1[SVA: Section 3/1 corresponds to pp.69-72 of the Zhonghua ed. and to pp.60-64 of the Yiwen ed.] 2(3/1, n.1) Zhou Yutong comments: In the Chinese jinshang 今上, "the present emperor," refers to Emperor Wu of the Han. 3(3/1, n.2) Zhou Yutong comments: Zhao Wan 趙綰 was a native of Dai 代 and Wang Zang 王臧 was a native of Lanling 蘭陵. They both studied the Lu 527 emperor himself was also inclined toward it.4 He thereupon issued an order recruiting scholar-officials in the recommendation categories of Straightforward and Upright, Worthy and Excellent, and Learned.5 After this, as for giving instruction in the Songs, in Lu it was Master Shen Pei 申 培公, in Qi it was Master Yuan Gu 轅固生, and in Yan, it was Grand Tutor Han Ying 韓(嬰)太傅. -
Study on the Rise and Fall of the Duyi Fu and Geography Record of the Pre-Tang Dynasty and the Mutual Influence
2017 International Conference on Social Sciences, Arts and Humanities (SSAH 2017) Study on the Rise and Fall of the Duyi Fu and Geography Record of the Pre-Tang Dynasty and The Mutual Influence Tongen Li College of Chinese Language and Literature of Northwest Normal University, Lanzhou, Gansu, 730070 Keywords: The Duyi Fu, The Geography Record, The Earthly Consciousness, The Literariness, The Mutual Influence Abstract. There are two important regional works in the Tang Dynasty. As an important subject of Fu literature, it has a close relationship with the flourishing period of the Wei, Jin and Southern and Northern Dynasties. Both have a common origin, but also has a different development track; both self-contained, but also mutual influence. The artistic nature of the city and the nature of the material are permeated with each other, and the development and new changes are promoted. Introduction Duyi Fu, including Jingdu Fu and Yi Ju Fu, began in the Western Han Dynasty, to Yang Xiong "Shu Du Fu" as the earliest. Xiao Tong "anthology" received more than 90 articles, divided into 15 categories, the first category of "Kyoto", income 8; Li Fang and others compiled "Wen Yuan Yinghua" sub-43, "Kyoto" Yi "in the head; Chen Yuan-long series of" calendar Fu "column" city "head, a total of 10 volumes of 70 articles. Duyi Fu mainly revolves around the geography, politics, culture and social life of the metropolis,used for singing praises of the emperor and boast of their homelands, with obvious geographical characteristics. Geography Record also known as the geography, geography or geography book, "Sui Shu · books catalogue" called it "geography". -
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International Conference on Education, Sports, Arts and Management Engineering (ICESAME 2016) Analysis of the Characteristics of “A Treatise on the Latent Man” Structure Arrangement Jiang Zefeng (Department of Ideological and Political Theory Teaching, Tonghua Normal University, Jilin Tonghua 134002) Keywords: A Treatise on the Latent Man; Structure Arrangement; Characteristics Abstract. The book writing formats and the overall arrangement of “A Treatise on the Latent Man” have embodied Wang Fu’s elaborate design. Its design of fore and aft chapters clearly has the shadow of “Syun Zih”, “Historical Records”, “Han History”. The division of its volume numbers is greatly influenced by the “Zhouyi” theories. The book each chapter content is connected with Wang Fu’s life experiences and presents a tendency from the shallower to the deeper. Article writing format Structured On the writing format, the first step is putting forward the thesis, and then theoretically illustrating and demonstrating them, afterwards quoting the current affairs, listing phenomenons and criticizing, finally drawing the conclusion. The whole book of “A Treatise on the Latent Man”, except for a few articles, basically belongs to the political in nature. In order to illustrate this viewpoint, I take "Real tribute" article as an example. A.A country will become prosperity due to the worthy persons and decline because of the adulatory persons. A monarch will be safe because of the loyalministers and become dangerous because of courtiers.… How can you say no loyal army patriotic people of integrity?It is clear that they can not get to play. B.Within walking distance of ten step, you will find to the lush grass; In a small city, within the only ten households, you will find handsome talents. -
Celebration of the Strange : Youyang Zazu and Its Horror Stories
CELEBRATION OF THE STRANGE: YOUYANG ZAZU AND ITS HORROR STORIES by LIN WANG (Under the Direction of Karin Myhre) ABSTRACT This dissertation seeks to uncover the artistic appeal and significance of horror tales in Youyang zazu with the assistance of Western concepts and theories. The study begins with an examination of the Youyang zazu collection in its textual and cultural context and argues that it is assembled according to the aesthetic principle of qi which rejects the normal and the familiar, and embraces the unusual, the special, the unique, the odd and the particularized. The study continues with a close analysis of selected horror tales in Youyang zazu using three different approaches—fantastic horror, monster horror and cosmic horror. By analyzing themes, structures and narrative techniques of these horror stories, I argue that these horror stories are integral components of the Youyang zazu collection. They add vitality and tension to the representation of the strange and advance the collection in its aesthetic pursuit of qi. These three approaches each emphasize a different aspect in the representation of the strange. From the literary mechanism that generates strangeness, to the very entity that embodies the strange and to the atmosphere that highlights the incomprehensibility and uncontrollability of the strange, each approach offers a unique perspective on how the effect of strangeness is conveyed and amplified. By investigating the aesthetic issues at play in the medium of horror and in the context of zhiguai through the lens of Western concepts, my study also explores the possibility of examining zhiguai tales from new literary perspectives and provides fresh critical insights on the poetics of Chinese horror narrative in general.