Chapter 2 Postpositions: formal and semantic classification Éva Dékány and Veronika Hegedűs 2.1. Introduction 14 2.2. Formal characterization 14 2.2.1. Case suffixes 14 2.2.1.1. The inventory and form of case suffixes 14 2.2.1.2. Complementation 32 2.2.1.3. Separability of the suffix and its complement in the clause 42 2.2.1.4. Combination with the Delative and Sublative case 43 2.2.1.5. N + case suffix modifying a noun 44 2.2.1.6. Modification 45 2.2.1.7. Conjunction reduction 45 2.2.1.8. Double case-marking 46 2.2.2. Postpositions 49 2.2.2.1. Introduction: Two classes of postpositions 49 2.2.2.2. Case-like postpositions 50 2.2.2.2.1. The inventory and form of case-like Ps 50 2.2.2.2.2. Complementation 60 2.2.2.2.3. Separability of the P and its complement in the clause 64 2.2.2.2.4. Combination with the Delative and Sublative case 65 2.2.2.2.5. N + case-like posposition modifying a noun 66 2.2.2.2.6. Modification 67 2.2.2.2.7. Conjunction reduction 68 2.2.2.2.8. PP-internal coding of reflexivity 68 2.2.2.3. Case-assigning postpositions 69 2.2.2.3.1. The inventory and form of case-assigning postpositions 69 2.2.2.3.2. Complementation 72 2.2.2.3.3. Separability of the P and its complement in the clause 76 2.2.2.3.4. Combination with the Delative and Sublative case 77 2.2.2.3.5. N + case-assigning postposition modifying a noun 78 2.2.2.3.6. Modification 78 2.2.2.3.7. Conjunction reduction 79 2.2.2.3.8. Case-assigning Ps: summary of the variation 80 2.2.2.4. Taking stock: the relation between case suffixes and postpositions 81 2.2.3. Verbal particles 82 2.2.3.1. The inventory of verbal particles 82 2.2.3.2. Verbal particles are (parts of) PPs 83 2.2.3.3. Separability from the verb 85 2.2.3.4. The formal properties of verbal particles 90 12 Formal and semantic classification 2.2.4. Adverbs 95 2.2.4.1. Adverbs derived by suffixation 96 2.2.4.1.1. Adverbs derived by productive suffixes 96 2.2.4.1.2. Adverbs formed by semi-productive and miscellaneous suffixes 100 2.2.4.2. Adverbs which are homophonous with adjectives 119 2.2.4.3. Other adverbs 121 2.3. Semantic classification 121 2.3.1. Spatial Ps 121 2.3.1.1. Basic semantic distinctions 121 2.3.1.2. Locative Ps 125 2.3.1.2.1. Locative case suffixes 125 2.3.1.2.2. Locative case-like postpositions 126 2.3.1.2.3. Locative case-assigning postpositions 127 2.3.1.2.4. Locative particles 128 2.3.1.2.5. Locative adverbs 129 2.3.1.3. Directional Ps 131 2.3.1.3.1. Directional case suffixes 131 2.3.1.3.2. Directional case-like postpositions 134 2.3.1.3.3. Directional case-assigning postpositions 136 2.3.1.3.4. Directional particles 137 2.3.1.3.5. Directional adverbs 140 2.3.2. Temporal Ps 140 2.3.2.1. Temporal postpositions 140 2.3.2.2. Temporal adverbs 144 2.3.2.3. Temporal uses of locative Ps 145 2.3.3. Other: non-spatiotemporal Ps 150 2.3.3.1. Non-spatiotemporal case suffixes 150 2.3.3.2. Non-spatiotemporal case-like postpositions 151 2.3.3.3. Non-spatiotemporal case-assigning postpositions 152 2.3.3.4. Non-spatiotemporal particles 153 2.3.3.5. Non-spatiotemporal adverbs 154 2.4. Where to draw the line: Borderline cases of postpositions 154 2.4.1. Participial postpositions 154 2.4.1.1. The inventory and form of participial postpositions 154 2.4.1.2. Complementation 157 2.4.1.3. Separability of the P and its complement in the clause 160 2.4.1.4. Combination with the Delative and Sublative case 161 2.4.1.5. N + participial Ps modifying a noun 161 2.4.1.6. Modification 162 2.4.1.7. Conjunction reduction 164 2.4.1.8. Combination with a verbal particle 165 2.4.1.9. Taking stock: participial Ps between participles and Ps 165 2.4.2. Possessive postpositions 166 2.4.2.1. The inventory and form of possessive postpositions 166 Formal and semantic classification 13 2.4.2.2. Complementation 172 2.4.2.3. Separability of the P and its complement in the clause 185 2.4.2.4. Combination with the Delative and Sublative case 186 2.4.2.5. N + possessive P modifying a noun 186 2.4.2.6. Modification 188 2.4.2.7. Conjunction reduction 189 2.4.2.8. Taking stock: possessive Ps between possessive NPs and Ps 189 2.5. Bibliographical notes 190 14 Formal and semantic classification 2.1. Introduction This chapter will provide a formal and semantic classification of postpositions and PPs. We will start with the formal classification in Section 2.2. We will turn to their semantic classification in Section 2.3. In Section 2.4 we will address the problem of where to draw the line between the category P and other categories and then discuss some borderline cases. 2.2. Formal characterization In this section we shall first discuss case suffixes (Section 2.2.1) and then turn to postpositions (Section 2.2.2). Verbal particles will be discussed in Section 2.2.3 and adverbs in Section 2.2.4. 2.2.1. Case suffixes 2.2.1.1. The inventory and form of case suffixes I. Inventory A. A bird’s-eye view of the case forms There is some disagreement in the literature on how many case suffixes Hungarian has (see Remark 2.). In this book we consider the 17 suffixes in Table 1 to be true case suffixes because these conform to the formal characteristics discussed in sections 2.2.1.1 through 2.2.1.8. The case allomorphs on lexical nouns will be exemplified in points B through D; the allomorphs on pronouns will be discussed in Section 2.2.1.2 point V. Table 1: The inventory of case suffixes CLASS NAME OF CASE ALLOMORPHS ALLOMORPHS MEANING ON LEXICAL ON PERSONAL NS PRONOUNS STRUCTURAL Nominative -∅ -∅ — Accusative -t, -at, -et, -t, -et, -∅ — -ot, -öt, -∅ Dative -nak, -nek nek- possessor, recipient, beneficiary, goal OBLIQUE; Inessive -ban, -ben benn- in(side) SPATIAL Illative -ba, -be bele- into Elative -ból, -ből belől- from inside, from interior Superessive -n, -on, rajt- on, at exterior/ -en, -ön surface Sublative -ra, -re rá- onto, to exterior/ surface Formal characterization 15 Delative -ról, -ről ról- from exterior/ surface Adessive -nál, -nél nál- near, at proximity Allative -hoz, -hez, hozzá- to near, -höz to proximity Ablative -tól, -től től- from near, from proximity Terminative -ig N/A until, up to, as far as, as long as OBLIQUE; Instrumental -val, -vel, vel- with something OTHER -Cal, -Cel or somebody Translative(-essive) -vá, -vé, N/A into (expressing -Cá, -Cé change of state) Causal(-final) -ért ért- for (reason, aim) Essive-formal -ként N/A as (role), in the capacity of B. Structural cases Nominative case is morphologically unmarked. Subjects bear this case (1), but possessors can also be morphologically unmarked (3). Accusative case appears on direct objects (1). (1) Ili adott egy könyv-et Imi-nek. [nominative, accusative, dative] Ili give.Past.3Sg a book-Acc Imi-Dat ‘Ili gave a book to Imi.’ Note that Hungarian exhibits Differential Object Marking to some degree: some objects can, others must appear without the accusative suffix. These will be discussed in point II and in Section 2.2.1.2 point V/E. (On accusative marked pronouns, see also Section 2.2.1.8.) While the nominative and accusative case markers are not exponents of P-heads, thus nominals bearing them are extended NPs, not PPs, these are also cases, so we discuss them in this section. Dative is the case of recipients, beneficiaries and goals. (1) shows this for a subcategorized noun phrase and (2) for a non-subcategorized NP. (2) Ezt Ili-nek vettem. [dative] this.Acc Ili-Dat buy.Past.1Sg ‘I bought this for Ili.’ Possessors can also bear dative case (3), but possessors may also be morphologically unmarked (see N2.2.1.2). (3) János / [János-nak a] kalapja [nominative, dative] János / János-Dat the hat.Poss ‘János’ hat’ 16 Formal and semantic classification Dative case is also borne by nominal and adjectival predicates in two environments. Firstly, dative appears on adjectival or nominal predicates of small clauses selected by certain matrix predicates such as tart ‘consider (sb to be Adj)’ and néz ‘take (sb to be Adj)’, as in (4) (see the volume on Adjectival Phrases). (4) a. Ili okos-nak tartja Imit. [dative] Ili clever-Dat consider.DefObj.3Sg Imi.Acc ‘Ili considers Imi smart.’ b. Ili orvos-nak / hülyé-nek nézte Imit. Ili doctor-Dat / stupid-Dat take.Past.DefObj.3Sg Imi.Acc ‘Ili took Imi to be [a doctor] / stupid.’ Predicates of the small clause complements of the raising verbs tűnik ‘appear’ and látszik ‘seem’ are likewise marked with dative (5). (5) a. Ili okos-nak tűnik. [dative] Ili clever-Dat appear.3Sg ‘Ili appears to be clever.’ b. Ili okos-nak látszik.