Let's Apply Mao's Teachings on the Party of the Proletariat
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Rifondazione Comunista Dallo Scioglimento Del PCI Al “Movimento Dei Movimenti”
C. I. P. E. C., Centro di iniziativa politica e culturale, Cuneo L’azione politica e sociale senza cultura è cieca. La cultura senza l’azione politica e sociale è vuota. (Franco Fortini) Sergio Dalmasso RIFONDARE E’ DIFFICILE Rifondazione comunista dallo scioglimento del PCI al “movimento dei movimenti” Quaderno n. 30. Alla memoria di Ludovico Geymonat, Lucio Libertini, Sergio Garavini e dei/delle tanti/e altri/e che, “liberamente comunisti/e”, hanno costruito, fatto crescere, amato, odiato...questo partito e gli hanno dato parte della loro vita e delle loro speranze. Introduzione Rifondazione comunista nasce nel febbraio del 1991 (non adesione al PDS da parte di alcuni dirigenti e di tanti iscritti al PCI) o nel dicembre dello stesso anno (fondazione ufficiale del partito). Ha quindi, in ogni caso, compiuto i suoi primi dieci anni. Sono stati anni difficili, caratterizzati da scadenze continue, da mutamenti profondi del quadro politico- istituzionale, del contesto economico, degli scenari internazionali, sempre più tesi alla guerra e sempre più segnati dall’esistenza di una sola grande potenza militare. Le ottimistiche previsioni su cui era nato il PDS (a livello internazionale, fine dello scontro bipolare con conseguente distensione e risoluzione di gravi problemi sociali ed ambientali, a livello nazionale, crescita della sinistra riformista e alternanza di governo con le forze moderate e democratiche) si sono rivelate errate, così come la successiva lettura apologetica dei processi di modernizzazione che avrebbero dovuto portare ad un “paese normale”. Il processo di ricostruzione di una forza comunista non è, però, stato lineare né sarebbe stato possibile lo fosse. Sul Movimento e poi sul Partito della Rifondazione comunista hanno pesato, sin dai primi giorni, il venir meno di ogni riferimento internazionale (l’elaborazione del lutto per il crollo dell’est non poteva certo essere breve), la messa in discussione dei tradizionali strumenti di organizzazione (partiti e sindacati) del movimento operaio, la frammentazione e scomposizione della classe operaia. -
Of Concepts and Methods "On Postisms" and Other Essays K
Of Concepts and Methods "On Postisms" and other Essays K. Murali (Ajith) Foreign Languages Press Foreign Languages Press Collection “New Roads” #9 A collection directed by Christophe Kistler Contact – [email protected] https://foreignlanguages.press Paris, 2020 First Edition ISBN: 978-2-491182-39-7 This book is under license Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 International (CC BY-SA 4.0) https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/ “Communism is the riddle of history solved, and it knows itself to be this solution.” Karl Marx CONTENTS Introduction Saroj Giri From the October Revolution to the Naxalbari 1 Movement: Understanding Political Subjectivity Preface 34 On Postisms’ Concepts and Methods 36 For a Materialist Ethics 66 On the Laws of History 86 The Vanguard in the 21st Century 96 The Working of the Neo-Colonial Mind 108 If Not Reservation, Then What? 124 On the Specificities of Brahmanist Hindu Fascism 146 Some Semi-Feudal Traits of the Indian Parliamentary 160 System The Maoist Party 166 Re-Reading Marx on British India 178 The Politics of Liberation 190 Appendix In Conversation with the Journalist K. P. Sethunath 220 Introduction Introduction From the October Revolution to the Nax- albari Movement: Understanding Political Subjectivity Saroj Giri1 The first decade since the October Revolution of 1917 was an extremely fertile period in Russia. So much happened in terms of con- testing approaches and divergent paths to socialism and communism that we are yet to fully appreciate the richness, intensity and complexity of the time. In particular, what is called the Soviet revolutionary avant garde (DzigaVertov, Vladimir Mayakovsky, Alexander Rodchenko, El Lissitzky, Boris Arvatov) was extremely active during the 1920s. -
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What Is Left of the (Italian) Left? Roberto Pedretti (Milan) oday the left finds itself in the landscape, similar to a tidal wave that has Tdangerous but extraordinary submerged almost all the political forces condition of being called to reinvent and of the 20th century, in particular the left, rethink its role, to open, and experiment both in its multifarious forms, from the with, new spaces of possibilities. As Slavoj most reformist to the most radical one.5 Zizek writes in the long introduction The outcome of the last general elections to a selection of Lenin‘s writings, this in Italy (4 March 2018) produced a means working through past historical political landscape that confirms a events – in particular failures – to re/ process that – apart from a few exceptions produce the coordinates of the left’s – seems to be global and systemic. project of emancipation.1 This should recover from the past and adapt to he crisis of the Italian and European 6 the present the historical purpose of Tleft is partly the outcome of the the left with the aim of breaking with intellectual and political difficulty of forms of subaltern thinking that have confronting the historical changes and hindered the redefinition of the political social transformations of the last decades. space in the context of the global It has produced a subordinate position economic and social transformations. towards the hegemony of the neoliberal consensus, which has prevented the left n his last book “La lunga eclissi. from evaluating the social and cultural IPassato e presente del dramma della effects this consensus has on its traditional sinistra”,2 Achille Occhetto - the last constituency and the emerging new PCI3 secretary and first secretary of social subjects. -
Italian Lessons
Italian Lessons AMID TWINKLING FINGERS and Guy Fawkes masks, few were pining for central committees. Occupy’s emergence was welcomed. The movement galvanized radicals, bringing the language of class and economic justice into view. Yet an unwarranted arrogance underlined the protests. Occupy, in part a media event that mobilized relatively few, was quick to assert its novelty and earth-shattering significance. "Our model worked" was the refrain, cutting short debate with representatives from the gloomy socialist left. A disconnect from the lineages of past movements — movements that energized more, accomplished more and were only half as self-congratulatory — was a point of pride. The posture was all the more tragic, because Occupy’s potential went beyond the minuscule core that laid its foundation. It rested in the millions who saw in it their discontent with austerity regimes, wage cuts, unemployment, and financial abuse. OWS, now drifting towards irrelevance, lacked the experience and political strategy to rally these people to action. Of course, no diverse movement emerges out of an apolitical era and latches immediately onto a unified and comprehensive critique. Politicization is a process. In this context, the translation of Lucio Magri’s The Tailor of Ulm, a history of the rise and fall of the Italian Communist Party, once the most powerful and influential one in the West, is perfectly timed. With the Communist movement long dead and Italian politics vacillating between the dry and technocratic and the bombastic and corrupt, that’s an odd pronouncement. But the history of the PCI is the history of a vibrant and deeply political organization that in a few short decades embedded itself within the Italian working class, attempting to chart a new course between Stalinism and social democracy. -
Cannavaaaa Aeur-Tm-S-Farewell A1282.Pdf (
CannavòâEuros"s farewell http://internationalviewpoint.org/spip.php?article1282 Italy CannavòâEuros"s farewell - IV Online magazine - 2007 - IV390 - June 2007 - Publication date: Saturday 16 June 2007 Copyright © International Viewpoint - online socialist magazine - All rights reserved Copyright © International Viewpoint - online socialist magazine Page 1/4 CannavòâEuros"s farewell Rome. On Saturday afternoon the honourable deputy Salvatore Cannavò, at the head of the demonstration protesting against George W. Bush, said something like: âEurosoeI have a letter in my pocket but I still want to wait a few hoursâEuros¦âEuros [http://internationalviewpoint.org/IMG/jpg/SinistraCriticademo1.jpg] âEurosoeAnd now the few hours have passed, indeedâEuros . Precisely. âEurosoeAnd yes, in sum I spoke of my relationship with Rifondazione Comunista. A relationship that, unhappily, is brokenâEuros Broken? ItâEuros"s a rather vague term, Mr Deputy. âEurosoeI mean that so far as I am concerned, I consider that the experience of Rifondazione has come to its end, that it is over. Naturally, I should in any case discuss that with the comrades of my currentâEuros¦ âEurosoe. The âEurosoeCritical LeftâEuros . âEurosoeIn September we will hold our first national conferenceâEuros . These words and projects could be a harsh blow for his party. âEurosoeLook, to be sincere, my relationship with the party has already profoundly changed following the expulsion of senator Turigliatto.âEuros It was indeed knownâEuros¦ âEurosoeI no longer participated, in reality, in the life of the party. I did not take part in its leadership and I was outside of the everyday life of the parliamentary group.âEuros And then on Saturday he found himself at the head of a demonstration. -
PROOF Contents
PROOF Contents Acknowledgements viii 1 Survival and Renewal: The 1990s 1 2 Regroupment: Establishing a European Movement 29 3 The Party of the European Left 46 4 Diverse Trends: An Overview 66 5 A Successful Model? Die Linke (the Left Party – Germany) 83 6 How Have the Mighty Fallen: Partito della Rifondazione Comunista (Party of Communist Refoundation – Italy) 99 7 Back from the Brink: French Communism (Parti Communiste Français) Re-orientates 116 8 Communism Renewed and Supported: The Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia (the Czech Republic) 132 9 The Scandinavian Left 147 10 The European Left and the Global Left: 1999–2009 163 Notes 192 Index 204 vii PROOF 1 Survival and Renewal: The 1990s Almost two decades after the fall of the Berlin Wall, on the occasion of the German federal elections in September 2009, the International Herald Tribune marked the electoral victory of the German right with the headline, ‘Is socialism dying?’1 The German Social Democratic Party or the Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands (SPD) took 23% of the votes – its lowest poll since the Second World War – just months after the European elections registered a poor performance from left- wing candidates across the European Union (EU). As the article went on to observe, ‘Even in the midst of one of the greatest challenges to capitalism in 75 years, involving a breakdown of the financial sys- tem because of “irrational exuberance”, greed and the weakness of regulatory systems, European socialists and their leftist cousins have not found a compelling response, let alone taken advantage of the failures of the right.’ There is no doubt that across Europe the failure of the social demo- cratic parties to present a ‘compelling response’ to the economic crisis has led to a wave of electoral setbacks. -
Bologna and the Trauma of March 1977: the Intellettuali Contro and Their Resistance to the Local Communist Party
Bologna and the Trauma of March 1977: the Intellettuali Contro and Their Resistance to the Local Communist Party Andrea Hajek Institute of Germanic & Romance Studies (IGRS), University of London Chi ha lanciato un sasso alla manifestazione di Roma lo ha lanciato contro i movimenti di donne e uomini che erano in piazza. These are the first lines of a public letter published inLa Repubblica on December 16, 2010, written by author Roberto Saviano in the aftermath of a violent demonstration against Silvio Berlusconi’s narrow victory in the vote of confidence of December 14, 2010, which brought back memories of the anni di piombo.1 The letter condemned the aggres- sive instigations of the so-called ‘black blocks,’ and was an attempt to dissuade the students, who in those months were protesting against an educational reform, from resorting to violent behavior. To some extent, Saviano’s criticism recalls Pier Paolo Pasolini’s famous reaction to the Valle Giulia clashes in Rome, on March 1, 1968, where he publicly sided with the police forces and against the students.2 Nearly a decade later a new student movement arose, which not only reacted against authoritative manifestations of the state, but also turned against traditional left-wing parties and unions. According to Jennifer Burns, this period reflects a “withdrawal of [literary-political] com- mitment to macro-political, left/right-wing ideologies, in favour of micro-political, community-based initiatives.”3 Although the relation between the alternative left-wing milieu and the political parties of the left had worsened throughout the 1970s, the death, in 1977, of a young activist constituted an important and deci- sive rupture. -
The Italian Communist Party and The
CENTRAL EUROPEAN UNIVERSITY DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY The Italian Communist Party and the Hungarian crisis of 1956 History one-year M. A. In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Masters of Arts Candidate: Aniello Verde Supervisor: Prof. Marsha Siefert Second reader: Prof. Alfred Rieber CEU eTD Collection June 4th, 2012 A. Y. 2011/2012 Budapest, Hungary Copyright in the text of this thesis rests with the Author. Copies by any process, either in full or part, may be made only in accordance with the instructions given by the Author and lodged in the Central European Library. Details may be obtained from the librarian. This page must form a part of any such copies made. Further copies made in accordance with such instructions may not be made without the written permission of the Author. CEU eTD Collection Acknowledgements I would like to express my frank gratitude to professors Marsha Siefert and Alfred Rieber for their indispensible support, guidance and corrections. Additionally, I would like to thank my Department staff. Particularly, I would like to thank Anikó Molnar for her continuous help and suggestions. CEU eTD Collection III ABSTRACT Despite a vast research about the impact of the Hungarian crisis of 1956 on the legacy of Communism in Italy, the controversial choices of the Italian Communist Party (PCI) have been often considered to be a sort of negative exception in the progressive path of Italian Communism toward modern European socialism. Instead, the main idea of this research is to reconstruct the PCI’s decision-making within the context of the enduring strategic patterns that shaped the political action of the party: can the communist reaction to the impact in Italy of the Hungarian uprising be interpreted as a coherent implication of the communist preexisting and persisting strategy? In order to answer this question, it is necessary to reconstruct how the news coming from Hungary left an imprint on the “permanent interests” of the PCI, and how the communist apparatus reacted to the crisis. -
Materials from Lottacontinua on Alfred Sohn-Rethel
Materials from Lotta Continua on Alfred Sohn-Rethel Translated by Richard Braude 1. Costanzo Preve, Commodities and Thought: Sohn-Rethel’s Book. (LC, 5 August 1977, p. 6) 2. Costanzo Preve, Manual and Intellectual Labour: Towards Understanding Sohn-Rethel. (LC, 5 August 1977, pp. 6–7) 3. Costanzo Preve, Sohn-Rethel in Italy. (LC, 5 August 1977, p. 7) 4. Costanzo Preve, Never Become an Academic Baron. (LC, 5 August 1977, pp. 6–7) 5. ‘F.D.’, Reading This Page. (LC, 3 September 1977, p. 7) 6. Pier Aldo Rovatti, Towards A Materialist Theory of Knowledge. (LC, 3 September 1977, pp. 6–7) 7. Antonio Negri, The Working Class and Transition. (LC, 6 September 1977, pp. 6–7) 8. Francesco Coppellotti, On Sohn-Rethel. (LC, 10 September 1977, p. 5) Translator’s note: Costanzo Previ is cited as the ‘editor’ of the pages in the 5 August issue. From the style, my guess is that he wrote one long piece which was then split into three and touched up by the paper’s editors. The third piece (‘Sohn-Rethel in Italy’) is in his characteristic tone; the joke in the first piece about auto-reduction feels less like him. As for the identity of ‘F.D.’, the author of the introductory note of the 3 September issue, I really have no idea. ∵ 1 Costanzo Preve, Commodities and Thought: Sohn-Rethel’s Book (LC, 5 August 1977, p. 6) In speaking about Alfred Sohn-Rethel’s book (Intellectual and Manual Labour, Feltrinelli, 1977) one can first of all say ‘it goes far beyond the intentions’ of Marx, Engels and Lenin. -
Antagonistic and Non-Antagonistic Contradictions by Ai Siqi
Antagonistic and Non-Antagonistic Contradictions by Ai Siqi This is a selection from Ai Siqi's book Lecture Outline on Dialectical Materialism, Beijing, 1957. This book was translated into a number of languages. The selection describes the concept of non‐antagonistic contradiction as expounded in several works by Mao Zedong. This translation is based Chinese text published in Ai Siqi's Complete Works [艾思奇全书], Beijing: People's publishing House, 2006, vol. 6, pp. 832‐836. [832] 5. Antagonistic and non-antagonistic forms of struggle The struggle of opposites is encountered in our work. It cannot use one absolute, but this principle does not at all fixed kind of form and tie itself to one rigid exclude diversity of struggle forms and method, and in this way, it is possible to methods of resolution. On the contrary, grasp revolution in a comparatively forms of struggle and methods of resolving successful way, and lead towards victory. contradictions must have various For example, in order to eliminate manifestations, depending on the quality of capitalism, our Chinese method is not to the contradiction and all kinds of different use a form of great force to expropriate the circumstances. One of the characteristics of means of production, but mainly to adopt formalism 1 is to grasp some one kind of the form of peaceful remolding to redeem struggle form and method of resolving them. contradictions in a one-sided way, and In the various sorts and varieties of regard it as a thing which is absolutely struggle forms, two different forms of impossible to change, thus committing struggle should be especially studied, subjectivist errors. -
The Left in Europe
ContentCornelia Hildebrandt / Birgit Daiber (ed.) The Left in Europe Political Parties and Party Alliances between Norway and Turkey Cornelia Hildebrandt / Birgit Daiber (ed.): The Left in Europe. Political Parties and Party Alliances between Norway and Turkey A free paperback copy of this publication in German or English can be ordered by email to [email protected]. © Rosa Luxemburg Foundation Brussels Office 2009 2 Content Preface 5 Western Europe Paul-Emile Dupret 8 Possibilities and Limitations of the Anti-Capitalist Left in Belgium Cornelia Hildebrandt 18 Protests on the Streets of France Sascha Wagener 30 The Left in Luxemburg Cornelia Weissbach 41 The Left in The Netherlands Northern Europe Inger V. Johansen 51 Denmark - The Social and Political Left Pertti Hynynen / Anna Striethorst 62 Left-wing Parties and Politics in Finland Dag Seierstad 70 The Left in Norway: Politics in a Centre-Left Government Henning Süßer 80 Sweden: The Long March to a coalition North Western Europe Thomas Kachel 87 The Left in Brown’s Britain – Towards a New Realignment? Ken Ahern / William Howard 98 Radical Left Politics in Ireland: Sinn Féin Central Europe Leo Furtlehner 108 The Situation of the Left in Austria 3 Stanislav Holubec 117 The Radical Left in Czechia Cornelia Hildebrandt 130 DIE LINKE in Germany Holger Politt 143 Left-wing Parties in Poland Heiko Kosel 150 The Communist Party of Slovakia (KSS) Southern Europe Mimmo Porcaro 158 The Radical Left in Italy between national Defeat and European Hope Dominic Heilig 166 The Spanish Left -
The Autonomy of Struggles and the Self-Management of Squats: Legacies of Intertwined Movements Miguel A
Interface: a journal for and about social movements Article Volume 11 (1): 178 – 199 (July 2019) Martínez, The Autonomy of Struggles The autonomy of struggles and the self-management of squats: legacies of intertwined movements Miguel A. Martínez Abstract How do squatters’ movements make a difference in urban politics? Their singularity in European cities has often been interpreted according to the major notion of ‘autonomy’. However, despite the recent upsurge of studies about squatting (Cattaneo et al. 2014, Katsiaficas 2006, Martínez et al. 2018, Van der Steen et al. 2014), there has not been much clarification of its theoretical, historical and political significance. Autonomism has also been identified as one of the main ideological sources of the recent global justice and anti-austerity movements (Flesher 2014) after being widely diffused among European squatters for more than four decades, which prompts a question about the meaning of its legacy. In this article, I first examine the political background of autonomism as a distinct identity among radical movements in Europe in general (Flesher et al. 2013, Wennerhag et al. 2018), and the squatters in particular—though not often explicitly defined. Secondly, I stress the social, feminist and anti-capitalist dimensions of autonomy that stem from the multiple and specific struggles in which squatters were involved over different historical periods. These aspects have been overlooked or not sufficiently examined by the literature on squatting movements. By revisiting relevant events and discourses of the autonomist tradition linked to squatting in Italy, Germany and Spain, its main traits and some contradictions are presented. Although political contexts indicate different emphases in each case, some common origins and transnational exchanges justify an underlying convergence and its legacies over time.