A Study of the Relationship Between the Black Panther Party and Maoism
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Race, Gender and Class in the Autobiography of Huey P. Newton 1
Race, gender and class in the autobiography of Huey P. 1 Newton Chloé Avril, University of Gothenburg “We’ll just have to get guns and be men”, such was the powerful rallying cry uttered by Black Panther member (and later leader) Elaine Brown in her 1969 song “The End of Silence”. I take Brown’s words as the point of departure for my article, since they seem to encapsulate much of what is at stake in relation to gender and the Black Power movement. Brown’s call to arms in “The End of Silence” immediately poses the question of the significance as well as the function of masculinity in the movement. It also highlights the link between masculinity and armed resistance. However, the use of the verb “to be” signals that “men” are the product of an action—getting guns—rather than a pre-existing subject performing the action, thus putting into question the automatic correlation between masculinity and the male body, a feeling reinforced by the words being uttered by the female voice of Elaine Brown. The contradictions and problematic aspects of the Black Power movement’s invocation of black masculinity, as well as the intersections of race, gender and class, will be at the core of this discussion. In order to explore these issues, I will focus on the autobiography of Black Panther leader Huey Newton, Revolutionary Suicide , where I will examine the tensions in this activist narrative’s construction of a racialized, classed and gendered self. Historical background As far as mainstream U.S. history goes, the Black Power movement has characteristically been understood as a distinct historical phenomenon following on, and breaking from the more widely accepted Civil Rights movement. -
And at Once My Chains Were Loosed: How the Black Panther Party Freed Me from My Colonized Mind Linda Garrett University of San Francisco, [email protected]
The University of San Francisco USF Scholarship: a digital repository @ Gleeson Library | Geschke Center Doctoral Dissertations Theses, Dissertations, Capstones and Projects 2018 And At Once My Chains Were Loosed: How the Black Panther Party Freed Me from My Colonized Mind Linda Garrett University of San Francisco, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.usfca.edu/diss Part of the Education Commons Recommended Citation Garrett, Linda, "And At Once My Chains Were Loosed: How the Black Panther Party Freed Me from My Colonized Mind" (2018). Doctoral Dissertations. 450. https://repository.usfca.edu/diss/450 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses, Dissertations, Capstones and Projects at USF Scholarship: a digital repository @ Gleeson Library | Geschke Center. It has been accepted for inclusion in Doctoral Dissertations by an authorized administrator of USF Scholarship: a digital repository @ Gleeson Library | Geschke Center. For more information, please contact [email protected]. University of San Francisco And At Once My Chains Were Loosed: How the Black Panther Party Freed Me from My Colonized Mind A Dissertation Presented to The Faculty of the School of Education International and Multicultural Education Department In Partial Fulfillment For the Requirements for Degree of the Doctor of Education by Linda Garrett, MA San Francisco May 2018 THE UNIVERSITY OF SAN FRANCISCO DISSERTATION ABSTRACT AND AT ONCE MY CHAINS WERE LOOSED: HOW THE BLACK PANTHER PARTY FREED ME FROM MY COLONIZED MIND The Black Panther Party was an iconic civil rights organization that started in Oakland, California, in 1966. Founded by Huey Newton and Bobby Seale, the Party was a political organization that sought to serve the community and educate marginalized groups about their power and potential. -
Of Concepts and Methods "On Postisms" and Other Essays K
Of Concepts and Methods "On Postisms" and other Essays K. Murali (Ajith) Foreign Languages Press Foreign Languages Press Collection “New Roads” #9 A collection directed by Christophe Kistler Contact – [email protected] https://foreignlanguages.press Paris, 2020 First Edition ISBN: 978-2-491182-39-7 This book is under license Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 International (CC BY-SA 4.0) https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/ “Communism is the riddle of history solved, and it knows itself to be this solution.” Karl Marx CONTENTS Introduction Saroj Giri From the October Revolution to the Naxalbari 1 Movement: Understanding Political Subjectivity Preface 34 On Postisms’ Concepts and Methods 36 For a Materialist Ethics 66 On the Laws of History 86 The Vanguard in the 21st Century 96 The Working of the Neo-Colonial Mind 108 If Not Reservation, Then What? 124 On the Specificities of Brahmanist Hindu Fascism 146 Some Semi-Feudal Traits of the Indian Parliamentary 160 System The Maoist Party 166 Re-Reading Marx on British India 178 The Politics of Liberation 190 Appendix In Conversation with the Journalist K. P. Sethunath 220 Introduction Introduction From the October Revolution to the Nax- albari Movement: Understanding Political Subjectivity Saroj Giri1 The first decade since the October Revolution of 1917 was an extremely fertile period in Russia. So much happened in terms of con- testing approaches and divergent paths to socialism and communism that we are yet to fully appreciate the richness, intensity and complexity of the time. In particular, what is called the Soviet revolutionary avant garde (DzigaVertov, Vladimir Mayakovsky, Alexander Rodchenko, El Lissitzky, Boris Arvatov) was extremely active during the 1920s. -
I Am a Revolutionary Black Female Nationalist
Georgia State University ScholarWorks @ Georgia State University Communication Dissertations Department of Communication Spring 5-10-2013 I am a Revolutionary Black Female Nationalist: A Womanist Analysis of Fulani Sunni Ali's Role as a New African Citizen and Minister of In-formation in the Provisional Government of the Republic of New Africa Rondee Gaines Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.gsu.edu/communication_diss Recommended Citation Gaines, Rondee, "I am a Revolutionary Black Female Nationalist: A Womanist Analysis of Fulani Sunni Ali's Role as a New African Citizen and Minister of In-formation in the Provisional Government of the Republic of New Africa." Dissertation, Georgia State University, 2013. https://scholarworks.gsu.edu/communication_diss/44 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Department of Communication at ScholarWorks @ Georgia State University. It has been accepted for inclusion in Communication Dissertations by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks @ Georgia State University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. I AM A REVOLUTIONARY BLACK FEMALE NATIONALIST: A WOMANIST ANALYSIS OF FULANI SUNNI ALI’S ROLE AS A NEW AFRICAN CITIZEN AND MINISTER OF IN- FORMATION IN THE PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF NEW AFRICA by RONDEE GAINES Under the Direction of M. Lane Bruner ABSTRACT Historically, black women have always played key roles in the struggle for liberation. A critical determinant of black women’s activism was the influence of both race and gender, as the- se factors were immutably married to their subjectivities. African American women faced the socio-cultural and structural challenge of sexism prevalent in the United States and also in the black community. -
Antagonistic and Non-Antagonistic Contradictions by Ai Siqi
Antagonistic and Non-Antagonistic Contradictions by Ai Siqi This is a selection from Ai Siqi's book Lecture Outline on Dialectical Materialism, Beijing, 1957. This book was translated into a number of languages. The selection describes the concept of non‐antagonistic contradiction as expounded in several works by Mao Zedong. This translation is based Chinese text published in Ai Siqi's Complete Works [艾思奇全书], Beijing: People's publishing House, 2006, vol. 6, pp. 832‐836. [832] 5. Antagonistic and non-antagonistic forms of struggle The struggle of opposites is encountered in our work. It cannot use one absolute, but this principle does not at all fixed kind of form and tie itself to one rigid exclude diversity of struggle forms and method, and in this way, it is possible to methods of resolution. On the contrary, grasp revolution in a comparatively forms of struggle and methods of resolving successful way, and lead towards victory. contradictions must have various For example, in order to eliminate manifestations, depending on the quality of capitalism, our Chinese method is not to the contradiction and all kinds of different use a form of great force to expropriate the circumstances. One of the characteristics of means of production, but mainly to adopt formalism 1 is to grasp some one kind of the form of peaceful remolding to redeem struggle form and method of resolving them. contradictions in a one-sided way, and In the various sorts and varieties of regard it as a thing which is absolutely struggle forms, two different forms of impossible to change, thus committing struggle should be especially studied, subjectivist errors. -
Elijah Muhammad's Nation of Islam Separatism, Regendering, and A
Africana Islamic Studies THE AFRICANA EXPERIENCE AND CRITICAL LEADERSHIP STUDIES Series Editors: Abul Pitre, PhD North Carolina A&T State University Comfort Okpala, PhD North Carolina A&T State University Through interdisciplinary scholarship, this book series explores the experi- ences of people of African descent in the United States and abroad. This series covers a wide range of areas that include but are not limited to the following: history, political science, education, science, health care, sociol- ogy, cultural studies, religious studies, psychology, hip-hop, anthropology, literature, and leadership studies. With the addition of leadership studies, this series breaks new ground, as there is a dearth of scholarship in leadership studies as it relates to the Africana experience. The critical leadership studies component of this series allows for interdisciplinary, critical leadership dis- course in the Africana experience, offering scholars an outlet to produce new scholarship that is engaging, innovative, and transformative. Scholars across disciplines are invited to submit their manuscripts for review in this timely series, which seeks to provide cutting edge knowledge that can address the societal challenges facing Africana communities. Titles in this Series Survival of the Historically Black Colleges and Universities: Making it Happen Edited by Edward Fort Engaging the Diaspora: Migration and African Families Edited by Pauline Ada Uwakweh, Jerono P. Rotich, and Comfort O. Okpala Africana Islamic Studies Edited by James L. Conyers and Abul Pitre Africana Islamic Studies Edited by James L. Conyers Jr. and Abul Pitre LEXINGTON BOOKS Lanham • Boulder • New York • London Published by Lexington Books An imprint of The Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group, Inc. -
Protracted People's War Is Not a Universal Strategy for Revolution
Protracted People’s War is Not a Universal Strategy for Revolution 2018-01-19 00:42:22 -0400 Protracted People’s War (PPW) has been promoted as a universal strategy for revolution in recent years despite the fact that this directly contradicts Mao’s conclusions in his writing on revolutionary strategy. Mao emphasized PPW was possible in China because of the semi-feudal nature of Chinese society, and because of antagonistic divisions within the white regime which encircled the red base areas. Basic analysis shows that the strategy cannot be practically applied in the U.S. or other imperialist countries. Despite this, advocates for the universality of PPW claim that support for their thesis is a central principle of Maoism. In this document we refute these claims, and outline a revolutionary strategy based on an analysis of the concrete conditions of the U.S. state. In our view, confusion on foundational questions of revolutionary strategy, and lack of familiarity with Mao’s writings on the actual strategy of PPW, has led to the growth of dogmatic and ultra-“left” tendencies within the U.S. Maoist movement. Some are unaware of the nature of the struggle in the Chinese Com- munist Party (CCP) against Wang Ming, Li Lisan, and other dogmatists. As a result, they conflate Mao’s critique of an insurrectionary strategy in China with a critique of insurrection as a strategy for revolution in general. Some advocate for the formation of base areas and for guerrilla warfare in imperialist coun- tries, while others negate PPW as a concrete revolutionary strategy, reducing it to an abstract generality or a label for focoist armed struggle. -
Critique of Maoist Reason
Critique of Maoist Reason J. Moufawad-Paul Foreign Languages Press Foreign Languages Press Collection “New Roads” #5 A collection directed by Christophe Kistler Contact – [email protected] https://foreignlanguages.press Paris 2020 First Edition ISBN: 978-2-491182-11-3 This book is under license Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 International (CC BY-SA 4.0) https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/ Contents Introduction 1 Chapter 1 The Route Charted to Date 7 Chapter 2 Thinking Science 19 Chapter 3 The Maoist Point of Origin 35 Chapter 4 Against Communist Theology 51 Chapter 5 The Dogmato-eclecticism of “Maoist Third 69 Worldism” Chapter 6 Left and Right Opportunist Practice 87 Chapter 7 Making Revolution 95 Conclusion 104 Acknowledgements 109 Introduction Introduction In the face of critical passivity and dry formalism we must uphold our collective capacity to think thought. The multiple articulations of bourgeois reason demand that we accept the current state of affairs as natural, reducing critical thinking to that which functions within the boundaries drawn by its order. Even when we break from the diktat of this reason to pursue revolutionary projects, it is difficult to break from the way this ideological hegemony has trained us to think from the moment we were born. Since we are still more-or-less immersed in cap- italist culture––from our jobs to the media we consume––the training persists.1 Hence, while we might supersede the boundaries drawn by bourgeois reason, it remains a constant struggle to escape its imaginary. The simplicity encouraged by bourgeois reasoning––formulaic repeti- tion, a refusal to think beneath the appearance of things––thus finds its way into the reasoning of those who believe they have slipped its grasp. -
Chinese Theories of "Anti-Modern" Or Alternative Modernity: Arif Dirlik, Liu Kang, and Wang Hui
CLCWeb: Comparative Literature and Culture ISSN 1481-4374 Purdue University Press ©Purdue University Volume 20 (2018) Issue 3 Article 7 Chinese Theories of "Anti-Modern" or Alternative Modernity: Arif Dirlik, Liu Kang, and Wang Hui Wu Yuyu Eastern China Normal University Follow this and additional works at: https://docs.lib.purdue.edu/clcweb Part of the Arts and Humanities Commons Dedicated to the dissemination of scholarly and professional information, Purdue University Press selects, develops, and distributes quality resources in several key subject areas for which its parent university is famous, including business, technology, health, veterinary medicine, and other selected disciplines in the humanities and sciences. CLCWeb: Comparative Literature and Culture, the peer-reviewed, full-text, and open-access learned journal in the humanities and social sciences, publishes new scholarship following tenets of the discipline of comparative literature and the field of cultural studies designated as "comparative cultural studies." Publications in the journal are indexed in the Annual Bibliography of English Language and Literature (Chadwyck-Healey), the Arts and Humanities Citation Index (Thomson Reuters ISI), the Humanities Index (Wilson), Humanities International Complete (EBSCO), the International Bibliography of the Modern Language Association of America, and Scopus (Elsevier). The journal is affiliated with the Purdue University Press monograph series of Books in Comparative Cultural Studies. Contact: <[email protected]> Recommended Citation Yuyu, Wu. "Chinese Theories of "Anti-Modern" or Alternative Modernity: Arif Dirlik, Liu Kang, and Wang Hui." CLCWeb: Comparative Literature and Culture 20.3 (2018): <https://doi.org/10.7771/1481-4374.3252> This text has been double-blind peer reviewed by 2+1 experts in the field. -
The Black Panther Party and Maoism Chao Ren Illinois Wesleyan University
Constructing the Past Volume 10 | Issue 1 Article 7 2009 “Concrete Analysis of Concrete Conditions”: A Study of the Relationship between the Black Panther Party and Maoism Chao Ren Illinois Wesleyan University Recommended Citation Ren, Chao (2009) "“Concrete Analysis of Concrete Conditions”: A Study of the Relationship between the Black Panther Party and Maoism," Constructing the Past: Vol. 10: Iss. 1, Article 7. Available at: http://digitalcommons.iwu.edu/constructing/vol10/iss1/7 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the History Department at Digital Commons @ IWU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Constructing the Past by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ IWU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ©Copyright is owned by the author of this document. 28 Chao Ren “Concrete Analysis of Concrete Conditions”: A Study of the Relationship between the Black Panther Party and Maoism Chao Ren “…the most essential thing in Marxism, the living soul of Marxism, is the concrete analysis of concrete conditions.” — Mao Zedong, On Contradiction, April 1937 Late September, 1971. Huey P. Newton, co-founder and leader of the Black Panther Party, landed in the mysterious land of the East, the People’s Republic of China.1 In his brief ten-day journey to the People’s Republic, which preceded the official visit of President Richard Nixon in February 1972, Huey Newton was repeatedly impressed by the significant achievements of the Chinese communist revolution. It seemed to Newton that he had found the heavenly paradise in the human world, the utopia of his mind. -
Black Revolutionary Icons and `Neoslave' Narratives
Social Identities, Volume 5, N um ber 2, 1999 B lack Revolutionary Icons and `N eoslave ’ Narrative s JOY JAMES U niversity of C olorado Over the centuries that America enslaved Blacks, those men and women most determined to win freedom became fugitives, ¯ eeing from the brutal captivity of slavery . Many of their descendants who fought the Black liberation struggle also became fugitives. These men and women refused to endure the captivity awaiting them in retaliation for their systematic effort to win freedom. But unlike runaway slaves, these men and women fought for a more expansive freedom, not merely as individuals, but for an entire nation, and sought in the face of interna- tionally overwhelming odds to build a more humane and democratic political order. (Kathleen Neal Cleaver, 1988) As a slave, the social phenomenon that engages my whole consciousness is, of course, revolution. (George Jackson, 1972) Neoslave Narrative s Historically, African Americans have found themselves corralled into dual and con¯ ictual roles, functioning as either happy or sullen slaves in compliant conformity or happy or sullen rebels in radical resistance to racial dominance. The degree to which historical slave narratives continue to shape the voices of their progeny rem ains the object of some speculation. In his introduction to Live from Death Row: This is M umia Abu-Jam al,1 John Edgar Widem an argues that many Americans continue to encounter black life and political struggles through the `neoslave narrative’ (popularise d in the 1970s by the television miniseries Roots based on Alex Haley’s ® ctional text of the same title). -
Brandishing Guns 801293Research-Article2018
VCU0010.1177/1470412918801293journal of visual cultureLivingston: Brandishing Guns 801293research-article2018 journal of visual culture Brandishing Guns: Performing Race and Belonging in the American West Lindsay Livingston Abstract This article examines the racial dynamics and performative nature of US gun culture by analyzing the 2014 standoff between Cliven Bundy and the Bureau of Land Management. The standoff followed discernible scripts of white masculine privilege and drew on scenarios of conquest in the US American West, as Bundy’s supporters gathered at his ranch and brandished their weapons in open defiance of the federal government. The act of brandishing their guns was a ‘performance of belonging’, a public, theatrical gesture that marks the bearer as a full participant in civic life and all its attendant rights and privileges. This belonging, however, is predicated on histories of white supremacist laws and settler colonialist violence. By reading gun culture in the United States through the lens of performance, this article traces the profound discrepancies between legal and practical gun rights and illuminates one of the most intractable debates at the center of US American life. Keywords American West • Cliven Bundy • gun culture • guns • militias • performance • race • theatricality Perched on an overpass in the southwestern desert, civilian snipers took aim at the crowd of people below. In the days leading up to this moment, the gunmen had arrived from all over the United States, answering a call that had gone out in early April 2014 from several right-wing websites and journal of visual culture [journals.sagepub.com/home/vcu] SAGE Publications (Los Angeles, London, New Delhi, Singapore, Washington DC and Melbourne) Copyright © The Author(s), 2018.