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Evanthis Hatzivassiliou Greek-Yugoslav Relations Is A
Evanthis Hatzivassiliou From Adversity to Alliance: Greece, Yugoslavia and Balkan Strategy, 1944-1959 Greek-Yugoslav relations is a subject of pivotal importance for understanding the shaping of twentieth century Balkan balances. In the post-war period this relationship became even more interesting: Greece and Yugoslavia had radically different political, economic and social systems; they were bitterly divided in 1944-1948, but then they norma lized relations, participated in a Balkan alliance together with Turkey, and when this alliance broke down, they continued their co-operation on a bilateral basis. In this paper it will be argued that the factor which divi ded Greece and Yugoslavia in 1944-1948 was not ideology, but strate gy; and it was strategy that brought them closer after Tito’s split with Stalin. After 1948 both countries shaped their policy on the basis of a mild realism, and their relationship was dominated by their perception of their respective national interests. In this paper, emphasis will be placed on Greek perceptions and assessments, but Yugoslav views will also be mentioned. I During the inter-war period Greece’s major problem with Yugo slavia derived from the latter’s great size: Belgrade was a powerful neighbour, capable of pressing Athens and of attracting support from the great powers, mainly France. At that time Greece was afraid of Yugo slavia’s hegemonist tendencies in the Balkans, as well as of its desire to pose as the protector of the Slav-speaking minority of Greece and as a suitor for the port of Thessaloniki. It was clear that, facing Bulgarian revisionism, it would be impossible for Athens to resist pressures from both its northern neighbours; this was why the possibility of a Bulgarian- Yugoslav rapprochement was the nightmare scenario of the Athens policy-makers'. -
Law of Thesea
Division for Ocean Affairs and the Law of the Sea Office of Legal Affairs Law of the Sea Bulletin No. 83 asdf United Nations New York, 2014 NOTE The designations employed and the presentation of the material in this publication do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the Secretariat of the United Nations concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries. Furthermore, publication in the Bulletin of information concerning developments relating to the law of the sea emanating from actions and decisions taken by States does not imply recognition by the United Nations of the validity of the actions and decisions in question. IF ANY MATERIAL CONTAINED IN THE BULLETIN IS REPRODUCED IN PART OR IN WHOLE, DUE ACKNOWLEDGEMENT SHOULD BE GIVEN. Copyright © United Nations, 2013 Page I. UNITED NATIONS CONVENTION ON THE LAW OF THE SEA ......................................................... 1 Status of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, of the Agreement relating to the Implementation of Part XI of the Convention and of the Agreement for the Implementation of the Provisions of the Convention relating to the Conservation and Management of Straddling Fish Stocks and Highly Migratory Fish Stocks ................................................................................................................ 1 1. Table recapitulating the status of the Convention and of the related Agreements, as at 30 November 2013 ................................................................................................................. 1 2. Chronological lists of ratifications of, accessions and successions to the Convention and the related Agreements, as at 30 November 2013 ................................................................................ 9 a. The Convention ....................................................................................................................... 9 b. -
Greece and NATO Master's Thesis Presented
The “Menace from the North” and the Suppression of the Left: Greece and NATO Master’s Thesis Presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Master of Arts in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University Ioannis Pavlou, B.A. Graduate Program in Slavic and East European Studies The Ohio State University 2015 Thesis Committee: Georgios Anagnostou, advisor Anthony Kaldellis Copyright by Ioannis Nikos Pavlou 2015 Abstract In the aftermath of the Greek Civil War, the right-wing elements of Greece’s government felt that they needed to join NATO to protect Greek interests from the perceived threat posed by Communism and their Balkan neighbors. Throughout this period of time, the Greek state implemented several drastic and often undemocratic motions that led to measures against minority groups, suppressing left-wing politicians, and applying old nationalistic rhetoric such as the “Menace from the North” to the situation with the Communist regimes in their neighboring countries. During this time, Greek interests often were pushed aside in order to appease the United States and other members of NATO while at other points, Greece nearly went to war with their NATO ally Turkey over the future of Cyprus. Meanwhile, Greece’s new-found alliance with NATO led to an improvement of their military capabilities to the point where the highly nationalistic, anti-Communist army would seize control of the government in 1967 and form a Military Junta. During the seven years of military control, NATO continued to work with the Military Junta which in turn would have drastic consequences when Greece nearly went to war with Turkey over Cyprus. -
Il;;Iit;Iiror.R*H and Natural Gas Had Been Discovered (U.S.) Rltlilrllil.R :' Dlt a Meeting on the Same Day
r- -rrSt 12-18, L974 xnEstNcts coNTEMpoRARy aRcHrvES 26667 GREECE. End of Military Dictatorship. other hand, rejected this clairn and repeatedlv expressed its i,rrmation of Civilian Govemment uttaer-fvfr.- X"r"- readiness to negotiate !q::r'nlis. an agreenlent witil Gree6e to'determine -_ Dispute with Turkey over Continental Sh;If in the two countries' respective rights in the hxgean Sea. - Reintroductioir af rg12 Constitution, Aegean. -: rjntter the 1958 Geneva convention on the continental shelf lsee the *'ake of the events in CSprus 164151, [see 26661 A], the lfeads -page sigrred by Greece in lg72 but not sisned. by Turkey, tbe rrni' r"rr* Greek armed forces decided on iuly zs to citi tq)on nine bouniLaty within wLtich a state hail exclusive fisltis ti-exploit ltttntt*-,-"--ent persons-all for.mer leading politicians-to form mineral resources of its continental shelf might be determinea, by ., States iuri :r'tr Government in view of the n6tibnal emergency ". lying opposite to each other on the same shelf, eittier fy -:l: mutual agreement or, failing: such agreement, by the meclian rine Cabinet led try Mr. Adamantios Androutsopoulos, who betrveen the two shores. irtturur -'p"eatgdlV !een, severely criticized by his fo" Mr. prime llrttrr" ':€ u-.ed "oit"ug;", Alaio"Fqpoulos, then Greek Minister, had the Government merely to endorse actionJalready announced rl,**' :-h]' the military readers, ha.i in February that significant deposits of crucle oil il;;iit;iiror.r*h and natural gas had been discovered (u.s.) rltlilrllil.r :' dlt a meeting on the same day. "a"ii"" by ftre oceanic ';:"r€k Exploration Conrpany near the Grcek island of Thas'os, in the li officers of thc Third. -
Government Reorganization-Formation of New Minor Parties- Economic Policies-Foreign Relations Cabinet Reshuffle (Jan
Keesing's Record of World Events (formerly Keesing's Contemporary Archives), Volume 30, April, 1984 Greece, Page 32791 © 1931-2006 Keesing's Worldwide, LLC - All Rights Reserved. Government reorganization-Formation of new minor parties- Economic policies-Foreign relations Cabinet reshuffle (Jan. 16–17, 1984). Further cabinet change (March 26). Formation of right-wing EPEN party (Jan. 29). Formation of left-wing ESPE party (Feb. 22). Parliamentary approval of draft five-year plan (Nov. 21, 1983). Presentation and approval of 1984 budget (Nov. 30–Dec. 23). Congress of General Confederation of Greek Workers (Dec. 9–11). Proposed prices and incomes policy (Dec. 20). Private sector wage agreement (Feb. 12, 1984). Killing of US naval officer (Nov. 15, 1983). Controversy over US policy towards Greece and Turkey (February 1984). Alleged Turkish firing on Greek ship (March 8). Joint alumina plant agreement with Soviet Union (March). The government of Dr Andreas Papandreou, formed after the 1981 elections [see 31261 A] and extensively reshuffled in July 1982 [see 32585A] with further minor changes in 1983 [ibid.], underwent several modifications in January 1984. Mr Gregoris Varfis, a member of the Cabinet as Deputy Foreign Minister with responsibility for European Affairs (and described in The Times of Jan. 17 as ‘a rare pro-EEC voice in the Socialist government’), resigned for health reasons on Jan. 16. His replacement was announced on the following day as part of a reshuffle affecting several portfolios as follows: Prof. Apostolos Lazaris Minister -
Hellenic 2-2012 23/6/16 1:50 Μ.Μ
Hellenic_exofillo_2_2015_Layout 1 23/6/16 12:42 μ.μ. Page 1 2 ETUDES HELLENIQUES HELLENIC STUDIES LA DIASPORA GRECQUE THE GREEK DIASPORA Edited by / Sous la direction de Stephanos Constantinides With associate editor / Avec la collaboration de Thalia Tassou Contributors / Contributions de Jean Catsiapis Stephanos Constantinides Michael Damanakis Dimitrios Filippou Dionysia Kontoyiannis ETUDES HELLENIQUES / HELLENIC STUDIES Theodosia Michelakakis Dimitrios Filippou George Kanarakis Alexander Kitroeff Louiza Christodoulidou Volume 23, No 2, Autumn / Automne 2015 2 2015 Hellenic Studies 2_2015_me leukes_Hellenic 2-2012 23/6/16 1:50 μ.μ. Page 49 A Global World Greek Lobby Stephanos Constantinides* RÉSUMÉ L’auteur de cet article dresse le portrait du lobby grec à travers le monde, en insistant plus particulièrement sur le lobby helléno-américain. Il examine sa structure et son fonctionnement et surtout sa contribution à faire avancer les intérêts grecs auprès de gouvernements de pays où s’activent d’importantes communautés grecques. C’est en premier lieu le cas de l’important lobby grec aux Etats-Unis et en second lieu les communautés d’Australie, du Canada et de l’Europe occidentale. L’auteur souligne en particulier la mobilisation de la communauté chypriote de Grande Bretagne en faveur de Chypre et contre l’occupation turque d`une partie de l’ ‘île. ABSTRACT e author of this article depicts the Global World Greek Lobby with special reference to the Greek American lobby. e author examines its structure and functioning, and especially its contribution in advancing Greek interests with the governments of countries with large Greek communities. is is mainly the case of the important Greek lobby in the United States and secondarily in other countries, such as Australia, Canada and Western Europe. -
Stan Draenos
UNITED STATES FOREIGN POLICY AND THE LIBERAL AWAKENING IN GREECE, 1958-1967 Stan Draenos ABSTRACT: This paper traces the evolution and outcome of the US opening to the Greek Center triggered by the May 1958 parliamentary elections. It focuses on the role which that opening played in the liberal awakening that took shape under the banner of the Center Union (CU) party, founded in September 1961. After John F. Kennedy assumed the US presidency (January 1961), New Frontier liberals, including Andreas Papandreou, son of CU leader George Papandreou, pushed more aggressively for this opening, which was validated by the Center Union’s rise to power in November 1963, the same month as the Kennedy assassination. During the Johnson Administration, US liberal policies in Greece were tested and found wanting, as Cold War fears trumped the US embrace of reform and change in Greece. The American retreat drove US policies towards bankruptcy, culminating in an uneasy acceptance of the 1967 Greek military dictatorship, wreaking permanent damage on Greek–US relations. The US enunciation of the Truman Doctrine on March 12, 1947 was a defining moment for the two countries most directly involved: the United States and Greece. For the US, intervention to defeat the Greek Left in the Civil War (1946-1949) marked the advent of its Cold War rivalry with the Soviet Union. For Greece, it marked the beginning of a deep and complicated dependency relationship with the global super power that had replaced Great Britain as the protector of Western interests in the Eastern Mediterranean.1 As President Dwight D. -
When Lady Liberty Turns a Blind Eye: United States Foreign Policy During the Invasion of Greece, 1940-1941 Athena Stephanopoulos
When Lady Liberty turns a Blind Eye: United States Foreign Policy during the Invasion of Greece, 1940-1941 Athena Stephanopoulos "I remember hiding in an oven when I was ten," she lamented. "The Germans had broken down our door and were demanding to take all the children away from our parents, probably to kill us first. \~'hen they peeked in oven ;vindow, I held my breath and prayed that the pots and pans were piled over my head because if not, I would be burned alive. That's when I first knew of fear."1 The months that followed Thomai Stephan's first encounter with German "hunters" as she deemed them, were no less frightening or menacing than the day she hid in the oven. Soon after the hunters left her village in northern Greece, Thomai and her family labored through a series of barriers to escape her now occupied community. "Oh it was petrifying. They stole all of our animals so that we'd starve; we ran into the caves and hid for days so they wouldn't find us; and when more came in from Macedonia, everyone dug a secret trench with a wooden cover piled under dirt and waited tor their footsteps to soften-that day I almost suffocated to death."" Her memories are shocking though this is only a small portion of what the little girl experienced when the Axis powers came to Greece during the Second World War. By the time Germans ravaged her village of Hiliothendro, the war had been ingrained in the lives of Greek peasants tor seven months. -
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An Open and Shut Case? Probing the Greek-Cypriot Rejection of the Annan Plan
THE CYPRUS PROBLEM: AN OPEN AND SHUT CASE? PROBING THE GREEK-CYPRIOT REJECTION OF THE ANNAN PLAN Alexis Heraclides Abstract This article tries to probe the reasons for the Greek-Cypriot rejection of the Annan Plan in 2004, by following two Jines of inquiry. One is to access the dominant view among the Greek-Cypriots before and after the appearance of the Plan. A second line of reasoning is to try to chart the reasons for the rejection at the level of the Republic of Cyprus. As regards the first approach, (a) in the days before the Plan, the Greek-Cypriots were in their majority not prepared to accept a loose federation; (b) from the 1st Annan Plan and up until the Referendum there was never a clear majority for the Plan. The article then goes on to examine seven Rational Actor hypotheses as explanations for the unflinching posture of the Greek-Cypriot leadership: sheer bad faith; international conspiracy theory; tough negotiating strategy; the asset of EU membership negotiation-wise; poker strategy; a 50-year backward leap; and the nationalist mind-set. The results of the 24 April 2004 Cyprus Referenda (Greek-Cypriots 'No' of almost 76%, Turkish-Cypriot 'Yes' of almost 65%), would probably go down in the annals of the Cyprus Question as a watershed. In the wake of the referendum, the spectre of a final partition pervades the atmosphere as never before, for now it is the willingness of the numerical majority for a reunification in a political system establishing equality and power-sharing between the two communities, that is seriously in doubt. -
Congrès AFSP Paris 13
Congrès AFSP Paris 13 ST 25 Hérédité et compétition politique : Le paradoxe de la transmission familiale du pouvoir politique dans les systèmes politiques concurrentiels Tassiopoulos Georges, Université Paris Est [email protected] Au nom du père, du fils et du pouvoir : la démocratie familiale grecque Introduction Le cas grec est très particulier1. Son système d'élites2 ne fonctionne pas comme celui des grandes nations occidentales au sein desquels l'héritage en politique est l'exception et pas la règle. Ceci est beaucoup plus fréquent que dans des pays comme les États Unis d’autant plus et ses dynasties politiques comme les Kennedy3, les Bush4 et les Clinton5. Dans le cas grec ceci est banal qu'on peut parler d'une véritable « démocratie familiale » (Οικογενειακή Δημοκρατία), ou famillio-kratie6 (Οικογενειοκρατία) dans laquelle les postes de Premier Ministre7, de Ministre, ou de député sont d'une autre façon ou d'autre attribuées assez fréquemment aux membres des grandes familles politiques. De filiation directe, de père en fils (comme dans les cas des Papandreou) ou au petit fils, mais aussi au neveu (comme chez les Karamanlis), ou la nièce. Ainsi le terme "tzàkia" (τζάκια) est largement utilisé pour décrire ce phénomène. Tzaki, traduit comme "la cheminée" vient du fait que le futur élu doit appartenir à une grande maison de préférence ancienne. Largement décriés, les tzakia reviennent à la surface à chaque élection législative, et pendant la formation de chaque gouvernement, dans la mesure où une partie des postes ministérielles8, des députés européens9 et des hauts responsables10 sont de facto attribuées aux représentants des différents clans. -
Uni International 300 N
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