NTERNATIONAL I IEWPOINT V News and analysis from the Fourth International IV390 - June 2007
Palestine - The crisis in Gaza
Philippines - Plus - Electoral fraud at François home, Sabado on exploitation revolutionary abroad strategy
Italy - PRC at the watershed International Viewpoint - IV390 - June 2007
IV390 - June 2007
Palestine - Philippines - Italy
Palestine The Crisis in Gaza: Made in Israel - Michel Warschawski 3 Gaza - Stop inter-Palestinian fighting - LCR 4
Philippines Padding and shaving - Clara Maria Sanchez 5 Exporting domestic labour - the Philippines' participation in globalisation? - Eva Olaer Ferraren 6
Italy Cannavò's farewell - Fabrizio Roncone 8 The Watershed of June 9 - Sinistra Critica 9
Marxist Theory Elements of revolutionary strategy - François Sabado 11
France The presidential election and debates on the Left - François Duval 20 Preparing for the presidential elections - a minority report - Alain Mathieu, Patrick Tamerlan 23
Pakistan Farooq Tariq arrested - again! - Khaliq Shah 28 Appeal for the release of Farooq Tariq 28 Farooq Tariq Released! 29 The 15 Jail Days - Farooq Tariq 29
Portugal Fifth Convention of the Left Bloc - Raul Camargo 31
INTERNATIONAL VIEWPOINT is a review of news and analysis published under the auspices of the Executive Bureau of the Fourth International. IV appears online at www.internationalviewpoint.org and in a monthly pdf version. Editorial office: PO Box 112, Manchester M12 5DW UK ISSN 1294-2925 2 International Viewpoint - IV390 - June 2007
Palestine The Crisis in Gaza: Made in Israel
Not a Civil War Michel Warschawski
The old dream of Ariel Sharon is becoming a reality: Palestinians are killing Palestinians, and Israel is counting the number of victims with great satisfaction. The tears of Israeli leaders are crocodile tears, and their claims that they are sorry for the tragic developments in Gaza are mere hypocrisy. The bloody confrontations were predictable, and the Israeli-US exception of Washington and Israel. The The Algerian Model responsibility and active involvement are political platform of the new government crystal clear. gave de facto recognition the State of Israel The US-Israeli plan is part of a global strategy and endorsed the strategy of peaceful aimed at imposing governments which are Many Israeli journalists are analyzing Israel's negotiations, based on the mechanism of loyal to their interests, against the will of the responsibility as indirect: "1.4 million people Oslo. local population. Algeria provides an example closed in a small territory like Gaza, without of such a strategy, but also of its failure and any possibility to have normal economic life, The priority of the new government was to its colossal human cost: the unquestionable but also without the possibility of escape, are deal with the burning domestic issues- electoral victory of the FIS (Islamic Salvation doomed to kill each other… like mice closed economic improvement, restoration of law Front) over the corrupted and discredited in a box." That zoological explanation is not and order in Gaza, fighting the endemic FLN, in 1991, was followed by a coup d'etat, only typically racist, but also based on a huge corruption of the old Fatah-led supported by France and the US, which understatement. For, the Israeli and US role in administration-while allowing President paved the way for a civil war that lasted for the present confrontations was much more Mahmoud Abbas and the PLO to continue more than a decade and provoked more than than simply "creating the conditions" for an the negotiation process, if and when Israel one hundred thousand civilian victims. inner-Palestinian conflict. would accept to renew it. Hamas has clearly learned from the Algerian For months, the US State Department has Hamas' moderate government platform, tragedy, and decided not to let Dahlan's plans been pushing the Fatah leadership to launch however, was confronted by two powerful succeed in his attempt to take power by a military offensive against Hamas, and two enemies: a segment of the Fatah cadres who force. Enjoying the support of the majority of weeks ago, Israel was giving a green light to are not ready to renounce their monopoly in the local population, Hamas militants the entry of huge quantity of arms for Fatah the political power, and the material smashed Fatah in less than two days, despite militias in Gaza. In that sense, the Israeli part privileges connected to that monopoly, and the arms supplied, indirectly, by Israel: a in the present situation is not only the US-Israeli neoconservative governments, corrupt militia without any popular support conjectural, but an active role. which are conducting a global crusade could not face a relatively disciplined and against political Islam. Muhammad Dahlan, highly motivated organization. Who is the Aggressor? former Preventive Security chief and present Security Adviser of Mahmoud Abbas Even after its smashing victory on Fatah, "Hamas is taking over," "A Hamas coup d'etat"- represent both: they are the executioners of Hamas leadership has reiterated its intention these are some of the headlines from the Washington's plans in the Palestinian to keep a national unity government and not Israeli newspapers in the last days, repeating leadership, as well as the representatives of to exploit the failed coup d'etat of Fatah as a the big lies of the Tel Aviv and Washington those corrupt Fatah leaders who are ready to pretext to eradicate the organization or to administrations. It appears that there is a do everything in order not to lose their exclude it from the government. Fatah need to make clear what should be obvious: economic resources. leadership, however, decided to cut any kind Hamas smashed Fatah in the last Palestinian of relation with Hamas, and to establish a elections, after an electoral process that the Since the electoral victory of Hamas, Dahlan's government without Hamas… in the West whole international community, including militia has been provoking the government, Bank. Another dream of Ariel Sharon is Washington, hailed as "the most democratic attacking Hamas militias and refusing to let becoming a reality: total separation between ever in the Middle East." Unquestionable the government control the Palestinian police the West Bank and Gaza, the later being democratic process and massive popular forces. Despite Dahlan's aggression, Hamas considered a hopeless "Hamastan," a terrorist support, few regimes can claim such has been doing its best to reach an entity in which there are no civilians, but only legitimacy. agreement with Dahlan, asking its own terrorists which can be put under a total state activists to refrain from counter-violence. of siege, and doomed to starvation. Despite their huge victory, Hamas accepted However, when it became clear that Dahlan to share the power with Fatah in a national was not looking for a compromise, but Washington, which fully endorses this policy, unity government formed under the hospices indeed attempting to liquidate Hamas, the promised its full support to Mahmoud Abbas of Saudi Arabia and Egypt, and hailed by the Islamic organization had no alternative but to and his new Bantustan in the West Bank, and entire international community, with the defend itself and fight back. Ehud Olmert decided to release some of the 3 International Viewpoint - IV390 - June 2007
Palestinian money that is in the Israeli Palestine government hands. Not a Civil War Gaza - Stop inter-Palestinian fighting
One of the Israeli and US administrations' LCR objectives failed however: there is no chaos in Gaza. On the contrary. As one Palestinian security officer told Haaretz (17 June): "For a very long time the city has not been quiet. I prefer the present situation to the previous one. I can, finally, go out from my house…" The eradication of Fatah gangs from Gaza may put an end to a long period of anarchy, and allow for a return to a certain level of normal life. The latest events confirmed that Hamas does have the power to impose it.
Israeli talks about a "Palestinian civil war" are The confrontations between Palestinians in Gaza are the direct consequence of the no more than wishful thinking. The armed Israeli occupation and the transformation of the Gaza Strip into a ghetto. Locked up, confrontation was between armed militia hungry, without work and freedom of travel and without vital resources, the only, and if, unfortunately, there were civilian population is constantly harassed and threatened by murderous Israeli incursions and casualties, there were what the US army calls bombardment. "collateral damage." The population is indeed politically divided-in the West Bank as well as The LCR condemns the fratricidal the ending of the bombardments and the in Gaza-but not fighting each other, in the confrontations between the Palestinian assassinations perpetrated continuously by meantime at least. armed forces. The Western governments the Israeli army. created the conditions for this catastrophe: With Gaza being defined as a hostile entity boycott of the Palestinian governments as a and its whole population as allied to Hamas, A viable perspective for the Palestinian result of the Hamas victory in the 2006 there is no doubt that it will be, in the near people means by the total withdrawal of the elections and a murderous embargo aimed at Israeli occupation forces and the evacuation future, the target of a brutal Israeli the population under the pretext that Hamas of all the Israeli settlements on Palestinian aggression: eventual military incursions, is in a majority. bombardments and starvation. land. The LCR demands that the European The announcement of new elections will not Union, and in particular of France, intervenes This is why our top priority, in Israel as well as change anything with the current situation of to stop the Israeli aggression, and begins throughout the world, is to organize chaos. The LCR calls for ending of fratricidal again an honest co-operation with the solidarity with Gaza and its population. combat. The LCR rejects the proposal to send Palestinian government. By acting this way an international military force into Gaza. It France and the EU could show a real (This article appeared originally at would only be used to crush the Palestinian www.alternativenews.org.) willingness to unblock the present tragic resistance. situation in Gaza and the West Bank. Michel Warschawski is a journalist and writer and a founder of the Alternative Information Center (AIC) in The only way out of the crisis is the re- 15 June 2007 Israel. His books include On the Border (South End establishment of the basic rights of the Press) and Towards an Open Tomb - the Crisis of Palestinians, the immediate release of all the The Ligue Communiste Revolutionnaire is the Israeli Society (Monthly Review Press). prisoners, freedom to travel and work, and French Section of the Fourth International. 4 International Viewpoint - IV390 - June 2007
Philippines Padding and shaving
Mammoth electoral fraud in Philippines elections Clara Maria Sanchez
Nearly three weeks after election day, there are still no definitive results for the Philippine elections to the Senate and House of Representatives. Counting is still continuing and in a number of provinces it has not even begun. This has nothing to do with inefficiency and Fraud occurs throughout the country, as They were surprised to be accompanied by everything to do with ballot-rigging. The elections take place under the sway of 'guns, armed goons in the hire of a local mayor. Half Philippines is one of the most corrupt goons and gold'. By intimidation and/or way across, these men ordered the ferryman 'democracies' in the world. bribery, the contents of ballot boxes are to stop, confiscated the ballot papers at changed. Some candidates' votes are 'shaved' gunpoint and began to fill them in with the During the 2004 presidential election, the (reduced), others are 'padded' (increased). name of their candidate. Only heavy waves victory of President Gloria Macapagal Indeed in some particularly blatant cases, no forced them to stop and continue in a house Arroyo was widely attributed to large-scale actual voting takes place. Ballots are filled in on the island. Voters in the precincts fraud. with the names of the appropriate candidate by the local warlord or corrupt village chief concerned never saw a ballot paper. A tape was massively circulated of a and handed over to the election authorities. conversation between the President and All 252 seats in the House of Representatives Virgilio Garcillano, head of Comelec, the But much of the fraud is concentrated in the are up for re-election. Most are elected in national election commission. Arroyo was southern island of Mindanao, the second constituencies, and Arroyo is fairly sure of heard addressing him familiarly, 'Hello biggest in the Philippines. Mindanao and the winning a majority by hook or by crook. But Garci', and the election chief proudly assured adjacent islands have been the scene of 20 per cent are allocated to party lists, by her that he would guarantee her a million- armed conflict for more than thirty years. The proportional representation. Previously used vote majority. resulting instability largely favours election- mainly by radical left groups unable to rigging. Populations have been displaced; compete financially in the constituencies, this The diffusion of the tape led to widespread accurate records of the number of voters are election has seen a flurry of government- protests and attempts to impeach Arroyo, unavailable or intentionally concealed. The inspired 'parties' take part. The votes of the which failed because the opposition was heavy presence of the army and police (two- really independent party lists are particularly unable to secure the necessary number of thirds of the Philippine armed forces are votes in Congress. concentrated in Mindanao) does nothing to vulnerable to fraud, and they have to try and guarantee fair elections, quite the contrary. physically protect their votes up to the time One of the things at stake in these elections is of the proclamation of the results. to prevent the opposition winning enough At present, counting still has to begin in seats to change that. That would require it to seven provinces of Mindanao. This is a In Mindanao, the radical left party list Anak win eight of the twelve (out of twenty-four) common feature of Philippine elections, and Mindanao (Amin), which fights for peace Senate seats that are up for re-election. these late counts are used to 'adjust' the and cooperation between the 'tri-people' of overall results and increase the votes of pro- the island (Muslim Moros, indigenous It is not looking good for Arroyo. Current government candidates. peoples, Christian settlers and their estimates of the votes counted give the pro- descendants), and which has at present one Arroyo Team Unity (TU) just two seats, with A glance at the country's main newspaper, the eight going to the Genuine Opposition (GO) Philippine Daily Inquirer, provides daily Congressman, is having to combat slate, and two to independents. At least one of evidence of cheating. One of the most widespread fraud. Votes in its bastions are these, retired army officer and serial coup picturesque concerns the island province of being attributed to government-sponsored plotter Gregorio 'Gringo' Honasan, is no Basilan, off the coast of Mindanao. Teachers party lists that no one in Mindanao has heard friend of Arroyo. He is currently awaiting assigned to supervise the elections were of - including a Manila-based list trial for an alleged coup attempt last year. taking ballot papers over in a motor boat. of…tricycle drivers. 5 International Viewpoint - IV390 - June 2007
Philippines Exporting domestic labour - the Philippines' participation in globalisation?
Development or devastation? Eva Olaer Ferraren
The present administration of President Gloria Arroyo has basically opted for the institutionalization of labour migration as a central measure to counter the economic crisis in the country due to the effects of neo-liberal policies. It is also the most profitable way of global trading, with less capital investment and risks on the part of the sending country and the expectation of high returns in the form of remittances. Human resources are now the primary commodities for export; and most of the labour deployed is female, to respond to labour demands in the advanced countries, such as domestic work, taking care of the aging population and other human service- related work.
The aggressiveness of this human trading because there are even fewer options for jobs which have traditionally been was even shown during the wars in Lebanon them to return to the country, whose economy undertaken by women. and Iraq when President Arroyo announced is bankrupt and corrupt. that she was sending more "supermaids" to Most of these women migrants who work in Middle East countries, while other This dramatic increase in labour migration the service and domestic sectors leave governments were sending rescue vehicles has created a large population of trans- families behind and their children are taken for their citizens living in these countries. national migrant families. Thousands of care of by their parents, male partners, or children now grow up apart from one or both relatives. The function of reproduction of According to Philippine economic indicators, parents, as the parents are forced to work labour that was performed by migrant women the remittances of Overseas Filipino Workers outside the country in order to send their is passed on to their male partners and (OFWs) exceed foreign direct investment in children to school, give them access to women relatives. the country. Remittances per annum amount quality health care, or, in some cases, just to about US$12-14 billion, which only The paradox of this feminization of migrant provide them with enough food. includes those working legally abroad, labour is that the women who have left this reproductive function in their own family to whereas many OFWs working in domestic The Feminization of the Export of and other service work are undocumented. join the global working force are still Human Labour performing the same function for families in The Philippine government relies heavily on First World countries. The effects of the Philippine labour migration has a woman's the remittances the OFWs send to their feminization of labour migration on the face. According to the Philippine Overseas families to compensate for the lack of families of the migrant women from poor Employment Administration (POEA), in spending on social services such as health countries demonstrate how the global 2003, more than 70% of the total number of and education, to boost domestic economy is structured to benefit the rich workers abroad were women. Most of them consumption and to cover its yearly budget countries of the world. deficits. And the sad truth is that the income are between 25-29 years old. Women from the labour migration business is mostly migrants live and work in more than 192 The migrant women who work in domestic spent in this way and not on productive countries. They work as professional and households in the countries of Europe, the investments, which means that the migrant technical employees, nurses, clerical and Middle East, US and Asia are mostly workers will work forever abroad, in order sales workers, entertainers, caregivers, and undocumented and are basically denied their that their families can simply survive and domestic workers. Many are employed in rights as workers and human beings. The 6 International Viewpoint - IV390 - June 2007
Philippines
worst cases are encountered in Middle East channels. Yes, the Philippines has annual incurred in transferring money. Thus, countries where these undocumented OFW remittances of 12-14 billion US dollars, remittances increase the profits of foreign domestic workers are locked up in the houses excluding the non-formal channels, and NO banks and have led to the proliferation of of their employers, treated inhumanely and that does not compensate for the social costs money transfer and exchange businesses. sometimes even killed. An increasing number of migration and the development of the Much more money goes to the financial of migrant women are victims of sexual country. Despite this enormous amount of markets and on consumer spending than on abuse, trafficking, and prostitution. Despite remittance or cash inflow, labour migration productive investments that could enhance the reports of these abuses many Filipina does not significantly improve the labour productivity and sustainable women still migrate and work in these development prospects of the country of development. countries, putting their chances of survival at origin. The Philippines have had great the mercy of their employers. difficulty in converting remittance income Aside from the economic aspects, labour into sustainable productive capacity. In migration affects families. It has contributed Most of the migrant women's families are run addition, most Third World countries are able to the malfunctioning of family structures. by their male partners. Research shows that to exercise little control over the composition Cases of marital infidelity and juvenile the spending habits of the family increase - of their labour exports-rather, they are delinquency are prevalent among migrant shopping sprees, spending more on luxurious determined by foreign labour markets, and families and a relationship of dependency on items and other non-essential buying. may bear no relation to "surplus" labour at the migrants is created. Consumerist practices have become home. The Philippines has focused quite prevalent among migrant families and so they deliberately on "producing" skilled labour for Conclusion: Migration and become a target for commercial capital. foreign markets, but remains passive in the Globalization: who are the servants face of international supply and demand. of the global economy? In its discourse about labour migration, the Philippine government proudly makes the As we have said, remittance income is rarely Migrant women work around the clock OFWs the country's new heroes, because used for productive purposes. Remittances go taking care of the families of the workers of they salvage the dwindling economy and in small amounts to poor people (the average global companies. Global capitalists are the sacrifice themselves as victims of this global size of a transfer from the US or Europe to principal beneficiaries of the labour of capitalism. However, the remittances of the the Philippines is about $200 or €150 per migrant women in the domestic households, OFWs have only benefited the state, because month), and are used mostly to support direct because they do not have to pay for the of its cuts in social service spending, and consumption and spending on housing, reproduction of the labour force. This is global capitalists because they can easily healthcare, and education. especially the case with undocumented dump their goods and commodities on Third migrants, whose monetary compensation is World countries whose economies have been Only a very small proportion of remitted low and who have no social benefits - health liberalized. funds seem to go into income-earning, job- care, sick pay, retirement pensions, paid creating investment and property acquisition. holidays. OFW Remittances: Do they Remittances may not constitute a rising tide compensate the social costs of that raises all boats, but they do have a very For a long time invisible, undocumented migration? important effect on the standard of living of workers are now organising in many the households that receive them, countries. The movement of the 'sans papiers' The most often-used argument in favour of constituting a significant portion of in France began over ten years ago. More labour migration is that remittances play an household income. They represent the most recently there have been demonstrations in extraordinary role in the economies of many important social safety net of poor families, the US and Britain. In the Netherlands a developing countries, far more important especially in times of disasters or difficult campaign is underway for the recognition of than official development assistance or even times. Far from being productive, remittances overwhelmingly female domestic labour as the country's foreign direct investment. increase inequality, encourage consumption real work and for the regularization of Worldwide, remittances are estimated at of imports, increases domestic prices for migrant domestic workers. It is vital that about US $167 billion per year, and education and health and create dependency. these workers receive the full support of the approximately 60 percent of this sum goes to Other than that, the real value of money has left and the workers movement. developing countries. Remittance estimates been reduced, given the fact that foreign are imprecise, however, because remittances exchange rates are too low for weak Eva Olaer is Executive Director of Stichting Sumpay often move through private, unrecorded currencies and also because of the costs Mindanao International. 7 International Viewpoint - IV390 - June 2007
Italy Cannavò's farewell
"The PRC is finished and other comrades will come with me" Fabrizio Roncone
Rome. On Saturday afternoon the honourable deputy Salvatore Cannavò, at the head of the demonstration protesting against George W. Bush, said something like: "I have a letter in my pocket but I still want to wait a few hours…"
"And now the few hours have of the political line of comrades smiled, looked at me And today, how do you prefer to passed, indeed". Precisely. "And Rifondazione." with an air of self-importance, as define yourself? "Write that I was yes, in sum I spoke of my if something obvious had eluded and I remain a Communist." relationship with Rifondazione In what does it consist? "To be me, as if I didn't understand ". Comunista. A relationship that, both in the struggle and in the APPENDIX - Article by unhappily, is broken" Broken? It's government. You see, it is an And you say that now between the Italian press agency unwritten rule of Italian Rifondazione and the movement a rather vague term, Mr Deputy. ANSA "I mean that so far as I am politics…" Which? "You cannot there is a fracture. "Think about concerned, I consider that the be at the same time in the it, if the leaders of Rifondazione experience of Rifondazione has government and in the had the slightest perception of According to come to its end, that it is over. movement. In Italy such an reality, they would immediately Cannavò, the left's Naturally, I should in any case operation cannot succeed. And call a special congress." The discuss that with the comrades Rifondazione, not by chance, has professor Massimo Cacciari break with the of my current…". The "Critical for several months no longer argues that Rifondazione has movements is Left". "In September we will hold succeeded in speaking with the now become a weight for the our first national conference". movements in struggle, with the Olive Tree. "You've noticed it? irreversible workers… " Cacciari notices that These words and projects could Rifondazione is in difficulties and Rome, June 11. be a harsh blow for his party. You are thinking of the chilly he attacks it. But them, no. They welcome that the workers at are trying to resolve the problem "The governmental left has "Look, to be sincere, my Mirafiori [Fiat] gave a few days of their weakness by allying with broken in an irreversible manner relationship with the party has ago to Franco Giordano and to other weak forces. With the its relationship with the already profoundly changed the minister Paolo Ferrero. Greens, with the PdCI,[1] with movements. What happened on following the expulsion of "Completely. It was a terrible day. the Mussiani?[2] Do you know June 9 is only the consequence senator Turigliatto." It was If your comrades, your electorate where that will end up?" No, of a situation which has indeed known… "I no longer no longer recognises you, that where? "They will become an developed for several years, even participated, in reality, in the life means that you have failed." external current of the before the government inside of of the party. I did not take part in Democratic Party." which they have made so many its leadership and I was outside Who is responsible for this errors". of the everyday life of the policy? "All of the leading And you, on the other hand? parliamentary group." group". Can you be more "What about us?" What do you Thus Salvatore Cannavò, precise? "Fausto Bertinotti." expect to bring from spokesperson of the Critical Left, And then on Saturday he found What are the errors he has Rifondazione? And to do what? drew the balance sheet of the himself at the head of a committed? "Two. Above all he "We will see in September, at our situation of the parties of the demonstration. has underestimated the real national conference." radical left after the flop of their relationship of forces in this initiative at the Piazza del "What I saw, and what I felt, it country. He was convinced on On Saturday, on the Popolo. confirmed what I had the eve of the elections that the demonstration, there were at experienced… " He tries to centre-left was going to sweep least fifty thousand people. "The fundamental project of the explain. "While me and other all before it whereas we said that "Stop there! What you are saying PRC has failed. The problem comrades of Rifondazione were we would see a substantial is a trap… We didn't organise relates as much to the political in this magnificent equilibrium." Then? "He believed this demonstration to found a line as to the inadequate leading demonstration of the that mass mobilisations would party". group". movement, which had nothing condition the activity of the to do with these fifty hooligans, government. But on the And what will you do now in the For Cannavò "the archipelago of this gang... the leadership of the contrary, he did not want to Chamber? "You want to know the governmental left was party was on the contrary know what we had succeeded in how I'm going to vote?" At least. crushed by the strategic pact isolated, terribly isolated, at the building in the north east, " I will decide case by case. And made with the Democratic Piazza del Popolo" The scene was against the US base in Vicenza". to be better understood: I will Party". eloquent, he says. "I know it. I fight so that the proposed sent one of my comrades to see. Some in the party begin to think Bersani legislation, on The spokesperson of the Critical Giordano [secretary of the PRC] that proposing Bertinotti for the liberalisation, cannot pass if it is Left also said that he had sent a was surrounded by a few dozen presidency of the Chamber of not changed." You are truly a letter to the leadership of the people. The truth is that, this Deputies was a strategic error. fighter. "I am coherent. There party to announce "the Saturday, under a photographic, "This was an error. Sensational. was a time, you know, when suspension of the financing of plastic, mode we have been Inane. I said so immediately. But coherence was a value inside the party". "Some days ago they confronted with the bankruptcy I remember that a number of Rifondazione." let me know verbally that they 8 International Viewpoint - IV390 - June 2007
Italy The Watershed of June 9
Sinistra Critica
had suspended the financing of On April 15, during an assembly of a thousand activists in Rome, in the presence of many the tendency because it was representatives of different social movements, Sinistra Critica (the Critical Left) took the decision now external to the party and to organize on June 9 a demonstration in Rome against the war, on the occasion of the visit of because it participated in the No US President George Bush. The governmental Left - the majority of the leadership of the Party War demonstration, against the of Communist Refounding (PRC), the Party of Italian Communists (PdCI), the Greens, etc. - war. Flavia D'Angeli asked for instead of joining this demonstration took a decision to hold on the same day a rally-cum- explanations inside the concert. leadership of the PRC but This is how the correspondent of Then there were the squares or to go from one to the obtained no response. so I the radio station RFI described confrontations with the police, other. It was a demonstration decided to suspend my financing the two initiatives: "'Bush! Bush! whose scale was excessively against the war, "with no 'ifs' and Bush! Out!' 'No Bush-No War!'. inflated, well beyond their no 'buts'", so it was a of the party. I will henceforth Thousands of global justice modest dimensions, whereas demonstration against Prodi and pay my share into a special activists and sympathizers of the nobody wanted to remark the against those who were so few account, separate from mine, far left, from all over Italy, ability of the demonstration to to assemble in the Square of the awaiting clarification." shouted these slogans defend itself and to continue as People. throughout the anti-Bush planned to Navona Square in When asked if his link with the demonstration which started at spite of the clouds of teargas, The Critical Left played an important part in this dynamic, PRC was now definitively broken, Esedra Square, close to the the clashes and the Termini central station, and "revolutionary aestheticism". just as it did at the time of the the PRC deputy responded: "If ended at Navone Square in the From this day there emerge events of February 21, when it there was only me, Salvatore heart of the Eternal City, not far three fundamental aspects. voted against the Prodi Cannavò, the relation would from the Square of the People government, provoking the already be broken, but I cannot where there took place, without First of all, we succeeded in the "Turigliatto case"[2] This choice, take such a responsibility much of a crowd present, a real objective that we fixed at the which seemed at the time to be assembly of the Critical Left on isolated, contributed to without the decision of the musical happening in favour of peace, organized by the radical April 15 in Rome, when we reopening the debate, made it whole of the Critical Left. In wing of the left parties who are decided to build a social possible to build a polarization autumn we will hold a national in the government". The two opposition and to do it in total and thus to offer everyone a conference at which we will photographs which we opposition to the government. space for action, a space that decide what to do ". reproduce here give a better idea The demonstration really opened was gradually occupied, leading than long speeches of the up a space of action for the to the success of the June 9 ANSA is the main Italian press agency. impact of the two initiatives. movement and re-launched the demonstration. It is difficult to process of mobilization against foresee how this space will be Fabrizio Roncone is a journalist for For the Italian social movements the war. There is a continuity in occupied in the future. For the Corriera della Serra and for the Left, a watershed ideas and in on the ground with moment we can only note that clearly appeared on Saturday the mobilization of February 17 an energy has been awakened, NOTES June 9, 2007. Several undeniable in Vicenza,[1] and it is not an after a year of torpor, and that facts make it possible to affirm accident that in the choices will have to be made [1] 1. The Party of Italian Communists this. First of all, the large demonstration you could not fail such as, for example, going back demonstration which went from to see the compact and active (PdCI) emerged from a right split from the to Vicenza in order to block the Esedra Square to Navona presence of the "No Dal Molin" construction of the base there. PRC, in 1998, when the majority of the Square; the figure of 12 000 committees. The dynamic of the And that will have to be the first PRC decided to withdraw its support from demonstrators given out by the movement was confirmed, even national initiative after June 9. the first government of Romano Prodi. Prefecture of Police makes no "excessively" by the massive Then Armando Cossutta, one of the sense, because in order to presence of participants outside We then move on, obviously, to historic leaders of Rifondazione, split to contradict it, it is enough just to of the organized forces which more political elements. First of support the government of D'Alema. know that when the head of the had sponsored the all, it is the first time that the left demonstration was in Venezia demonstration and which made opposition to the Prodi [2] 2. The term Mussiani - from the name Square, the tail was only turning up the core of it. Their presence government has been visible. An of Fabio Mussa - refers to the small into Via Cavour, which means around the organised opposition linked to a precise minority of Left Democrats which did not that there were between 80,000 contingents was important, they content - the war - very direct accept the foundation of the Democratic and 100,000 demonstrators, if were not afraid, and they gave and which cannot be Party with the other components of the not more. And on the other confidence to the generalised, but in any event an Olive Tree. In relation to the hand the flop, in every sense of demonstration, to its platform, opposition which, and it is no reorganisation of the Italian left, see. IV the term, of what took place in without even imagining or accident, was situated outside - no 388, April 2007. the Square of the People. intending to try and link the two if not against - the governmental 9 International Viewpoint - IV390 - June 2007
Italy
Left. Precisely, the governmental "bridges" between these two started to define both what launching. Something has Left! This element helps to dynamics. It is this reality which makes their unity and what appeared. And even, for the first counterbalance, even though it is feeding the whole crisis of the contrasts there are - and time really in the June 9 is still in an insufficient and PRC and the other parties to the whoever says that the project demonstration, you could see limited way, the offensive of the left of the Democratic Party, who that unites them is that of a the capacity of the Critical Left to Right, which has important have chosen to come together in "small party against the PRC", has provide organization and repercussions in the front of the order to mask the state of quite simply not understood initiative, to present itself as a Centre-left. weakness in which they find anything: there is a social base means of resisting the crisis of themselves. to be developed (but the parties the PRC and the "radical" left in The reasons for the of the governmental left do not general. There is no doubt that demonstration were, besides, The absence of the PRC from do any better). It is certain that if this is the road on which we absolutely confirmed at the end Navona Square demonstrates all that produced in return an have to continue, with even of the meeting between Prodi where this party has ended up. It effect on social questions, such greater determination and and Bush. We saw the full and has reached a point from which as pensions or job insecurity for speed. complete confirmation of the there is no longer any possible example, we would see a real alliance with the United States, return. This is combined with a modification of the relationship The first National Conference of the confirmation of the ruinous line and a blind and of forces between the the Critical Left, which we will engagement in Afghanistan, incapable leading group, which movements and the hold after the summer, will Lebanon and in Kosovo, the has led it into this dead-end, government, between the represent an important moment reaffirmation of the continuity which it is now so difficult to get movements and the institutions, in this process. of the foreign policy conducted out of. in other words, in the society. by Berlusconi and, as Prodi The Sinistra Critica (Critical Left) affirmed at the press conference, We cannot foresee what will As far as we are concerned, this Association (ASC) was set up in come out of this 9 June, but it is "a shared conception of the political year has been dense in January 2007 by the minority of certain that we have created the future destinies of the world". events and successive key dates. the Party of Communist necessary conditions for a less We set up the Critical Left The government committed Refounding (PRC) which refused fragmented course for the Association, then we itself even more to the war and the participation of the party in alternative Left, for the determinedly turned ourselves the immediate decision in favour the Prodi government. The of the US base in Vicenza opposition Left. The networks, towards the movement by members of the Fourth represents the first concrete associations and organizations proposing the Forum for Social International in Italy form part of expression of this. On this that represent this Left have Opposition, which we are re- this association, which regroups terrain, the contradictions will members both inside and continue to develop. outside the PRC. This document The third aspect is the is the first balance sheet of June relationship between the 9, produced by the national different lefts, the comparison operational group of the ASC between the two squares and and published on June 11, 2007 the developments which result on its web site: from this. On this terrain no www.sinistracritica.org. ambiguity is possible. There was a united mass demonstration. NOTES And then there was a Square of the People without the people. [1] On February 17 in Vicenza, tens of An operation from on high in thousands of people demonstrated against the construction of a new US military base which, unfortunately, important in the suburb of Dal Molin, which had organizations allowed been decided on by the centre-left themselves to be involved, in the government of Romano Prodi. first place the FIOM.[3] These organisations wanted to [2] Franco Turigliatto was expelled from maintain a protest without the PRC for having voted in the Senate causing any problems for the against the war in Afghanistan. A massive government. The bankruptcy of movement of solidarity against his expulsion developed in Italy. See the the Square of the People is the articles in International Viewpoint 387 bankruptcy of the line of the and 388, March and April 2007. "party of struggles and of government" and the more [3] The FIOM, the strongest union in Italy, general bankruptcy of the is the Federation of the Metal Industry of position that came out of Venice the General Confederation of Italian congress concerning the Party of Labour (CGIL). Its leadership is more to Communist Refounding (PRC),[4] the left than the CGIL's. a position which has reached the [4] The PRC held is Fifth Congress in end of the road. There is no Venice in March 2005. See Salvatore mediation possible between the Cannavo, "The challenge of the anti- struggles and the government, capitalist Left", International Viewpoint nor any possibility of building 366, April 2005. 10 International Viewpoint - IV390 - June 2007
Marxist Theory Elements of revolutionary strategy
François Sabado
Introduction
This article is an edited version of a report given at a cadre school for comrades with national responsibilities in the LCR. It aims to bring up to date some key elements of revolutionary strategy in an advanced capitalist country. Several working hypotheses are submitted to the discussion. Among these, certain questions deserve to be more thoroughly examined. Others will remain work in progress. Elements of revolutionary strategy
Even though the relationship of forces on a world scale remains largely unfavourable to the working class, a series of factors are putting a new discussion on strategic questions on the agenda: factors such as the crisis of neo-liberalism, the war in Iraq and the threats of war in other areas of the world, the social-liberal restructuring of the workers' movement and its contradictions, the discussion within the left on governmental questions, the depth of the social and political crisis in Latin America, the revolutionary processes in Venezuela and in Bolivia, the discussion initiated by Chavez on the socialism of the 21st century. Strategic questions are back on the agenda. 1) Remarks on the history of revolution. Pre-revolutionary dealt with in an identical way in rather tended to think, implicitly, our discussions on strategic situations were foreseen in different periods, it depends on in the League? I do not think so. questions. Europe in the coming four or whether the revolutionary wave Over and above the difficulties five years. The strategy of armed is rising or ebbing. The strategic or questionings, the question of The history of the discussions on struggle in Latin America was discussions of the 1920s - when the revolution and the problems strategic questions in the LCR is adopted, with a perspective of the revolution was on the rise which are linked to it must marked by two stages. The first, taking power in the short-term in following the Russian revolution remain at the centre of our in the period after May [1968] countries like Bolivia and - and those of the 1930s - preoccupations. Let us not forget and up until the end of the Argentina. For some comrades, revolutionary reactions faced that Trotsky, even though he 1970s, was favoured by the pre- even, "history was snapping at with the rise of fascism - were thought that the Second World revolutionary situations in our heels". different. The approach to War would be transformed into Southern Europe. The second strategic problems during the revolution, wrote the was rather characterized by an The inversion of the period, at short century - 1914-1991 - was Transitional Programme in absence of discussion. In this the end of the 1970s and the not the same as at the present September 1938, after the defeat first phase, the debates of the beginning of the 1980s, with time. Revolutionary Marxists, of the German proletariat in 1920s in the Communist revolutionary perspectives over and above the 1933, the defeat of the Catalan International, but also a series of receding, put an end to these characterizations and the proletariat in 1937 - key date in discussions around discussions, except for some concepts covering the Stalinist the Spanish Civil War - and revolutionary experiences, were incursions in the cadre schools phenomenon, modified many of when the French workers' gone over again. May '68 had of the years 1986-87. their strategic approaches movement was in full retreat been analyzed as a dress following the bureaucratic after the betrayals of the Popular The Manifesto of 1992, for rehearsal, following the example counter-revolution. The Front, before the defeat of the example, remained silent on of the relationship between the relationship of forces between general strike of November these questions. "Because the revolutions of 1905 and 1917, the classes, the changes in 1938. but our analysis was never Wall had come down", it was capitalism and the modifications reduced to Russian questions. In necessary to go back over our within the working class, the 2) Discussion on the concept of the 1970s we distinguished the history - the history of the collapse of Stalinism, the social- "actuality of the revolution" specificities of the Russian Russian Revolution and the liberal evolution of social Revolution from those of the Stalinist degeneration - and to democracy, the emergence of The concept of "actuality of the revolutions in Europe and Latin bring our fundamental ideas up new social movements like the revolution" has a double America. The League's cadre to date. It was a question of global justice movement, all that function: conjunctural but also schools, in particular under the priorities. But we were losing modifies the framework of and historical. It was operational influence of Ernest Mandel, the thread of the strategic the approach to strategic during the period after the were centred on Germany, Italy, discussion. The difference is questions. Russian revolution and during Spain, Chile. These strategic clear between the Manifesto of the revolutionary periods of discussions were in direct 1992 and the Manifesto of 2005 Should this discussion be 1918-1923 in Germany, 1934- connection with an analysis of which took up, even in a modest reserved only for periods of 1936 in France, in 1936-1937 in the period that was marked, as way, some strategic points. That rising class struggle or Spain, the post-war we saw it at the time, by a new raises a first question. Strategic revolutionary or pre- revolutionary situations and conjunctural actuality of the problems can obviously not be revolutionary situations, as we those of the 1960s and 1970s, 11 International Viewpoint - IV390 - June 2007
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and the colonial revolutions. It is technological, cultural and social above all "from a time marked war, we spoke only about the useful in order to characterize development of society and the by the fundamental tactics of the proletarian party, longer historical periods of obstacles that are put in place by contradictions of capital". Our and this conception rising class struggle which the race for capitalist profit. perspectives of revolutionary corresponded exactly to the encompassed pre-revolutionary transformation come back to parliamentary and trade-union or revolutionary situations. It is also for this reason that the these fundamental methods which then prevailed epoch of the actuality of contradictions. They take and which did not go beyond the But when we go back over revolutions or of socialism is account of the specific analysis framework of immediate certain texts of Marx or certain related to the imperialist phase of each historical period. They demands and tasks. Tactics are documents of Trotsky, after the of capitalism. accelerate and are sharpened limited to a particular problem. revolutionary period of during situations where the Revolutionary strategy covers a the1920s, the question of Mandel rejects any mechanical question of power is really whole combined system of revolutionary perspectives is and catastrophist interpretation posed. But this course must be actions which, in their presented in a fuller way: of the formulas of Marx. maintained, whatever the cycles, interconnection and their long or short, of the class successive character, as in their What Trotsky, following Lenin, Let us recall this passage of struggle. development, must bring the developed in the CI in 1926, Marx in the Grundrisse: proletariat to the conquest of was: "Can the bourgeoisie obtain 3) To come back to the power". "At a certain stage of their a new epoch of capitalist concepts of revolutionary development, the material growth? To deny such a strategy A "combined system of actions" productive forces of society possibility, to count on a and the "conquest of power" - it enter into contradiction with the 'situation without any way out' What is a revolutionary is this tension which makes existing relations of production, for capitalism would simply be strategy? revolutionary strategy. We do or, which is only the legal revolutionary verbalism"… not work enough on this The central question of any expression of the same thing, "combined system of actions" And he specified that it was revolutionary strategy remains with the relations of property and its relationship to necessary to relate the the conquest of political power. within which they had hitherto governmental questions… evolved. From being the forms developments of the capitalist Although we approached of the development of the economy and the cycles of the strategic questions through the We must grasp both ends of the productive forces that they were, class struggle: "Retreats or study of revolutionary crises - chain: the concrete modalities of these relations become obstacles defeats also make possible new which was correct -, the League formation of an anti-capitalist to it. Then a period of social phases of stabilization or revival tended to reduce strategy to only consciousness, of a socialist revolution opens up". of capitalism", he wrote in The the moment of the revolutionary consciousness, starting from the Third International After Lenin. crisis, and even to the politico- key experiences of the class In his turn, Ernest Mandel gives military modalities of the struggle, and at the other end, a the following explanation of this It think it is useful for us to have conquest of power, in particular permanent striving towards the passage in his notes on Late such an approach, which takes by the study of the various final goal, the programme and Capitalism. account of the specific analysis models - insurrectionary general strategy to reach it, starting from of each period, while integrating strike, prolonged war, guerrilla the specificities of the socialist "When we evoke the epoch of it into a history which remains wars, debates on the Chinese, revolution. revolutions that does not at all that of capitalism, its Vietnamese and Cuban models - mean that no further contradictions, and its possible etc. Though it was correct to We do not know what will be the development of the productive revolutions. That may seem work on these questions, forms of the revolutions of the forces would be possible without banal, but it is necessary to nevertheless we often had a 21st century, but we are always the fall of this mode of remember it in a situation tendency to reduce strategic confronted with this production. It means only that, characterized by the absence of problems to a debate over characteristic of the proletarian from this point of view, the revolutions in capitalist Europe models, whereas strategy revolution: How, from productive forces which over a long period: 23 years includes many dimensions in the "nothing", to become "all"? continue to develop enter into separate the revolutionary rise of construction of the revolutionary increasingly open rebellion with 1944-45 from that of May '68; subject. This tendency to The popular classes can conquer the existing mode of production and there have already been modelisation furthermore led us positions, obtain partial reforms, and contribute to its downfall ". almost 38 years between May to make mistakes, in particular "seeds of workers' democracy '68 and 2006. Such periods of in Latin America, by adapting to within bourgeois democracy", The revolutionary horizon or time explain why the thread of a generalizations of the Cuban but these conquests cannot be perspectives are linked to the strategic discussion on the model by the Castroite currents. made permanent without reactionary character of revolution gets lost. It is also replacing the power of the capitalism, to its internal useful to reconsider these Trotsky gives a more general bourgeoisie by the power of the contradictions, to the social cost problems of periodisation. definition of the strategic workers and the majority of of the system of capitalist problems in the Criticism of the society. From which flows the property, to the difference The "periods of social Draft Programme of the 6th central strategic place of between the possibilities of revolution" result, therefore, Congress of the IC: "Before the revolutionary crises, where the 12 International Viewpoint - IV390 - June 2007
Theory
ruptures occur which modify its projection on the world arena working class] c) "the third terrain of class unity and durably the relationship of is much stronger today than in condition is political independence in order to build, forces and the process of the past. The international consciousness ". under the best conditions, the formation of a socialist content - at least in the advanced future revolutionary leadership. consciousness. Unlike in the capitalist countries - of We are confronted with a double bourgeois revolutions, where the revolutions is more marked. In difficulty, objective and Today, without starting out again bourgeoisie had become the Europe, that raises the question subjective. from scratch, by starting from dominant class before the of a European strategy or at least the basis of the present-day revolution, the proletariat can of a European programme. Objective, because there is at the reality of the workers' only become the dominant class same time, extension of the movement, it is thus necessary to after the conquest of political Lastly, it falls to us to proletariat on a worldwide scale, rebuild practices, organizations, power. incorporate into the main lines of but also an increase in the projects of revolutionary a modern revolutionary strategy internal differentiations within transformation of society, but on Lenin had in his time given the the lessons of the revolutions of the working class - technical, of the basis of a series of strategic first indications: the famous the last century. We often status, gender, nationalities... reference that we have outlined conditions of a revolutionary explain that we will work for and a differentiation in class above. crisis, developed in Left-wing "majority" and "conscious" consciousness, impacted by communism, an infantile revolutions. Majority: which these new differentiations of the 4) The transitional approach disease: "Those on high no implies "revolutionary- working class but also by the longer can, those below no democratic" processes... so with balance sheet of the century, of This is a weak point in the longer will, the layers or classes strong tensions between revolutions, by the effects of history of the French workers' in the middle swing to the side of revolutionary chaos and "the Stalinism. movement, dominated by those below, and there is a mechanisms of democratic Jacobinism - the statist pressure - revolutionary leadership - [in the decisions". Conscious: which It is necessary to rebuild from and Stalinism - the negation of sense of leadership, party, and requires the preparation of the further back... self-emancipation. But it is also class consciousness, let us add] - revolutionary rupture by a series a weak point in the history of the The question with which we are to lead the process". And he of confrontations where the LCR since May '68. A weakness confronted is not only "the crisis added, along with Trotsky and masses go through the with which Ernest Mandel often of leadership", as Trotsky the leaders of the CI in the experience of the superiority - reproached us, and which was, presented it in the Transitional capitalist countries of Europe: even partial - of socialist perhaps, also linked to an Programme, but an overall crisis "It will be much more difficult to solutions compared to approach that was too centred on of leadership, organization, conquer power [compared to capitalism. We never fell into a the moment of the revolutionary consciousness, from which Russia] and easier to keep it" He vision of the revolution as the crisis, to the detriment of the flows the necessity of was speaking about the more product of "the great day", but preparations for it. developed socio-economic level both the increasing complexity reorganizing, of rebuilding the of these countries compared to of societies and the lessons of workers' movement. It is through a transitional Tsarist Russia. approach that our strategic revolutionary experiences must It is not a question, as in the lead us to get rid of any trace or problematic must be redeployed. It is in this sense, without 1920s and 1930s, of substituting remains of this type of a revolutionary leadership for a It integrates immediate demands building models, that Ernest conception. Mandel tried to outline a reformist, centrist or Stalinist - compatible with the logic of typology of future revolutions, These majority and conscious one. All these substitutions were capitalism - and intermediate in the notes of his book Late revolutions also result from a possible because it was being demands that are contradictory capitalism: "The future typology reorganization of the whole of done within the framework of with this logic. It combines the of socialist revolutions in highly the workers' movement. We can the same culture, in a climate forms of day-to-day struggles, industrialized countries will on this point take guidance from marked by revolutionary which respect bourgeois legality, probably more resemble that of some of the intuitions of Trotsky, dynamics. and mass anti-capitalist actions, the revolutionary crises of Spain put forward in a discussion on which transgress legality. It The subjective factor is not in the 1930s, of France in 1936 the Transitional Programme with rejects the separation between a reduced, today, to the building of and 1968, of Italy in 1948 and leaders of the American SWP in minimum program and a a revolutionary leadership, or 1966-70, of Belgium in 1960-61, 1938. maximum programme. A than the crises of collapse after even just to the building of the revolutionary strategy is the First World War". He explained that there are three revolutionary party. There are simultaneously a strategy of conditions for a new society: problems of experiences, wearing down the enemy and of These future revolutions will organization, consciousness of confrontation. It comprises have much stronger a) "that the productive forces are the mass movement. There is the offensive and defensive periods, interconnections on the sufficiently developed and that need to discuss mediations, to phases of retreat and of attack, continental and international they enter in contradiction with discuss tactics in order to depending on the class struggle. level. The relationship between a the relations of production; b) "a advance towards broad anti- revolutionary process which progressive class that is capitalist parties, while situating This is how Trotsky defined the starts on the national terrain and sufficiently strong socially" [the ourselves in each country on the transitional problematic: "It is 13 International Viewpoint - IV390 - June 2007
Marxist
necessary to help the masses in immediate needs of the masses measures: real, serious, concretized around some the process of their daily fight to and pose the question of power immediate measures, but also demands which can serve as key find the bridge between their or ownership. which also aim at a points, for example, for an current demands and the redistribution of wealth and election campaign. programme of socialist v The question of water and gas proposals for a reorganization of revolution. This bridge must in certain countries of Latin the economy in function of v Behind the system of consist of a system of America, such as Bolivia, or the social needs and not of the transitional demands, what is at transitional demands starting question of oil in Venezuela, capitalist economy. stake is this: the accumulation of from the present conditions and poses all the problems of social experiences which consciousness of broad layers of national sovereignty, control and v The question of the destabilize the system, indicate the working class and leading popular management. prohibition of sackings, in the another possible economic and invariably to one and the same form of a whole series of social organization, and v The question of land conclusion: the conquest of proposals or laws which call into demonstrate the capacities of the occupations in the countries power by the proletariat". question the power, the arbitrary working class from this point of where land reform is a central rights of the employers, is one of view. Gramsci deals with this Each word has its importance: issue: that is today, for example, the principal transitional question with his "concept of the case in Brazil. These land demands. It starts from the politico-ethical hegemony". The v "daily", "immediate occupations are not, in general, elementary refusal of sacking oppressed class must conquer demands", "present incompatible with the system, and leads to the idea that positions within society before consciousness". The starting but, in the framework of the incursions into capitalist conquering political power. Of point is the immediate demands globalised capitalist economy, property rights are necessary in course, in a normal situation, of the popular classes. they are incontestably points of order to implement the demand. that remains propaganda and imbalance, points of rupture. experiences which have a v "System of transitional v The refusal of privatizations limited scope. But in a situation v The taking over and running demands": Trotsky underlines implies not only the return to the of social acceleration, it is by the workers of certain the combined character of the public sector of all that has been integrated during a whole companies condemned to demands. privatised by the Right and the preparatory period to the bankruptcy by their owners. Left, but also a reorganization of conquest of political power. v "Conquest of political These experiences are partial the public ownership of key power". The conclusion of the and indicate that another kind of sectors of the economy. 5) The United Front process is the revolutionary functioning of the economy is rupture. possible, with workers' or social This approach must be extended The policy of the United Front management. These experiments on a European level... has a double dimension: Mass actions in general aim for are related to exceptional strategic and tactical. the immediate satisfaction of experiences of a rise of the mass The starting point of these needs. It is thus important that movement: this is the case of demands is the refusal of the Strategic, because if the revolutionary strategy links to factories abandoned or closed in liberal counter-reform and its revolution is a majority process these needs demands which Venezuela, with a mixed co- measures. Their outcome and and "the emancipation of the cannot be integrated into the management between the their effectiveness imply workers, the act of the workers capitalist socio-economic order, workers and the public confrontation with the ruling themselves", the popular classes but which on the contrary, administration. These classes and the capitalist system. must overcome their unleash an anti-capitalist experiments of occupation, of There is an organic link between differentiations and internal dynamic, which leads to a trial control, of co-management and, anti-liberalism and anti- divisions. Social differentiations of strength between the two under certain conditions, of co- capitalism. And when you related to the specific place in determining classes of society. operatives, were one of the separate anti-liberalism from the production process and more The consciousness of the masses expressions of the pre- anti-capitalism, you limit the generally in social life, but also can develop in a revolutionary revolutionary situation in range of even the anti-liberal political divisions related to the direction only if they accumulate Argentina in 2001-2002. The demand: that is what happens history of the workers' experiences of struggle which problem was posed, in a limited with the programmes which only movement, to the crystallization are not limited to partial way, by certain experiences of attack the excesses of of currents and organizations. demands that are realizable control or management in the "financialisation" or Their social and political within the framework of the 1970s in Italy and France. It "commodification" without unification is one of the capitalist system. This points its head in the taking into account the overall conditions of a revolutionary consciousness also results from mobilizations at Nestlé or in the logic of capitalist social transformation. demands which start from shoe industry in Romans. relations. To be a consistent anti- immediate needs and raise the liberal, it is necessary to tackle Furthermore, Trotsky indicates question of power or ownership. The transitory step that we must capitalist property relations and the roots of the policy of the build is also crystallized through to pose the problems of public united front in this passage on The following examples can a series of demands put forward and social ownership. This Germany (The German illustrate how to put forward in a plan of social and global approach is not Revolution and the Stalinist demands which respond to the democratic emergency ultimatistic. It can be bureaucracy, 1932): "The 14 International Viewpoint - IV390 - June 2007
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proletariat reaches revolutionary links in the activity of one of the methods of the class The question of the united front awakening not by a scholastic revolutionaries. struggle. In these given is a central question in a country approach but through the class conditions, the method is like France in 2006, but it is not struggle, which does not suffer Following from that, tactics completely unusable: it would posed in the same terms before interruptions. To fight, the remain subordinate to strategy: be foolish to want to build an 1968, after 1968 or today, with proletariat needs the unity of its "The historical problem is not to agreement with the reformists the social-liberal evolution of ranks. That is true both for mechanically link all the for the carrying out of the the workers' movement, the partial economic conflicts, organizations which remain socialist revolution" ( Trotsky, crisis of the CP and the new within the confines of a an from the various stages of the How to Defeat Fascism?). spaces for an anti-capitalist enterprise, and for 'national' class struggle, but to unite the policy. political struggles such as the proletariat in the struggle and for Indeed, as Daniel Bensaïd fight against Fascism. the struggle. These are explains, "The united front 6) The general strike Consequently, the united front absolutely different problems, always has a tactical aspect. The One of the key questions for our tactic is not something sometimes even contradictory". reformist organizations are not strategic and tactical orientation occasional and artificial, nor a (Trotsky, How to Defeat reformist from confusion, consists of creating the skilful manoeuvre, no, it flows Fascism?). inconsistency or lack of will. conditions for the direct completely and entirely from the They express social and material The forms and the content of a intervention of the workers, of objective conditions of the united front tactic can abruptly crystallizations... The reformist the popular classes onto the development of the proletariat ". change, in particular in crisis leaderships can thus be tactical political and social stage. To situations. political allies to contribute to achieve this objective, the Thus the united front responds to unifying the class. But they the following strategic objective: general strike represents a The question of the united front remain strategically potential central element of our strategy. to unify the proletariat - the has a content, explains Trotsky: enemies. The united front thus working class in the broad sense, "The campaign of the united aims at creating the conditions The general strike appeared as those who are forced to sell their front must be based on a well that make it possible to break the hypothesis of the overthrow labour power - in the course of a worked out transitional with these leaderships, at the of capitalism, from the end of revolutionary process, to programme, that is to say a moment of decisive choices, the 19th century. In the first transform it from a dominated system of transitional demands - with the best possible place as a surge of working-class class into the dominant class in with a workers' and peasants' relationship of forces, and to energy, counter-posed by the society. To stimulate this government - which must ensure detach the broadest possible anarchists to the old tried and development, this movement the transition to socialism". masses from them". (Crisis and tested tactic of social democracy, must create the conditions of strategy, 1986). a tactic linked to the gradual "the class independence" of the However, our whole programme conquest of parliamentary workers with respect to the should not be a precondition for Its conditions of application also positions. For the anarchists, it bourgeoisie, and aim at the self- unity. But that must put us on depend on the global was a question of counter-posing emancipation and the self- guard against unity for unity's relationship of social and the extra-parliamentary mass organization of the popular sake, unity without content. political forces, and in particular movement to the parliamentary classes, fundamental condition on the relationship of forces tactic of social democracy. for the revolutionary In the policy of uniting workers within the workers' movement. transformation of society. Thus, for struggle, the conflicts with Rosa Luxembourg took up again This is moreover a problem while making clear at each stage the reformists can reach points the perspective of the general which Trotsky posed, in the of the class struggle its content of rupture: "If the reformists strike, going beyond the discussion with the French and its forms, striving for the sabotage the struggle, go against anarchist-Socialist debate, and Communists in 1922: "If the unity of the workers and their the dispositions of the masses, trying to link the dynamic of the Communist Party only organizations is a permanent we reserve ourselves the right to mass movement to political represents an insignificant element of the politics of support the action to the end, perspectives. "The mass strike, minority... its attitude with revolutionaries. without our temporary half- the Russian Revolution showed allies, as an independent regard to the class front does not us, is not a clever means But the policy of the united front organization... In fact it is the have decisive importance. The invented to give more force to is also a political tactic, which masses who decide. From the problem of the united front does the proletarian struggle. It is the depends on the general goals of moment when the masses not arise when the CP, as in way of the proletarian mass revolutionary politics. Let us separate from the reformist Bulgaria, represents the only movement, the form of the recall that a revolutionary policy leadership, the agreements lose political force. But where the CP proletarian struggle in the is not reduced to the tactic of the any meaning. To perpetuate the constitutes a political force revolution". Since then, the united front. Many other aspects single face would mean not to without yet having decisive strategic hypothesis of the active related to the political struggle, understand the dialectic of the strength, where it embraces general strike - the the definition of objectives, the revolutionary struggle and to perhaps a quarter, perhaps a third "revolutionary general strike" as delimitation between currents transform the united front from a of the proletarian vanguard, the our Spanish comrades said in the and organizations, the building springboard into a barrier. For question of the united front is 1970s - remains, in new forms, of organizations, are essential Marxists, the united front is only posed in all its sharpness". the most probable variant of the 15 International Viewpoint - IV390 - June 2007
Marxist
upsurge of the masses against which express the force of the and residents' committees in problem in Argentina between the established order. mass movement, its radicality Portugal... They can also start "neighbourhood associations or and its effectiveness in out from forms of legal committees" and the "piquetero" Today, the relationship of forces paralysing the bourgeois state. bourgeois institutions in the movement, between the trade between the classes in Europe The recent social explosions or framework of existing unions and the "piqueteros": does not put the outbreak of such experiences of pre-revolutionary institutions: elections of more than 2336 barrages at the general strikes on the agenda. situations, once again in Latin delegates, setting-up of high point of the movement in But does this specific historical America, remind us of the structures to ensure supplies of 2002, involving several conjuncture put into question the importance, at times of big food. hundreds of thousands of people. strategic hypothesis? None of confrontations between the The division between parties the theses which relativise the classes, of general strikes and In short, the forms of self- also fragments self-organization. strategic role of general strikes mass demonstrations, including organization can be varied and Each party has its mass and central demonstrations have insurrectionary ones. revolutionaries do not make a movement... This is a key been verified when the mass fetish of this or that form. What question in Bolivia today, movement has gone into action, Lastly, the "general strike" does is essential is the democratic between the COB, the and the paths taken by it during not by itself resolve the question unitary expression of the assemblies of El Alto, the certain pre-revolutionary of the strategy of conquest of dynamics of the mass indigenous movements, but also situations in Latin America tend power. "It poses the question of movement, with an objective: to on a lesser scale, in certain social create the most direct rather to give fresh force and power, it does not resolve it", mobilizations in Europe mechanisms of representation of vitality to certain traditional said Lenin. For that, it must be (examples of co-ordinations, the mass movement. strategic concepts. accompanied by forms of organized around this or that organization and a perspective of political organization). The general strike has several governmental power. At the beginning of conflicts, this can take the form of a united dimensions: it is not a "big day Linked to the problem of unity, front of workers' organisations of action", it is the framework of 7) Self-organization there are the problems of or else combined forms, but in a political movement of the centralization: when there is working class, it makes possible In the rebuilding of a practice of the heat of the struggle, there is a division, corporatist or social its independent expression, it has self-emancipation, self- need for structures which most fragmentation, there cannot be its organizations - strike organization also has a strategic accurately represent the reality centralization. committees or the central strike character. of the mass movement. From committee -, it has a this point of view, although What these experiences have in These structures can appear in functionality in the Andreu Nin, leader of the common is their social the course of a struggle or a confrontation with the state: POUM in Spain, was right to explosiveness but also their strike, in the form of struggle paralysis of the economy, of the propose a "workers' alliance" in deficit of consciousness of the committees or strike committees strategic axes of transport and the years 1934-36 as the form of need for a radical transformation elected by general assemblies. communications. It creates the the united front of workers' of society, which also has framework for re-launching organisations, he was wrong to These kinds of structures appear consequences for the production... In the central want to replace the militias and in all pre-revolutionary or organization, the leadership. capitalist countries with a strong committees, products of the revolutionary periods. They working-class social insurrection of July 1936, by the Are these structures incapable of emerge in general from concrete composition, it is the form par formal unity of the problems or in situations where taking power and reorganising excellence of the direct organizations. Behind this the people try to obtain new society? We do not believe that. intervention of the working substitution, there was a instruments to deal with the class. displacement of the relationship Already the Austro-Marxists organization of their lives in the of forces: the most advanced wanted to relegate them to But the preparation of these workplaces or in the elements - CNT, POUM, "socio-economic" structures general strikes also takes place neighbourhoods. Their name Socialist Left - of the revolution while leaving power to a through daily intervention, by varies according to the time and went back to being in a parliamentary national assembly. practical proposals for place where they are established: subordinate position with coordination, centralization of "Soviets", "factory committees " respect to the leaderships of the Others are taking up this thesis struggles, by flexible in Russia..., "internal PCE, the PSOE and the Trotsky today in their manner, propaganda and agitation to commissions" in Italy, elections republican bourgeoisie. It was a explaining that "the forms of create the conditions of broad of workplace delegates in backward step. self-organization will have to general movements of the Germany, committees and find their place, without being working class. militias in Spain, workers' We should have no formalism, institutionalized. But, especially, commissions, shop stewards in all the more so as the explosion without taking power". We can add to it or combine with England, Jap (food supply and division of the forms of self- it the succession of big mass juntas), communal commandos, organization are problems that The limits of a revolutionary demonstrations which paralyse a industrial cordons (local unions we can be confronted with in situation and the weaknesses of country, the problem being on of the CUT trade unions) in situations of a rise of the mass organization and leadership did each occasion to find the forms Chile, workers' commissions movement. That was a major not make possible - except in 16 International Viewpoint - IV390 - June 2007
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Russia, with the limits that we created: committees, but also put forward within the old emancipation of the workers will know - durable phases self- communal or local structures of parliamentary or municipal be the act of the workers organised power. But, in all mass the "red municipalities" or institutions, but the axis, the themselves" - but we are not movements of a certain scope "liberated zones" type. A process priority in order to resolve the naive. This defence implies and, all the more so, all of confrontation and duality of "duality of powers", is for the acting "militarily". Without revolutionary crises, there is the power develops which also mass movement to have its own however appearing to be the aspiration of social movements involves crises, fractures in the independent forms of aggressor, Leon Trotsky to establish the first forms of old existing institutional organization. explains, in extraordinary pages self-emancipation. That creates structures. The old shells can on the history of the Russian the conditions for the emergence even become the envelope of The experience of the Paris Revolution, that the MRC of new structures of new powers. That is the example Commune made Marx evolve on (Military Revolutionary representation of the popular of the Paris Commune, where the question of the state, which it Committee of the Soviet of movement. Without falling into the old commune was was no longer a question of Petrograd) took the initiative of any kind of linear vision of the regenerated by the energy of the transforming but of smashing. the seizure of power, while development of the mass popular explosion which taking care always to maintain a The lessons of all revolutionary movement, that can take the constituted it as an organ of defensive position: it was experiences, socialist or popular power. Chile, in the necessary to defend Petrograd form of general assemblies, revolutionary nationalist, years 1970-73 with the JAP - against the troops of Kornilov action committees, strike confirm the need to destroy the juntas for provisioning the who were going to empty the committees, and later on apparatus of repression of the popular neighbourhoods - and city. communal or workers' councils. ruling classes. And we mean by Our role consists on each the industrial cordons - co- that, the hard core of the State - So from the history of this occasion of testing the ordinations of the trade unions army, police, judicial system, century and some revolutions, possibilities for new structures by geographical zone - saw the central administrative machinery we will retain the importance of of self-organization, of creating birth of a beginning of dual - even if these institutions can, the preparatory process. But the them, of centralizing them as power, starting from structures under the pressure of decisive character of the established by the authorities or forms of popular representation, revolutionary events, fragment revolutionary crisis is the by the trade-union giving priority to the and split (e.g. committees or "moment" or "moments" where confederation. Something of organization of citizens and councils of soldiers, trade unions everything is played out, where capital importance was posed workers in their localities and of magistrates, etc.) certain hours will determine the then: the new structures that their workplaces. There is there course of history for several were the most effective in the a desire for coherence between History shows that this process decades... our project for socialist self- organization of the struggle also unleashes the opposition and the management and the importance had to demonstrate their repression of the ruling classes. The key question remains the given to "socialism from below". effectiveness in the resolution of The fundamental forces in conquest of the political power. daily problems, show struggle clash with each other, The first specificity of the 8) Dual Power themselves to be more confront each other, tear proletarian revolution is that the democratic, more representative: themselves apart at strategically- workers cannot establish new There too, the most recent demonstrate their superiority. decisive moments. These are the social relations, nor durably experiences of situations of moments of revolutionary crisis, conquer new positions, without social and political pre- It is there that the problem of where the confrontation between changing the entire social and revolutionary crises pose the confrontation with the state is the classes is played out, where political structure. Counter- questions of dual power, always posed. As it becomes things sway from one side to the powers are useful, the fight for in "specific" forms. They result generalised, this process runs up other... It is necessary to prepare reforms is essential. The partial from new forms of popular against the rights of ownership, this or these moments... so as to experiences of control, of self- representation, combining the against the institutions and the concentrate the forces of the management in the workplaces organization of the mass capitalist state. "The right to movement from below against or the neighbourhood are movement and a crisis of the existence takes precedence over the state apparatus. The question decisive, but not strong enough existing institutions, which can the right to property" of power is posed, and the to start a process of put on the agenda constituent (Convention of 1793), the duality of powers must then be transformation of social processes. That was the case in democracy of the new structures resolved, one way or the other. relations. We have to conquer Venezuela where elections to a representing the people - factory The preparations for revolution power. Constituent Assembly are or neighbourhood assemblies - can last "several months, several envisaged next August, under an takes precedence over the old years", Ernest Mandel specifies, It is from this standpoint that we enormous pressure of the mass structures. There is at this but the moments of central debate with Holloway and with movement. There again, when a moment contradiction and confrontations are always the all the currents of the global revolutionary process deepens, struggle between the old and the most decisive. justice movement which defend new popular structures of new. The "new" also exerts the possibility of changing the representation appear, new pressure on the fragmentation of The objective is then to defend world without taking power. And legitimacies against the old the old bourgeois institutions. the revolutionary process. We it is indeed Holloway that we are central state apparatus are Democratic demands must be are not putschists - "the talking about, because it seems 17 International Viewpoint - IV390 - June 2007
Marxist
that the Zapatistas are evolving They run up against the central With the perspective of a new objective is the constitution of a on this question and no longer power. power for workers and citizens, new power. We still do not think make a virtue out of necessity by there is also the place for a logic - unlike certain Austro-Marxist, explaining that their struggle To prevent structural of radical democracy based on "Eurocommunist" or "left must not have a political modifications of society, the proposals for the transformation reformist" theses - that we can outcome. Besides, they seized ruling classes use a double safety of parliamentary assemblies: a conquer power by combining power in their zones in Chiapas. mechanism: the state and single-chamber constituent "popular power" and "gradual The revolutionary experiences in capitalist property. Moreover, assembly, the definition of conquest of a revolutionary Latin America show on the one the war in Iraq, the attempts to competences, proportional majority in the old parliament". hand, the need to drive forward set up here and there in Europe representation, control of elected The taking of political power the movement from below, and or America state or para-state officials, creation of structures requires getting rid of the old on the other hand, the decisive mechanisms demonstrate the of direct democracy, subsidiarity institutions and building new importance of the impulsion key role of states. The state is from the local to the European ones. from on high. The positive role redeploying, but it is there. The level, in the framework of a and the limits of someone like strength of American constituent process. After the conquest of power, the Chavez show the importance of imperialism, like the power of problems are posed differently, In short, the objective pursued is building an overall political the multinationals, demonstrates in particular at the beginning of a the generalization of a radical alternative. The social-liberal the importance of the ownership society of transition to democracy which, starting from policies of someone like Lula of capital and the major means socialism: several assemblies a radical transformation of the call for a political alternative, of production in the world elected by universal suffrage can economy. Economic and assembly, opens the perspective coexist with territorial including an electoral one, military power appears to be of structures for a new power. assemblies and assemblies oriented towards a break with more disseminated than ever, but This is the problematic that resulting from elections in the imperialism and the financial it is also more concentrated than Trotsky put forward, in 1934, in workplaces, even assemblies markets. Counter-powers or the ever. his draft action programme for representing national minorities. addition of social movements the Communist League of the Assemblies which will have are not enough to oppose an To open the way to change, this time. power, assemblies elected by alternative to liberal capitalism. double safety mechanism must universal suffrage. This be demolished: the state and This constituent process must be Of course, throughout the combination was tried in an property. Without a used to push forward a new history of social struggles, many ephemeral way under the Paris revolutionary social power of direct democracy. But reforms, new rights, social Commune. mobilization which breaks the in a revolutionary situation, the conquests were obtained under backbone of capitalist democratic effectiveness of self- This was the position of Rosa the pressure of relationships of domination - the state - and organization runs up against the Luxembourg on the dissolution forces and social mobilizations... which substitutes for capitalist state apparatus. of the Constituent Assembly in without taking power! property public and social Russia. She came out for the We have already seen various ownership, the mechanisms of dissolution of an assembly Revolutionaries are in favour of examples: either the constituent production and reproduction of which no longer corresponded to all reforms which improve the assembly is carried away by the capital continue to dominate. the real state of the country and living and working conditions of revolutionary whirlwind and demanded a new Constituent the population. They are transmits its powers to the new 9) Self-organization, Assembly, that is, alongside the attentive to or take part in all the revolutionary structures, or goes democracy power of the Soviets an experiences which loosen the into hibernation, or else it assembly elected by universal vice of capitalist domination. The relationships between opposes the new forms of self- suffrage: "Without general These movements are decisive parliamentary institutions, organized power, thus provoking elections, without unlimited but are not sufficient to constituent assemblies, and a conflict. Let us not forget that freedom of the press and of consolidate the gains that have structures of self-organization in certain revolutionary crises, assembly, without a free struggle been made in the long term - the constitute one of the key Germany in 1918-19 or Portugal of opinions, life dies away in all ruling classes often take back problems of a revolutionary in 1974-75, the Constituent public institutions, vegetates, with one hand what they have strategy, in particular in the Assembly was used as a counter- and the bureaucracy remains the conceded with the other - nor to major imperialist countries. revolutionary instrument. It was only active element". change the fundamental logic then necessary to put the accent The axis is the self-organization, and substitute a logic of social on the structures of self- When there is conflict, it is the the emergence, and the needs for the logic of profit. organization and on their people who have the last word. centralization of the structures of centralization. All this process is In the building of an alternative, direct democracy, in the broad not external to the institutions of 10) Workers' government these experiences can prove to sense: not only "factory bourgeois democracy, especially be indispensable points of councils" in the "workerist" in countries with long-standing The demand for a "workers' support, but their accumulation sense, but social and political parliamentary traditions - the government" ("government of cannot be enough to overthrow self-management constituted as revolutionary process exerts the workers" or of the "popular the fundamental logic of society. political power. pressure on them - but the classes") is a transitional slogan 18 International Viewpoint - IV390 - June 2007
Theory
put forward in a revolutionary with the bourgeoisie". But these "ideological bath". These These governments, which situation, in the 1920s, or on the formulas have today been demands for a break with the oppose imperialism, must be eve of the Second World War, relativised by history. bourgeoisie no longer make supported against imperialism, which Trotsky envisaged as a much sense addressed to social- while maintaining our Two remarks on this approach: repetition of the First. These are democratic formations which independence. Independence, the formulas developed in the have been carried away by It is closely related to because there is a political battle, Transitional Programme. In social-liberalism. They can have, revolutionary situations. In a struggle in the "anti- general, these questions take on in certain political conjunctures, many documents, in particular imperialist" camp between great importance in situations of a certain functionality with on Germany or France in 1922, acute social and political crisis. respect to the militant base of revolutionaries, reformists, Trotsky speaks about "the The debates that we have on the certain CPs, in the following nationalists, etc. Political parliamentary beginning of the governmental formula or form: "choose between a social- struggle, but support for a proletarian revolution". formulas of are often far liberal alliance and an anti- process. We judge the measures removed from this context. But all these experiences, even capitalist alternative", that are taken for the popular though they can have as their understanding well that the classes and the initiatives for The workers' government is a starting point a parliamentary dynamics of reformism and of action and mobilization. As a transitional governmental majority, must very quickly find integration - over a long period - result of which, for example, we formula, in a situation of crisis into bourgeois institutions, leads their centre of gravity in the give support to what is called the where the institutions of the old the bureaucratic apparatuses of organs of dual power, otherwise process of the Bolivarian state apparatus are not yet the CPs to adapt to the existing these governments get bogged destroyed. It is not yet the power order. revolution. down or become the hostages of of popular organs or the bourgeois institutions. On governmental questions, our "dictatorship of the proletariat", These historical modifications of the workers' movement have positions must therefore but it is no longer the normal This is what Trotsky denounced consequences for the problems combine: functioning of bourgeois as "the parliamentary of "current policy": there is a institutions. It is thus not a interpretation" of the workers' certain de-synchronisation a) independence with respect to synonym for the dictatorship of government. It is unfortunately between the policy of unity of the governments which manage the proletariat. It is a possible the error that was committed by action and the construction of a the institutions and the capitalist intermediate government, on the some revolutionary militants: in political alternative. road to the conquest of power by Saxony-Thuringia, where the economy; the workers. leaders of the KPD made the We are for unity of action of the b) the refusal to take part in any decisions on insurrection depend entire social and political left government which manages the Also, all the formulas of on the legal government of the workers' government include in against the far right, the right institutions or the capitalist Land, dominated by left social and the employers. We do not general immediate demands, but economy. Our tactic is democrats, and not on a council think it is possible to build an also objectives related to of committees. This was also the determined by the policy and the workers' control, to the alternative to liberal capitalism experience in Catalonia in July along with social-liberalism. decisions of each government, expropriation of the capitalists, and September 1936, where the supporting positive measures, or even the arming of the There is no logic other than a POUM accepted the dissolution parliamentary logic in seeking opposing the others; proletariat. In revolutionary of the "central committee of the situations, there is a coherence "an anti-liberal majority against militias" in order to enter and the Right involving the entire c) a position determined by the between a united front policy recognize the government of the course of the government in and the proposal for a Left and therefore the SP and the "Généralitat Catalana" as the question - from frontal government that breaks with the social-liberal Left. legal government of Catalonia. opposition to the Lula bourgeoisie. There, the This "parliamentary" option government, which is today a "workers' government can be the These formulations were cannot be taken up to the social-liberal government - to crowning point of the united situated within a certain detriment of an accumulation of support - the experience of front policy". The basis for unity historical framework, marked by forces against liberal capitalism. of action and for a government is the driving force of the Russian Chavez; the same: they are coalitions of Revolution, where the reformist Lastly, there can be specific revolutionary forces, left and Stalinist parties, in spite of cases, in the developing d) and to always centre our reformists, centrists or their degeneration, still had countries, where revolutionary efforts on the development of the revolutionary nationalists, based references to the revolution, to nationalist governments break independent movement of the on popular organizations or the "dictatorship of the with imperialism, even if it is a masses. committees. It is by referring to proletariat" (the SFIO and Léon partial break. This is the case Russia from February to October Blum in the 1930s), to the break with Chavez in Venezuela. François Sabado is a member of the 1917, and Germany between with capitalism, where a Trotsky gave some indications Political Bureau of the Revolutionary Communist League (LCR, French 1918 and 1923, that Trotsky uses vanguard of several million concerning the government of section of the Fourth International), his formulations "demanding working-class militants, even Lazaro Cardénas in Mexico in and of the Executive Bureau of the that the workers' parties break reformists, were educated in this the 1930s or the APRA in Peru. Fourth International. 19 International Viewpoint - IV390 - June 2007
France The presidential election and debates on the Left
François Duval
A few weeks ago, I published an article entitled "French Left: what's going on?" for the use of activists of the different parties and movements of the European Anti-capitalist Left who wanted to know more about the situation of the French Left. This new document sets out to give additional information and analysis after the results of the two rounds of the presidential election and, incidentally, discuss some contributions written on the same topic among the anti- capitalist and/or anti-liberal Left. A new political situation in society? In other words: after a social and alternative are interrelated and have to be political period of increasing popular carried out simultaneously. The main issue, of course, is the election of resistance, are we now faced with a kind of Nicolas Sarkozy and the meaning of that "downturn"? This issue can remain open for a Fairy tales event for the Left. Sarkozy was elected with a while. clear advance mainly because he was able to These points - relationship of forces, political bring together the right and to convince a My view is that we should remember that the situation, and so on - are very important and significant number of former far right voters. outcome of most of the explosions of have to be clarified. A correct analysis of the He first won the ideological battle for resistance - from 1995 to 2006 - has not been social and political situation, including a hegemony and then the electoral battle. a victory and that the neo-liberal agenda has realistic analysis of the relation of forces Ségolène Royal - the candidate of the SP - effectively been implemented in France, between classes, between left and right wing didn't propose a really different programme though at a slower rhythm than in other parties, between radical left and neo-liberal and was unable to personify the hope of a imperialist countries. left is useful. But, anyhow, an accurate better life, better jobs, better wages. analysis will not automatically guarantee a I have summarized a more detailed analysis clever political orientation. Of course, if it At this point, Sarkozy's victory is an electoral of these issues in a document for the LCR was so, life would be easier for us! victory. His biggest challenge is to change it National Leadership "Remarques post 6 mai", Unfortunately, a correct analysis cannot by into a social victory, into a defeat of the available on request (but, unfortunately, only itself provide an orientation. But it can working class in order to accelerate in French ...). specify what is possible. And what is NOT implementation of the neo-liberal agenda possible. that has been delayed in France (compared to In his document - "The French presidential others developed countries) by social election" - Murray Smith considers it "a very And, according to the real situation of French resistance. Whether he can win that lucid and realistic contribution on the extent society in 2007, some hypotheses that have challenge or not is exactly what is at stake in and limits of resistance to neo-liberalism and been brandished in diverse debates among the coming months. the relationship of class forces in France the anti-liberal Left were simply… not today". But he states that, despite that possible. For example, some of the self- Social and political background "objective" situation, important items to be proclaimed leaders of the anti-liberal Left underlined are "the level of political have supported the idea that a joint single We can all consider that the election of consciousness" , "a greater mobilisation and candidate of the anti-liberal Left would have Sarkozy and the circumstances of this politicisation of young people". been able to get more than 10% of the votes election will significantly help the offensive of Consequently, he argues, the main issue to be for the first round of the presidential the MEDEF (bosses' association) and the right election. addressed is "a credible political alternative". wing parties against workers' rights. In a And he adds: "In the first place, the lack of certain way, the high number of voters for Some even stated that a single anti-liberal such an alternative makes social resistance this election as well as the really very rightist candidate could get a better result than the harder". proposals Sarkozy made publicly during his candidate of the SP! Under such electoral campaign are new and important circumstances, being suspicious about a Yes, we have to build a credible political obstacles to popular resistance because his "secondary" issue such as the supposed and alternative! But is the lack of this political politics have gained a kind of legitimacy on a contingent relations with the SP would have alternative the main reason for our broad scale. been out of place! And the insistence of the difficulties in building a broad movement of LCR in raising that issue would only have But there is more controversy about another resistance? One can also think exactly... the been additional evidence that the LCR issue: this election obviously shows an other way round! The difficulties in actually didn't want a common candidate evolution towards the right of the political organising resistance are significant obstacles because the LCR was only looking for pretexts superstructures (both right wing and left to building a political alternative. These in order to stand Olivier Besancenot as its wing parties). But is that global trend difficulties - and the defeat of some of the own candidate… another evidence of a deep gap between the widest movements of resistance (such as the genuine mood of ordinary people and the demonstrations and strikes in 2003) - can And you can oppose nothing to that, not different political apparatus? Or is this explain the difficulties in building a political even the genuine results of the election! For election the logical concretization of an alternative, as well! Most probably, the the supporters of a single anti-neoliberal already damaged status of the relationship of conclusion will be that the tasks of building candidature, whatever the political cost forces between social classes and of left ideas resistances AND building a political should be, the results of the election are just 20 International Viewpoint - IV390 - June 2007
France
an evidence of the mess caused by the per cent seems a perfectly realisable "food sovereignty". He also had a very absence of such a candidature. And the objective. At that level, the relationship of indulgent evaluation of her openings "apparatus" of the CP and the LCR are forces on the left starts to change, and a towards François Bayrou and the centre right. (necessarily) guilty for that mess. A mess that serious marker is laid down for the future". That doesn't "prove" he was under the control would not have taken occurred in the case of of the SP. But it proves that the issue about a common candidature… Before the first round of the presidential being independent from the SP that the LCR election, you could consider theses analyses had raised was not... superfluous. The They don't try to explain why, in the just as (serious) political mistakes or electoral results were bad (483,000 votes; framework of a global disaster for the anti- ridiculous polemical speeches in order to 1.32%) and left many of its supporters liberal Left, Olivier Besancenot and the LCR denounce the "sectarianism of the apparatus disappointed. Anyhow, one point must not have been able to resist and obtain a "relative of the CP and the LCR" and to please the be discarded: he really did have a significant success". They don't try to explain it because average mood of the numerous activists of number of supporters, some of them being it is not so easy to do so and, mainly, because the No campaign who were yearning for radical activists of the social movements, a they are not interested in doing so. They unity. But, AFTER the results of the election, necessary component to build a political prefer to feed the regrets of lost illusions. we are faced to something qualitatively alternative, a broad anti-capitalist party. A different: a desperate attempt to find a problem that has to be dealt with now... But, of course, more that 10% for an anti- magic explanation of what has gone wrong, liberal candidate - or even more votes than a pathetic denial of reality. And, of course, a The campaign of Marie-George Buffet was an the candidate of the SP! - were just absurd very comfortable reading of the election that statements. Nevertheless, AFTER the 22nd of impossible challenge from the start. The CP protects you from any self-criticism! Actually, desperately tried to convince people to vote April, some of the leaders of the former anti- they prefer to borrow an "explanation" once liberal coalition, mainly those who supported for her - and not for the SP candidate - by used by the SP. Just as the SP tried to "explain criticising the neo-liberal orientation of the José Bové, are still "explaining" what could the 21st April 2002" by the dispersion of the have happened ... "if". SP. But, at the same time, the CP never left (too many candidates), they explain the explicitly rejected the idea of a governmental failure of the anti-liberal left in 2007 by its For instance, in the daily Liberation or parliamentary coalition with the SP, dispersion... (11/05/2007), Yves Salesse - former candidate feeding the illusion that it would be possible to be the candidate of the anti-liberal Left Back to reality to have a government bringing together "all and a spokesman of José Bové's campaign - the left"... on an anti-liberal basis! The CP wrote: "The failure of the left doesn't end obtained its worst ever result: 707,000 votes; The attempt of José Bové to present his with the failure of the social-liberalism. 1.93%. Then it has tried (without success) campaign as a unitary campaign failed. Even Because it doesn't provide any accurate with the SP leadership in order to rescue a his decision to stand was not, in any case, the answer, the division of those who are handful of its MPs. No doubt about it: this is result of a democratic debate in the supporting another orientation for the Left a new step in the endless crisis of the CP. And "movement" or in the framework of the has been devastating. The surprise of this the anti-capitalist Left has to deal with that... election should not have been Bayrou but the remaining anti-liberal collectives. When it was possible for him to be designated as breakthrough of this alternative Left. The Another issue we have to think about is the candidate by at least a part of the anti-liberal leaderships of the LCR and the CP have made result of Arlette Laguiller, the candidate for collectives, he withdrew his candidature. He a different choice." Lutte Ouvrière (LO), the main other has been able to be "designated" only after revolutionary organisation in France: from the explosion of the movement (after the For instance, Pierre Khalfa, a former leader of more than 5% in 2002 to 1.33% in 2007. SUD and a leading member of the French takeover of the CP in order to impose its There are several explanations for that. It was global justice movement, in the course of his general secretary as unitary candidate) via a the sixth (!) campaign of Arlette Laguiller for debate with Pierre Rousset wrote: "For me, it very anti-democratic process through a web- presidential election and that was not the was possible to be involved in unitive petition. best way to show how revolutionary dynamics which would have won more than organisations deal with the renewal of 15% of the votes, asserting its will to win the Some of his rallies were successes, while majority in the Left space. Of course, this is others were not. He failed to express a really politics. not what has happened. But this fact doesn't broad anti-liberal orientation and confined This was made worse by the competition invalidate my position, except if it's a case of himself to very specific - though legitimate - with Olivier Besancenot, of course. Some wishful thinking: I analyse that it is not issues (such as the fight again dissemination former voters for LO were also angry about possible; I act in order for that not to be of genetically modified crops). It also must be possible; it didn't happen; so, I was right to noticed that he attacked LCR publicly in a its attitude after the 21st April 2002 when LO think it was not possible!" very nasty way, while Olivier Besancenot refused to be part of the movement against never attacked the other candidates of the Le Pen. And during the 2007 campaign, LO For instance Murray Smith wrote: "I have anti-liberal Left. He even counterposed its sometimes gave the impression of calling on never found convincing the wilder surges of candidature to the "eleven others" presented the SP to defend genuine left measures enthusiasm by the partisans of unity, going as "candidates of the system"! rather than opposing it. Anyhow, the anti- so far as to predict that a unitary candidate capitalist left should now consider that LO could have got more votes than the SP. But I Between the two rounds of the presidential will remain a significant revolutionary think he or she would certainly have got election, he even accepted a "mission" from organisation that will not disappear just like more than 8.5 per cent. Between 10 and 15 the SP candidate (Segolène Royal) about that... 21 International Viewpoint - IV390 - June 2007
France
New responsibilities, new political "communication". It's about our The different leaders of the SP are already opportunities ideas of political fight. arguing of the necessity for an "aggiornamento", a realignment of the Absolute independence has been the most Obviously, the political situation after this French SP on the political orientation already disputed issue. It's the most important one. presidential election gives new It's both correct and… efficient! Many new shared by the other parties of the European responsibilities to the LCR. As noticed before, voters and many former voters for the radical social-democracy. They underlined the we have to deal with the disappointment and Left in 2002 (even the majority of voters for contrast between their defeat and the the bitterness of the activists who supported Olivier Besancenot) voted for Ségolène Royal victories of Tony Blair in the UK or Romano José Bové; we also have to deal with the in April 2007, even without any enthusiasm deepening crisis of the CP and the former Prodi in Italy. They suggest they lost the for her programme and campaign: the supporters of LO who are more or less election because they were linked to old- pressure for "useful vote", the will to avoid orphans. But in order to decide what to do, it fashioned ideas about socialism, class another "21st of April", the opposition to is necessary to analyse our own results and struggle and so on. And they begin to think Nicolas Sarkozy were very high. And these understand why we have been able to resist reasons explain to a large extent the average about the kind of relationship they must have better than the others candidates of the anti- bad results of the radical Left. More then the with the centre right. liberal Left. Because we now have to build fact that this anti-liberal Left was divided, mainly on that basis. anyway. And those voters who nevertheless The challenge we have to answer is to show There are at least three reasons of the success wanted to vote "more to the left" that the SP that, in face of that neo-liberal left, there is and they make the difference with the other chose to vote for the most independent another left, a left "100% left", which thinks candidates: candidate from the SP, Olivier Besancenot. that in order to oppose Sarkozy you must Actually, having 280,000 votes more than in refuse any evolution towards centre and 2002 means, at least, he has convinced v The defence of a radical anti-capitalist clearly defend workers' rights. A Left entirely between 800,000 and 900,000 news voters. programme, committed to struggles and socialist v The ability to personify the renewal of the Considering what would have happened if - if alternatives. A Left whose main purpose will radical left, a common candidate would have stand, if be to organise resistance and contest the the CP have supported José Bové or another hegemony of the SP rather than trying to v Absolute independence from any hint that non communist candidate, if the LCR had pressure it. we would support a government of the supported José Bové, and so on - make no neoliberal SP "Left". sense, because these hypotheses have just no The LCR doesn't intend to be sectarian or basis in reality. But, anyhow, I believe that arrogant. But there is absolutely no reason to Our programme - for the presidential Marie-George Buffet featuring a common apologize for not having been marginalised campaign and for the general elections - was anti-liberal candidate, supported by LCR and like the other candidates and parties of the a set of emergency measures that were at the anti-liberal collectives, would have got more same time concrete answers to the situation or less the same result she reached as a anti-liberal Left! Now, we have to move and of millions of people and a bridge towards candidate of the CP. offer a genuine alternative to failed another world. The LCR has not invented orientations. We have to do it in an open anything: most of these measures were José Bové, supported by the LCR and CP, manner, with the genuine will to associate as borrowed from social movements or, at least, would have got, more or less, the same many people as possible. from the most advanced sectors of the social results he got on its own. Nowadays, none of movements. But supporting them without the parties of the anti-liberal and/or anti- How can the LCR - a small revolutionary any compromise made the difference: they capitalist Left has a stabilised electorate. For organisation - in practice help a significant are not items of a programme just for every election, you have to win every voter by number of people to make a new step elections; they have been and they will be the convincing them it is useful to vote for you. core of the forthcoming struggles. And arithmetic is not politics... towards a broad anti-capitalist party? This issue will now be discussed among our Personifying the renewal of the Left needs a Anyhow, the results of the first round of the members (old and new) and be clarified clear political profile and a candidate presidential election, the number of people during the preparation of our national appropriate for that. Olivier Besancenot was who sent letters or e-mails in order to join Congress (December 2007). But, during that that candidate because he is young - and and resist against Sarkozy have given the LCR discussion, we will keep in mind the reasons able to be understood by young people - and a broad credibility. And new responsibilities! because he is a worker, not a professional After the general elections that, most why we are faced with such a challenge politician. In 2002, one of the slogans of the probably, will be a severe defeat for the SP (rather than sadly discussing about our campaign was: "Olivier Besancenot, 27 years and its allies, a debate will begin about the failure): commitment to a radical anti- old, postman". At that time, he was the future of the Left. For many activists inside capitalist programme and absolute youngest candidate by large. In 2007, of the traditional Left and among workers and independence from the institutional left. course, he was five years older... but he was young people, the question is: what had still the youngest candidate. And he was still happened? Why have we been defeated? François Duval is a leading member of the LCR a postman, as well. It's not about "casting" or How can we avoid new forthcoming defeats? (French section of the Fourth International). 22 International Viewpoint - IV390 - June 2007
France Preparing for the presidential elections - a minority report
Alain Mathieu, Patrick Tamerlan
Report on the situation in France
Given to the International Committee of the Fourth International, in the name of the minority of the LCR.
The context of the 2007 elections in to the multiplication and the dispersion of candidates; there is only one name on the France cannot be understood without candidacies just for the sake of it, which ballot paper. It is a hang-over of Gaullism and reference to two political and social would defend virtually identical political the strong state, where the candidate- events which happened in the last two proposals. The idea was born of an electoral president meets the people and the citizens coalition between all these forces, to present over the head of the parties and the elected last years: - the victory of the "no" in the candidates in common for the 2007 elections assemblies, is able to name the Prime referendum on the liberal constitution - presidential (April), and legislative (June). Minister, has exorbitant powers, not for Europe, a victory obtained by the controlled by a parliament which he even has voters of the left (a majority of Socialist A new appeal was made, calling to bring the right to dissolve if he wants to. These Party voters voted "no" whereas the together all the forces that were in institutions have modelled political life for leadership of the PS defended "yes")and agreement with this objective and to create many years, and the political parties have by a mobilization of the anti-liberal Left unitary collectives at the base in the localities. almost all had to adapt to this framework. (PCF, LCR, left socialists, global justice At their height there were between 600 and Everyone then thought that if the political campaigners, left ecologists). 700 collectives, spread across the whole country, involving approximately 15.000 questions were resolved, we would find a solution for the candidate: find a personality For months, Olivier Besancenot, Marie people. Not only did we see the whole arc of George Buffet (PCF), José Bové, figure of the forces that had made the common campaign accepted by all, a name on the ballot paper, global justice movement, J.L.Mélenchon (left for a "no" from the left in the referendum, but around whom the best-known figures wing of the PS) multiplied joint meetings, especially many militants, trade unionists and (Buffet, Besancenot, Bové, etc...) would mobilizing thousands of participants. organizers of social movements, who saw, at gather, in meetings and common media Consequently, the question was widely last, the outlines of a political space in which interventions. posed: how to concretize this relationship of they could take their place, to express on the For the legislative elections, it would be forces, this overturn within the left, to the political level their day-to-day struggles. possible to vary the candidates coming from disadvantage of the social-liberal orientation the various political forces in the 580 defended by the leadership of the Socialist It was then necessary to move from a Party. campaign based on refusal of liberalism to constituencies. the positive formulation of an alternative The powerful movement of workers and programme, of political proposals, of a The LCR did not play the game youth, in spring 2006,for the first time made strategy implying the clarification of the the government of the liberal Right retreat. relationship with the Socialist Party, the While affirming that it was in favour of such The government wanted to impose on attitude towards the Right and towards a candidatures, the LCR organised a national everyone under 25 insecure employment government of the Left and a left conference in June 2006. A majority (60%) contracts (First Employment Contract, C.P.E., parliamentary majority. decided to launch the candidacy of Olivier which gave employers the right to sack them Besancenot, while affirming that it would without giving any justification). On two It was also necessary to solve a difficult withdraw it if a unity agreement was occasions, three million demonstrators took problem within the specific framework of the concluded later. The minority (40%) defended to the streets, after 3 months of massive institutions of the Fifth Republic: in France, the idea that it was necessary first of all to be mobilizations, making it the strongest elections take place in two rounds. integrated into the unitary movement and to movement, in term of demonstrations, since throw all our weight into obtaining the best 1968. This movement confirmed that For the legislative elections, there are possible agreement, before launching our resistance to liberalism was dominant within approximately 580 constituencies, which Besancenot campaign, which made us the country, a year after the referendum. each elect a deputy, in a uninominal system appear to not really want unity. with two rounds. There is no proportional There then arose on the left, on a mass scale, representation. And France is one of the rare This divergence within the LCR was an immense hope that we could succeed in European countries to elect its president by concretized in two possible orientations. And expressing this anti-liberal aspiration on the direct universal suffrage. There is not even, as differently from preceding debates in the LCR electoral terrain in 2007. The idea of "Unity of in the USA, a vice-president, which makes it - which is however accustomed to internal the anti-liberal left" was popular, as opposed possible to compose a "ticket" of two debates - the divergence was expressed 23 International Viewpoint - IV390 - June 2007
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publicly, by different interventions in public "If we do not take part in the government, a situation of "observer" in the movement, meetings and in the movement of the our group in Parliament will not take part in and stopped being seriously involved in the collectives, by the "majority of the LCR", and a majority made up to support this collectives, while the minority "unitary LCR" by the minorities who spoke in the name of government, but will vote in favour of any continued to act within the movement to the "unitary current of the LCR". The legislative provisions going in the direction of push it in the right direction. unfolding of events accentuated these the interests of the population. We will also different public expressions, without up until use our parliamentary strength, along with In October, another stage was reached: a now calling into question the unity of the all those who will take part in social national meeting of 600 representatives of organization, because the two orientations mobilizations, to get a certain number of the unitary collectives adopted a document each had legitimacy, in the LCR and outside positive measures adopted or to get negative of 125 programmatic proposals, taking up it. measures withdrawn; to translate our the best of the demands elaborated by the programme into law and reality. We reserve social, anti-war and global justice In September a first stage was accomplished: the right to judge and to discuss publicly how movements. All the principal measures a meeting of 500 delegates from collectives the government and its majority act in the proposed by the Left that was in favour of and from political forces adopted a course of the legislature". social transformation and by the social document which specified the political movements were there (on sackings, wages, So we were very far, for example, from what framework: services, immigration, the right to vote for Rifondazione had accepted in Italy: to take foreigners, refusal of any military v To regroup all the forces for an alternative part in a government of coalition, not only intervention, in the Middle-East as well as in with the social-liberal Left, but also with the anti-liberal Left in the elections in order to Africa, support for Palestine etc...). challenge within the electorate of the left the centre-right of Prodi, and in a majority that supported it. The refusal of the PCF to take domination of the social-liberal policies of Only one important point continued to part in a social-liberal government the PS. provoke debate and was resolved by a demonstrated a certain break with its positive compromise: on civil nuclear power, v To defeat the Right and the far Right in the traditional positions. Having fallen to a very between the traditional position of the PCF, second round of the elections by voting for low electoral level, it did not want to go even favourable to nuclear power, and the ending lower by endorsing unpopular social-liberal the best-placed left-wing candidate, without of nuclear power that was defended by us governmental policies. Of course, that did conditions or negotiations. It was obvious and the ecologists, it was proposed that the not mean that the PCF, on another occasion, that it was necessary to respond to the question would be decided by a referendum would not change its mind, nor that there powerful desire to beat Sarkozy: if the Right after a public discussion throughout society, were not within it currents which regretted was victorious again, following on 2002, we accompanied by a moratorium on the abandoning this policy of alliance with the would see a situation which would resemble construction of new power stations during PS. But the success of the "no" and the anti- this debate. the second term of Mrs. Thatcher in the liberal resistance had convinced it that it United Kingdom, with an offensive aiming to should use the coming period to regain The majority of the LCR did not have much to destroy the powerful resistance to liberalism. strength and credit and to win again the say in this debate, it did not take part in it, positions it had acquired, by relying on the v To define an attitude towards a having put itself on the sidelines in unitary anti-liberal movement, in which it September. The minority was there, strongly government of the Left, after the experience wanted to remain dominant. of the "plural Left" between 1997 and 2002, present, defending the traditional political when the PCF took part in the government of It was however an important occasion, for positions of the LCR, generally successfully. Lionel Jospin. It was a key question, to verify the LCR, to take a full part in this movement, what the PCF's policy was. The text of the to act and to exert pressure on the It remained, after the political agreement, to agreement specified clearly: contradictions that it entailed within one of solve the question of the candidacy by a the two big left parties in France. debate within the collectives. Olivier "We will not be part of a government Besancenot and the LCR put themselves on dominated by social-liberalism, which, by its The LCR withdrew the sidelines, Olivier never wanted to be a composition and by its project, would not candidate for the candidacy within the give itself the means of finally breaking with The majority of the LCR clumsily put forward movement, but in spite of that, during all liberalism, would not respond to what two amendments to the agreement, which these months there were very many calls for people were waiting for. The Socialist Party, in were unconvincing: that participation in a the LCR to come back into the movement. In particular, has adopted a programme which government and a majority with the PS was addition to the two principal figures (Bové turns its back on a clear break with liberalism. excluded, but since the text of the agreement and Buffet) the debates saw the emergence It is out of the question, for us, to negotiate already said that, it seemed like a pretext. It of other candidates who did not represent a on this basis a contract of government whose asked for the passages to be removed which particular party, but could be agreed by all: action, letting people down once again, envisaged defeating the Right by calling for a Clementine Autain, Yves Salesse, Claude would lead ineluctably to the return of a second-round vote for the best-placed left- Debons, figures of the unitary movement. It harder Right" wing candidate, but this was rejected as was necessary to make the PCF understand unacceptable in the current situation. From that the candidacy of its general secretary The text further specified: then on, the majority of the LCR put itself in could not unite the movement, because she 24 International Viewpoint - IV390 - June 2007
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would reduce it, people thought, to a small Rancour against the leaderships of v For the PCF, the interest of this movement circle around the Communist Party. the parties held responsible for the was not only to find itself with the radical Left, but to lay the foundations of a The discussion and the consultation began in failure movement which would include sectors of the collectives. José Bové withdrew without the opposition within the PS, and to thus aim much explanation, criticizing the practices of Immediately after this failure, many militants, at the heart of the left electorate. Many the PCF which wanted to impose its general but also many voters, were disappointed and references by the PCF to the German secretary, but especially taking note that his felt great bitterness. The political logics situation attest to this, as does the presence candidacy was not being chosen in priority in proper to the parties were judged to be of Oskar Lafontaine at the meetings of M.G. the collectives. He would remain absent from responsible the division, whereas a political Buffet. The PCF was waiting to see how the the movement for two months, reappearing agreement was possible and would have currents of the PS which had defended the in mid-January supported by a petition produced a considerable electoral and "no" to the constitution would react, after the initiated outside of the movement. political dynamic. designation of Ségolène Royal as candidate of the PS, which demonstrated an inflection It only remained to make the PCF agree to a The LCR found itself isolated: not only in to the right on the part of the PS. In fact, non-PCF candidacy, in a situation where it broad sectors of its electorate, but also precisely nothing happened: after this had become the dominant force within the among the sympathizers and actors of the designation, the "no" currents, apart from movement after the withdrawal of social movements who had previously looked some very minority exceptions, have had to Besancenot and Bové, with the aim of on it with sympathy. Within the LCR, well- agree to form a united bloc with the party making the two of them come back. On known militants, of long standing, leading against the Right. The only current present as December 9-10, an assembly of more than representatives of the political influence of such in the movement, the PRS group of 800 delegates did not succeed in solving the the LCR, even if they were not members of Mélenchon, gave up at the end of December. question, but the movement was strong the minorities, repudiated this policy of It is certain that the contradictions within the enough to prevent the PCF, which was in a wanting to impose an LCR candidate at all PS were attenuated on the eve of an election majority in the meeting, from imposing costs, in direct opposition to the unitary where it is a question of defeating a Marie-George Buffet as the candidate of the dynamic. government of the Right, and that they will collectives. re-appear with even more force if the PS is The leadership of the PCF was considered to confronted with applying its policies in The PCF then underwent an unprecedented be responsible for the failure, the crisis is government. That was the case of Germany, crisis: it decided just afterwards to force its open, and the solitary campaign of Buffet it was in fact under a Schröder government way through, against the will of the unitary does not have any dynamic behind it. that the rupture around Lafontaine occurred. movement, and to present Buffet as Taking note, moreover, of the withdrawal of candidate, in the name of the party, by Why did the PCF choose to force its way Besancenot and Bové, it only remained to the having recourse to an internal vote. In this through? PCF to accept a coalition with small currents internal vote, 10.000, out of the 50.000 of the radical Left, without any militants of the PCF consulted, voted against The PCF is paying for forcing its way through counterweight coming from the Socialist the candidacy of the general secretary, by a crisis without precedent. Initially, many Left. The PCF preferred to run its own preferring another candidate who would people thought that it made this choice in campaign, breaking the consensus of the respect the unity of the unitary movement. order to return to its policy of alliance with collectives. More than a disagreement about Entire federations, sections, those most the Socialist Party. An influential current participation in government, the real committed to the movement, voted against within the party and its leadership defend difference between the PCF and the LCR lay the majority of the leadership, which, this perspective, but the present leadership there: what should be the contours of the knowing the internal workings of the PCF, does not seem to be following it on this movement? "Radical anti-liberal Left", or "left was an event. Some left the party, but still issue. It appears that the PCF, already reduced of the plural Left" as Olivier Besancenot more still decided to organise to continue the argued, or "left of the Left" as the PCF to the lowest level in electoral terms and with debate. Those who call themselves "unitary proposed? It is a debate to be continued, but a decreased number of elected officials (22 communists" are organised in a public it was not an irremediable divergence which deputies, whom it is not guaranteed to keep, association. prevented the LCR from entering a coalition - and municipalities which are threatened with on the contrary, the debate would have being taken from it by the Socialist Party), It was the first time that the PCF had unfolded in the course of the campaign. undergone such a crisis, and the opposition considers that a "cure of opposition" would was organised on a basis that was anti-liberal be more beneficial to it. All the more so as v The second reason is due to the traditions and left. Once again, the majority of the LCR the situation after the presidential election of this party. To leave behind it the Stalinist was absent from this confrontation and this does not offer many other choices; either the period which marked its functioning and its debate, and by its refusal of a unitary policy Right wins, and the question of going into conception of the party that had to be built, it missed an occasion to influence and make government is not posed. Or the candidate of the current leadership undertook only a timid links with this movement of contestation. The the PS wins, and it will be rather an opening reform which did not go far. The "opening" of unitary minority of the LCR was by the side of to the "centre" that a recentred PS will seek. the PCF was limited to agreeing, during the unitary militants of the PCF and the The refusal to give way to another unitary preceding elections, to make common lists collectives. candidature is due to two reasons: with some small forces around the PCF, which 25 International Viewpoint - IV390 - June 2007
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remained the centre of gravity. By wanting to militants, cannot appear as enabling the unleash a dynamic and to get more than 10 reproduce this schema with a powerful unity of the movement. By establishing itself per cent of the votes), it preferred the unitary movement, it ran head-on against as the third candidacy coming from the affirmation of a candidacy guaranteeing the this movement, showing its incapacity to unitary movement, it underlines even more identity of the current which we represent. understand the meaning of it. As for its failure. In the opinion polls, the three or That will not lead to any step forward in reflection and debate within the party on four candidates who speak in the name of regrouping activists, and even a good result "transcending" itself to build another force, anti-liberalism are stagnating, with between will not be repeated, since we know that in there are only some mumblings. The culture 2 and 3 per cent each. The collectives are the legislative elections, the LCR has neither of the party and its militants remains very divided on the appropriateness of the Bové the political implantation nor the popular attached to its "identity", in defence of the candidacy. Some are trying through it to support to attain the same relationship of "Party", and these reflexes also pushed constitute an alternative political force which forces. towards a clash with the collectives. would occupy a space by building itself between and against the PCF and the LCR, v Especially, the LCR has been a victim of a It remains the case that the crisis that has giving up the objective of a unitary form of conservatism. With 2500 members opened up is extremely profound. The future movement for an objective that is still not and results which can sometimes be up to 4 of the PCF remains a question that is very well defined. per cent of the electorate, many sections of impossible to circumvent for all those who the International could envy this situation. pose the question of a new political So there will be no unitary anti-liberal However, it is not the sign that we have organization on the left. The PCF, in spite of candidate at the 2007 presidential election, reached the Promised Land, and that it is its decline, remains one of the forces on the and that is a failure, felt as such by thousands enough for us to occupy this space while left which still has the most links with of militants and millions of voters. waiting for the social crisis in which we will ordinary working-class people (much more make a revolutionary party emerge. Years than the LCR with its equivalent presidential Why did the LCR stick to its course? ago, in the LCR and the International, we results, and not yet supplanted by a PS which became convinced that it was necessary to is struggling to implant itself among these The political differences invoked by the unite currents and militants in order to create layers of the population at the same time as leadership of the LCR have been seen as broad parties, mass parties, to carry forward it regularly takes on government pretexts to justify at all costs its separate the perspective of a radical change of society, responsibilities…) candidacy. All the more so as the agreement even if revolutionaries were in a minority to made it possible to accept a coalition where start with. We no longer thought of the The candidacy of José Bové cannot each party or political force would keep its building of the revolutionary party as a linear autonomy. The reasons, in our opinion, for growth of our sections. It is this political be the candidacy of the unitary the refusal of the majority of the LCR to advance, which was common to us, which is movement integrate into the movement, are of several being called into question by the majority of kinds: the LCR. However, it is not a question, in After having withdrawn his candidacy in the France in 2006-2007, of starting by collectives, José Bové came back at the end of v The majority of the LCR did not draw the discussing the building of a new party. The January, announcing that he was now a balance-sheet of the policy that it pursued in anti-liberal unitary movement did not candidate. He was backed by a double 2003-2004, based on a far-left agreement resemble the processes which have given rise movement: a petition of 30,000 signatures with Lutte Ouvrière, which had led to an to what we have called "broad parties" of the organised outside of the collectives by electoral failure, and had subsequently not anti-capitalist Left. In several European militants who had either a project of creating produced any effect of political countries, groups coming from the far-left a political current behind him (some regroupment. Going from 10 per cent of the have been capable of pursuing an intelligent, particular currents of the ecologist and global votes in 2002 to 4 per cent at the 2004 open policy (Portugal, Britain, Scotland, justice movement),or the idea that this was regional elections and 2,5 per cent at the Denmark...). In France, all the attempts at a the last chance to force the PCF and the LCR European elections, this policy led to broad party with the forces of the far Left to unite around him. A part of the collectives, isolation, equating the Right and the Left, have failed, all the attempts at agreement on the basis of the rancour that had refusing to enter into dialogue with the anti- between the LCR and LO ran up against the accumulated against the LCR and the PCF, liberal forces existing on the political scene. sectarian politics of L.O.. This time, it was a chose to use this candidacy, hoping to question of something else: of building an maintain the unitary pressure, while another v The LCR has also become a victim of the electoral coalition, to test out an initial stage part of the collectives chose not to support French presidential system: having a young of broader unity, on the basis of an anti- any candidate, maintaining the objective of and media-friendly candidate, it overruled liberal anti-capitalism, rather like in Germany uniting the whole anti-liberal Left. the political objections of its sympathisers, with the WASG coalition at the elections in hoping that at the end of the day its 2005. Of course, if the electoral coalition had Bové's candidacy did not shake the LCR: when candidate would obtain an honourable result materialised in France, immediately the minorities proposed that Besancenot (between 3 and 4 per cent), and reduced its afterwards the question would have been should meet Bové to discuss a common objective to a competition with LO and the posed of the political space that had to be candidacy, thus effecting at least partial PCF. Rather than making it possible to take a organised, passing perhaps through a stage unity, the majority of the LCR refused. So the step forward in the building of a unitary of a federation of parties, currents and Bové candidacy, legitimate for a layer of movement, (which would have been able to collectives, and in any case moving in time 26 International Viewpoint - IV390 - June 2007
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towards a united political movement. But the Europe. It is necessary to avoid a Furthermore, it is a situation which is tending LCR refused to enter into even the electoral generalization of a "French turn" which would to be found on a European scale: the more coalition, did not want to take the first step, put us on the margins of phenomena of the liberal offensive develops, the more the the first stage. For fear of being "sucked in", recomposition in Europe. We do not need to traditional parties are under pressure and in order not to take any risks, it preferred to make the demonstration that in the country accentuate their social-liberal turn. But even fall back on organising its own space around where Trotskyist political forces have more, in reaction, crises of perspectives take its party and its candidate. acquired sizeable autonomous strength, they shape within these parties. "freeze" any possibility of unitary This policy poses the question: if we do not regroupment for an alternative on the left. have confidence in our ideas, in our In Germany, the policy of Schröder in programme (which is not intended to be kept The end of the story has not yet government, and then the establishment of the grand coalition, led to the unification of in the refrigerator, but whose function is to been written convince a significant sector of the working a wing of the SPD with the PDS and a part of class so as to become a force for action and the radical Left. It is still possible to modify the policy of the transformation), if we are not able then to LCR, and we are going to try to do that. There confront it with social reality, if we do not In Italy, the coalition government of Prodi is will be no unitary candidate in the seek to change the relationship of political presidential election, and in these conditions provoking a crisis within Rifondazione. forces within the Left, then that becomes a it is necessary that Olivier Besancenot is form of conservatism that is not very In France, unable and unwilling to repeat the present. But it is still possible to discuss an compatible with our announced objective of approach and an agreement for the experience of the "plural Left", the PCF today, transformation of society. legislative elections in June. There will be 580 and the PS tomorrow, will face strong contradictions. It is necessary to be ready to Comrades in the International have a candidates, there can be an agreement, so intervene actively in these crises, which will tendency, in discussion, to isolate the that in 150 to 300 constituencies, the LCR, building of a political movement and the the PCF, the forces around José Bové, the multiply. question of social struggles: it is enough, unitary collectives which have survived these according to them, to have a nucleus that is turbulences (and there are many of them), What our Italian comrades are doing is a determined and firm on principles, in order would agree to present common candidates. good example. Considering their limited to intervene in social struggles, which will in It is of course necessary to have an forces, it was necessary for them, 15 years the end be the decisive element. That is to agreement to defeat the Right, to defend an ago, to go into Rifondazione, which was a forget that the concretization of an anti-liberal policy in complete independence product of the breaking up of the Italian CP. alternative on the political terrain encourages in Parliament, not to take part in a social struggles, and that, reciprocally, social government and a parliamentary majority on Confronted with Rifondazione joining the struggles should help political construction. the basis of social-liberal policies. The French Prodi government, they demonstrated at the To build a useful political space, in the sense situation is unstable. same time their independence in relation to of providing a vehicle for thousands of the government and their loyalty to the social If the Right wins, the entire Left, including activists in the trade unions and associations, movement, without however creating a to organise a political space with which they the PS, will explode and have to be rebuilt. If worst case scenario and becoming can identify and which will organise a the Left wins, an agreement between part of responsible for a return to power of significant part of the working class and the PS and the "centre" of the Right (Bayrou youth, we need regroupment: militants who and the UDF) is possible, as in Italy or Berlusconi. are not in parties, currents coming from Germany. A "unitary turn" by the LCR, after different traditions and with different the candidacy of Besancenot, is necessary. This Italian debate will be important in France histories, coming from the far Left, from the The failure to achieve unity for the for the legislative elections, with a PCF which Communist and Socialist parties, from presidential election does not invalidate the for the moment refuses to follow the road of ecologist and alternative currents. A need to persevere with this type of Rifondazione, but remains hesitant on what regroupment which will have to confront the regroupment, on the level of the immediate policy to carry out. questions that every party that begins to situation in France, but also, no doubt, for a represent an important sector of the whole period in Europe. If an agreement was All these debates will involve the European population has to face: questions of reached for the legislative elections in France, Left. It is up to us to know how to respond, government, parliamentary majority, the anti-liberal Left would also become the not only not by the reaffirmation of principles non-governmental left, since for the moment presence in local and regional councils, that we declaim from the side of the road, the PCF does not envisage going into a without betraying its anti-liberal principles, but by a policy of concretely building Socialist government (if it changed its mind, without compromising itself by alliances regroupments which respect the principles of which would denature the struggle that has the crisis in the party would be at its height, class independence and encourage workers been undertaken and would prevent new and once again thousands of militants would social conquests. rise up against the leadership of the party. It to get involved in the discussion on would then be necessary to be there, in the alternative policies to those of social The abandonment of such an active unitary process of discussion, to have some influence liberalism. In these processes, we will put policy in France will have repercussions in on this crisis). forward our ideas. 27 International Viewpoint - IV390 - June 2007
Pakistan Farooq Tariq arrested - again!
5 June 2007 Khaliq Shah
In less than four weeks Farooq Tariq, General Secretary Labour Party Pakistan, was arrested second time in early hours of Tuesday, 5th June 2007 by a heavy contingent of Punjab Police from his residence in Lahore. He has been detained at Harbanspura Police Station, Lahore. It may be mentioned that Farooq Meanwhile his advocate has Labour Party thinks that the A number of political parties, was also arrested to stop his filed a habeas corpus petition immediate reason of Farooq organization, trade unions have participation in reception for CJ against the police in the court of Tariq arrest is his proactive role condemned the arrest and in Lahore on May 4, 2007 and Sessions. Judge Rauf Sheikh has in the Lawyers movement, demanded immediate release of Farooq Tariq. Several political detained for three days. Talking issued a notice to SHO participation in 4 May Press to media men and party workers, leaders and friends Harbanispura Police Station to conference against PEMRA members after his arrest at police have visited Farooq Tariq at produce Farooq Tariq at 9am (Pakistan electronic Media station Farooq has said that he police station to show solidarity. Wednesday 6th June. Syed Regulatory Authority) action was arrested without any LPP is going to hold a protest warrants. He said the state and Mohammad Shah, President against the media as well as demonstration against his arrest its illegal tactics cannot force Lahore Bar Association and announcement of Free Media at 5 pm Tuesday in front of him to bow and vowed to senior advocate Ejaz Hussain Conference being organized by Lahore press club. will appear in court on behalf of LLP on 6th June at Lahore Press continue struggle against Khaliq Shah writes on behalf of the dictatorship. the petitioner. Club. Labour Party - Pakistan
Pakistan Appeal for the release of Farooq Tariq
For the immediate release of Farooq Tariq and the other prisoners detained after the wave of repression of the democratic movement in Pakistan!
Farooq Tariq, general secretary already responsible for 41 deaths The situation is all the more Vincent Charbonnier, trade unionist of the Labour Party Pakistan and many injured in Karachi on worrying because the regime (SNASUB-FSU, Vénissieux), France. (LPP), was arrested without a May 12th and 13th. President does not hesitate to use Jean Pierre Debourdeau, FSU, vice- warrant on June 5, 2007 at his Pervez Musharraf almost intolerable measures against president of Attac 21, France residence in Lahore. A decreed a state of emergency and Farooq Tariq and other posteriori, the Ministry of the no one knows how far the Chris Harman (editor International prisoners: Socialism journal), Great Britain Interior issued a three-month military regime is ready to go to detention order against him. In stamp out the democratic psychological pressures, Alain Krivine, former member of the order to further isolate him, he contestation. inhuman conditions of detention European Parliament, spokesperson of the LCR, France was transferred to the prison of (over-populated cells in very hot Bahawalpur. All visits to him are Farooq Tariq was arrested weather, lack of water and Luc Quintin, Physiology (CNRS UMR prohibited, except with the prior because he was fully engaged in sanitary facilities...), prohibition 5123), France these mobilizations, in particular of visits ETC. agreement of the Ministry of the Pierre Rousset, Europe Solidaire sans Interior. in support of the Lawyers' Frontieres (ESSF), France. Movement that was created after We call for the respect of human Several hundred people were the suspension of Judge rights and freedoms in Pakistan. Roseline Vachetta, former member of the European Parliament, spokesperson of the arrested on suspicion on June 5th Chaudry. Farooq Tariq is also We demand the immediate LCR, France. and 6th and many others are known for his solidarity release of Farooq Tariq and all subject to judicial procedures. activities on the international those who have been imprisoned Sign this appeal now and get The regime is trying to break by level. He contributed to the for having taken part in the others to do the same. force the democratic organization of the World Social democratic mobilizations. mobilizations which followed Forum of Karachi in 2006. He the suspension on March 9th of took an active part in other First signatures: the President of the Supreme World Forums, like those in Court, Judge Iftikhar Mumbai (India) and Nairobi Gilbert Achcar, Professor, SOAS, University of London, Great Britain Mohammed Chaudry. Hundreds (Kenya), as well as European of thousands of demonstrators Forums, including the last one in Daniel Bensaïd, University of Paris VIII, took to the streets to protest Athens (Greece). He is also an France. against this arbitrary measure. activist of the international anti- Olivier Besancenot, spokesperson of the Repression by the regime was war movement. LCR (France) 28 International Viewpoint - IV390 - June 2007
Pakistan Pakistan Farooq Tariq The 15 Jail Days Released! Under the Musharaf military 19 June 2007 dictatorship Farooq Tariq
Lahore It was one of worst jail experiences I had during my 30 year of activism. I was released after 15 days when my detention orders were withdrawn by the home secretary of the Punjab government Dear All! on 19th June. It was not due to a mercy of the government but our local and international massive After 15 days of detention, solidarity campaign. Hundreds of protest letters have been sent to General Musharaf with dozens Labour Party General Secretary of faxes and messages of protest to different provincial authorities during the solidarity campaign General Farooq Tariq was against my detention. released on Tuesday (19 June) Most importantly, a write Unfortunately, the Session Judge I protested again and again for from Kot Lakhpat Jail, Lahore petition at Lahore High Court did not issue orders for a bailiff being kept in a private place by the Government of Punjab. was to be heard on 20th June. to recover me, but issued notices instead of a police station. But Dozens of Party workers, One of the most prominent to the police for the next the two armed men told me that members and some civil society advocates and former president morning. This was the turning is a order by my high ups and activists received him warmly of Supreme Court Bar point for the change of police they have to obey the orders. The outside the jail. We are thankful Association of Pakistan Abid behaviour towards me. two police officers who came to to all comrades, friends and well Hassan Minto was to argue my collect me late at night in plain wishers who extended support case against the detention. Abid Until they received a court cloths told me that our senior and solidarity to Farooq Tariq Hassan Minto is also head of notice, the police officers were police officers are very angry during his detention and National Workers Party and polite and I was even allowed to with you because of your launched struggles and convener of the Awami Jamhoori keep my mobile and receive petition in the court. campaigns for his release . A Tehreek (Peoples Democratic visits of my comrades and I was brought back to the same detailed e-mail regarding his two Movement), a left alliance of friends at the police station. The police station and then put week detention will soon be seven political parties. Labour my ordeal has started. I was behind bars with over 13 persons circulated by Farooq Tariq Party Pakistan is part of the immediately removed from the charged for different criminal himself. Meanwhile Farooq alliance. Harbancepura police station and activities. Tariq is going to hold a press then after nearly two hours in a Police came to my house on 4th conference at Lahore Press Club moving police van, I was finally On June 6th, I was again June at 4am to pick me up. at 5 pm Tuesday. de-loaded at Bagbanpura police removed from the police station While at police station station. and sent to another private place Warmly, Harbancepura, I repeatedly near Harbancepura police asked if there was any formal After spending the night at this station. By then, the police had On behalf of LPP detention order. There was no police station, I was once again got my detention order from the reply by the local police officer. Khaliq Shah asked to sit in a police van which home department of Punjab for He kept telling me that you will drove me to a private place. This three months and had to tell the be free this evening and that at was the time when police had to Session Judge that morning that the most in three days. That lie tell the Session Judge that Farooq has already been sent to was told to over 600 political Farooq Tariq is not arrested and Bahawalpur jail. prisoners who were rounded up is not with them. I was in fact not from their houses, in the same with them in formal terms. I was The Bahawalpur is nearly 450 way and at the same time. kilometre from Lahore. The jail like a kidnapped person, not by is famous for its cruelties and private gangs, but state Our advocates that included strictness. Most of the prominent gangsters. The place belonged to Syed Mohammed Shah, political prisoners have been an elected councillor of ruling president District Courts Bar kept in this jail during the past Association and Ijaz Hussain. party Muslim League. It was a many years. The advocates went to Lahore store of a plastics factory where Session Judge that morning and I was kept for the next 24 hours, The police van had another filed a petition for my recovery under the strict vigilance of two political prisoner from Pakistan from illegal detention. armed men from local police. Peoples Party when we left at 12 29 International Viewpoint - IV390 - June 2007
Pakistan
noon to Bahawalpur in the pleased to see more people. We had to go on hunger strike one hour before they were able company of seven police men. Seven of them, all from Pakistan after four days in the cell. This to do that because of my The temperature was over 47 Peoples Party were pushed in my was to demand water. One resistance. I told them I am not degree and the driver was over cell. This ended my solitary morning there was absolute no criminal, I am not going to be speeding the van. It was one of confinement, much to my water coming in. Earlier, there treated like criminals. I am not the worst travels I did during my pleasure. At least there were was very little water coming in running away from here in the life. A heat wave with bumpy some to talk to. from the pipe but we could fill a presence of dozens of over speeding van was an little plastic bottle in half an policemen. experience that I can not take off We were sent to Bahawalpur hour. This paid off. The jail my mind. from Lahore as a punishment. management had to change the After whole night travel, we This was to isolate us from our pipes and replace the age old arrived at Kot Lakhpat jail in We arrived at 7pm and friends, families and community. motor. The water problem was at Lahore. Here I was put together immediately were sent to Block This was to teach us a lesson for least solved. The only remedy to with other political prisoners A of Bahawalpur Jail. our opposition to a military save the body from heat was to who were brought in from other dictatorship. put some water on the body all districts. I shared a very small There were four more political the times. cell, small than Bahalpur jail prisoners from Muslim League The Musharaf regime was acting with eight others political (N) who were there for three like his British colonial masters On the sixth day, my two elder prisoners. But the difference was weeks already. Noshad Hameed, who used to send the political brothers Ahmad Yaseen and the out side door was open and an activist of MLN immediately prisoners to Andaman Islands Ahmed Saeed were able to visit we could stroll in the lawn of the shouted "Labour Party has while they ruled the Indian sub me at Bahawalpur jail. They got Qasuri Chakki number three. arrived". We both had shared the continent for over 200 years. the permission to visit me from same jail barrack at Lahore Kot The Island was known in home department in Lahore. A 52 year political activist Lakhpat jail in 2001. common terminology as Kala They brought fruit, soft drinks Sarmad Mansoor from the Paani (black waters). Many and some cloths, tooth paste and Pakistan Peoples Party had died We the two political prisoners freedom fighters that were sent brush etc. they also deposited a day earlier in this jail from Lahore were put in separate there never came back to their some amount in my jail account, dispensary after he was denied cells. I asked the jail authorities proper medical facilities. It was homes, most of them died while so I could order some basics that allow us to share one cell. murder by the government of serving the life long prison from the jail shop. It was my "two are not allowed to share Punjab with the help of jail terms. first contact from the outside one cell; they might be involved world. My brothers told me that authorities. He was arrested in homosexual activities" I was This was to break our will to I was going to be shifted to from a hospital in Gujrat district told by one jail warden. "It has to fight the military regime. This Lahore Kot Lakhpat Jail and was admitted to a jail be three or more than three or was to tell us that we are in a tomorrow. They had heard the dispensary with no adequate single in one cell" he told me. prison and a prison in Pakistan news from the home department. facilities. He died of a heart under military regime. When attack in this dispensary on 14th Bahawalpur is one of most hot Comrades from LPP in Lodhran, ever we asked the jail wardens, June. When I arrived on 15th areas of Pakistan. We had to a city 20 kilometre from please take us out of our cages to June morning, all the 32 political experience that for next seven Bahalpur, had tried their best to have a little walk inside the prisoners from different political days. I was alone in the cage. contact me; they were able to Bloc, they told us, it is a prison parties were on hunger strike, so There was small room, a small send some fruit and sweets and not a garden. The jail I join in as well. veranda and something you can inside the cell the next morning. authorities treated us like call a bath room. One woollen The comrades were close friends Here the next five day till my animals. blanket was thrown inside the of an assistant jail release on 19th June was OK. We had to sleep inside the very cell. That was to put on the floor The heat wave went up to 52. superintendent of Bahalwalpur tiny cell but from morning till to sleep, nothing else. The electricity always went off, jail, but he was unable to help me. He came several times to evening we were allowed to some time 14 hours a day. The We were not allowed to bring visit me and asked me what can move around. But no one from floor of the cell was heated all any paper or pen. I had three pair I do for you, I always asked him outside was allowed to visit me. the time. Even the water will be of my Shalwar Qameez, the to bring me some blank papers to Although, on 16th June, several off while the electricity went off. traditional dress in Pakistan for write down something, but he comrades waited outside the jail We had one fan and the air of the summer. No towel or tooth paste was not able to do that. Next for several hours with a fan came down to the floor after and brush. I was like a lion in a morning when he arrived, I permission to visit me, but were hours. It was only after three cage moving from one corner to asked him if he can arrange my not allowed to visit me. days of protest that our defected another all the time, then sitting travel to Lahore at night time in one place, eating what the jail fan was changed with a better instead day time if I shift to After the death of one political has to offer, something like food. one and one more fan was Lahore jail. That is what he was prisoner which became a It just remembered me of Lahore installed in the veranda. We paid able to do and I left to Lahore national issue, the attitude of the zoo where I normally go with from our pockets for the fan. It next evening in a police van at government changed. They my 6 year old son Abdullah to was PPP leaders who had some 11pm. This was to avoid the heat started releasing the political see the lions. amount deposited with the jail of the day time. prisoners. I was the last political authorities while they arrived. prisoner to be released on 19th Next day in the evening, 22 There was no newspaper Police at the jail gate was June. While I was coming more political prisoners arrived allowed inside. So we were waiting for me to take me to towards the jail gate, I had to from Lahore to share these four totally blank from the outside Lahore. They tried to hand cuff collect the amount, I had cells in Bloc A. I was absolute world. me. I refused to do that. It took deposited at the jails accountant. 30 International Viewpoint - IV390 - June 2007
Portugal
While I was standing there, I Fifth Convention of the was approached by one political prisoner. He was shouting Left Bloc already that I want to see Farooq Raul Camargo of Labour Party Pakistan. When I heard this, I told him, it is me, he could not recognize me immediately but then he hugged me several times. He was Iqbal from India. An Indian prisoner, whom I had met in 2001 in the same jail. On his request, I was able to send a Human Rights Commission Pakistan delegation On June 2-3, the Fifth national convention of the Left Bloc took place in Lisbon. Since its creation to jail afterward. The HRCP in 1999 this unitary organization of the anti-capitalist left in Portugal has strongly consolidated delegation was able to help in and implanted itself in society and on the political landscape, becoming today a significant force release of several Indian which has more than 4,000 members, hundreds of local councillors, 8 members of parliament prisoners who had completed and an active presence in struggles and in the social movements. there sentences but waiting for The convention was dominated that should be a priority for a Portuguese Communist Party an exchange of prisoners by the desire to build a strong fighting left which puts at centre (PCP), in particular in trade union between the two countries. left opposition to the social- stage the struggle against work. liberal government of Socrates. climate change from an anti- Iqbal has heard that I am in jail The openly neo-liberal policies capitalist perspective and the Lastly, Motion D (3 per cent of conducted by the government of struggle against all the injustices the delegates) was presented and he also knew that I could be the Portuguese Socialist Party are caused by capitalism. This under the title "The Bloc for a released today, so he was able to giving rise to widespread unease tendency had the support of social majority of the Left", and come out of his barrack to greet and discontent in the popular nearly 75 per cent of the was defended by a group of me in the lobby. We spoke for layers of society. delegates. militants from the town of some minutes; he wanted me to Matosinhos. This motion insisted This was expressed in the Motion B, entitled "For a do the same. Get some Indian on the necessity to link the Bloc general strike which took place Platform of Socialist Democracy" more closely to the social prisoners out of jail. I promised on May 31st against the was put forward by a group movements, but its proposals to do what I could do. I also gave measures of deregulation in the whose origins are in various were very similar to those of him some five hundred Rupees civil service. Although it is true organizations of the Portuguese Motion A. to buy some fruit for the Indian that this strike had a limited far left of the 1970s. This motion impact, it nevertheless made it insisted in its theses on the need prisoners. This was touching The Congress debates were very possible to demonstrate the real to deepen the internal rich, first of all in the discussion time for me. I was remembered nature of social liberalism when organization of the Bloc and on of the different motions, then in even after six years by the Indian it comes to power and its correctly handling internal the debates on the statutes and prisoners. Good work is not determination to push forward pluralism. This motion had the finally for the election of the 80 forgotten for long times. with policies which always end support of 5 per cent of the members of the new national up by provoking the return to delegates. Motion C, entitled leadership. The composition of Outside the jail, several dozens power of the hardline right. "Everyone in the struggle, this leadership is the following: everyone in the streets!" was of LPP and social organization s The Fifth Convention of the Bloc defended, along with some Motion A: 404 votes - 62 activists were waiting to brought together more than 600 independents, by the representatives 74.5 per cent welcome me. They had heard delegates from all over the Ruptura/FER current, an only few hours earlier that I be country who represented the organization linked to the LIT Motion B: 24 votes - 4 4,200 members of the released today. "Go Musharaf tendency (International Workers representatives 4.42 per cent organization (Portugal has about League, "Morenoite" Trotskyism). Go" was the chant that might 10.5 million inhabitants). The Motion C: 78 votes - 12 even be heard by people inside debates were concentrated This motion was the most critical representatives 14.3 per cent the jail. The red flags of LPP around four tendency motions, towards the outgoing leadership were waving and slogans to representative of the internal of the Bloc (essentially Motion A) Motion D: 17 votes - 2 continue the struggle against plurality of the Bloc. Motion A, and centred its attacks on the representatives 3.13% per cent which brought together the supposed absence of internal military dictatorship were raised. three founding organizations of pluralism in the organization There were 3 blank votes and 6 Many more were waiting at the Bloc (the APSR, Portuguese and on the adhesion of the Bloc invalid votes. Shimla Pehari Chouck near LPP section of the Fourth to the European Left Party office. I was brought to LPP International; the ex-Maoist UDP (Ruptura/FER asked in particular It should be noted that our comrade Francisco Louça of the office in a procession. At 5pm, I and Politica XXI, which came that the Bloc propose within the from the Portuguese Communist ELP the expulsion of APSR was elected spokesperson addressed a press conference at Party) and many members who Rifondazione Comunista for its of the Bloc. The Left Bloc came Lahore Press Club. So straight did not come from these support to the Prodi out of this congress from jail to the thick of political organizations presented a government). This motion, strengthened, in particular in its activities. document entitled "The Socialist which had the support of 12 per ability to articulate different left Left as an Alternative to the cent of the delegates, also traditions without however Farooq Tariq is the general secretary Socrates government". This proposed that there should be a losing sight of a clearly anti- of Labour Party Pakistan. document laid out the main lines rapprochement with the capitalist perspective. 31