The Cyprus Question: Continuity, Transformation and Tendencies

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Cyprus Question: Continuity, Transformation and Tendencies THE CYPRUS QUESTION: CONTINUITY, TRANSFORMATION AND TENDENCIES A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES OF MIDDLE EAST TECHNICAL UNIVERSITY BY MURAT TÜZÜNKAN IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS SEPTEMBER 2007 Approval of the Graduate School of Social Sciences Prof. Dr. Sencer Ayata Director I certify that this thesis satisfies all the requirements as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Prof. Dr. Meliha B. Altunışık Head of Department This is to certify that we have read this thesis and that in our opinion it is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. _____________________ Prof. Dr. Mustafa Türkeş Supervisor Examining Committee Members Prof. Dr. Mustafa Türkeş _ (METU,IR) Prof. Dr. Hüseyin Bağcı (METU, IR) Assoc. Prof. Dr. Mustafa Kibaroğlu (BİLKENT, IR) Assoc. Prof. Dr. İlhan Uzgel (AU, FPS/IR) Assoc. Prof. Dr. Ayşegül Kibaroğlu (METU/IR) I hereby declare that all information in this document has been obtained and presented in accordance with academic rules and ethical conduct. I also declare that, as required by these rules and conduct, I have fully cited and referenced all material and results that are not original to this work. Name, Last Name: Signature : iii ABSTRACT THE CYPRUS QUESTION: CONTINUITY, TRANSFORMATION AND TENDENCIES Tüzünkan, Murat Ph.D., Department of International Relations Supervisor : Prof. Dr. Mustafa Türkeş September 2007, 442 pages This study has three main objectives. First, it provides a theoretical framework that challenges the mainstream approaches to allow for a new reading of the Cyprus Question. Second, it identifies continuities, transformations and tendencies within different historical periods by analyzing the positions of the various actors and the international conjecture in order to offer a correct reading of all previous settlement proposals and indicate the basis on which perceptions and policies were constructed and why the latter failed repeatedly to resolve the Cyprus issue. Continuities are those factors that created the continuum of the crisis and were concretely reflected in the successive failures of different peace talks, plans and initiatives; examining these means analyzing the hegemonic projects of the various actors involved. Examining transformations means looking specifically at how and why these hegemonic projects changed. Examining tendencies means pointing out the latest developments such as accumulated sovereignty, shared sovereignty as protectorate, Taiwan Model, return to 1960, integration through class strategy and independent TRNC and exploring the logical consequences of developments. Third, this study focuses on the European Union’s hegemonic projects related to iv Cyprus – how they emerged, the relationship between these projects and the domestic and international political conjectures, their aspects of continuity and reasons for transformation and their successes and failures. This thesis argues that all the previous plans and initiatives by international and local actors, latest being the EU-initiated Annan Plan, led not only to failure, but transformed the Cyprus Question from one paradigm to another. Keywords: Cyprus Question, Hegemonic Projects, Annan Plan, Transformations, Tendencies v ÖZ KIBRIS SORUNU: DEVAMLILIK, DÖNÜŞÜM VE EĞİLİMLER Tüzünkan, Murat Doktora, Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü Tez Yöneticisi : Prof. Dr. Mustafa Türkeş Eylül 2007, 442 sayfa Bu tezin üç ana amacı vardır. Tez öncelikle, temel teorik yaklaşımları sorgulayarak, Kıbrıs sorununda yeni bir analize imkan sağlayan bir teorik çerçeve çizmeyi hedeflemektedir. İkinci olarak tez, tarihsel perspektif içerisinde aktörlerin pozisyonlarını ve uluslararası konjonktürü analiz ederek, Kıbrıs sorunununda ortaya atılan çözüm önerilerinin hangi algılamalar ve politikalar üzerine inşa edildiğini ve bunların sürekli olarak Kıbrıs sorununu çözmede neden başarısız olduğunu analiz ederek, Kıbrıs sorunundaki devamlılık, dönüşüm ve eğilimleri tanımlamayı hedeflemektedir. Devamlılık, krizlerin sürekliliğini sağlayan ve farklı barış görüşmelerinin, barış önerilerinin ve barış girişimlerinin sürekli olarak başarısız olmasını sağlayan faktör olarak değerlendirilmekte, bu faktörlerin analiz edilerek Kıbrıs sorununa dahil olan aktörlerin hegemonya projelerinin analiz edilmesinde kullanılmaktadır. Dönüşüm ise hegemonya projelerinin neden ve nasıl değiştiğine işaret etmektedir. Kıbrıs sorununda ortaya çıkan iki ayrı egemenlik birikimi, manda yönetimini öngören egemenlik paylaşımı, Tayvan modeli, 1960 anayasal düzenine geri dönüş, sınıfsal düzen üzerinden bütünleşme ve KKTC’nin bağımsızlığı gibi eğilimler incelenerek, Kıbrıs sorunundaki gelişmelerin mantıksal vi çıkarsamaları ortaya koyulmaktadır. Üçüncü olarak tez, Kıbrıs sorunu ile ilgili AB'nin oluşturduğu hegemonya projesi üzerinde odaklanarak, AB hegemonya projesinin nasıl ortaya çıktığını, diğer hegemonya projeleri, yerel ve uluslararası politik konjonktür ile olan ilişkisini, devamlılığını sağlayan noktalarla, dönüşümüne neden olan faktörlerle, AB hegemonya projesinin başarıları ve başarısızlıkları analiz edilecektir. Bu tezin temel argümanı şudur; şu ana kadar uluslararası ve yerel aktörler tarafından ortaya atılan çözüm önerileri, en son olarak da AB tarafından ortaya atılan Annan planı, sadece başarısızlığa sebep olmamakta, Kıbrıs sorununun bir paradigmadan diğer bir paradigmaya dönüşmesine neden olmaktadır. Anahtar Kelimeler: Kıbrıs Sorunu, Hegemonya Projesi, Annan Planı, Dönüşümler, Eğilimler vii To my loves, Ayşe and Nehir and To my parents viii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS First and foremost, I wish to express my sincere gratitude to Prof. Dr. Mustafa Türkeş, who has been a constant source of inspiration and intellectual challenge. A PhD is truly a marathon event, and without the aid and support of Prof. Dr. Türkeş, I would not have been able to complete this journey. His immense expertise, boundless understanding, unsurpassed patience and extraordinary self- sacrificing attitude added considerably to my thesis. Even as he was about to undergo a serious medical operation, his thoughts were focused on this student. I hope only that one day I might become even half the instructor that Prof. Dr. Türkeş has shown himself to be, so that I might motivate and guide my students as he has done so brilliantly for me. Without him, this thesis would simply not have been possible. Second, I owe a special debt of gratitude to Prof. Dr. Hüseyin Bağcı. Prof. Dr. Bağcı provided me with infinite encouragement and endless support, for which I wish to express my honest and heartfelt appreciation. Third, I would like to offer special thanks to Assoc. Prof. Dr. İlhan Uzgel for his kind assistance. Dr. Uzgel’s intellectual comments on my thesis and his help and friendship during my time in Ankara will be impossible to forget. My thanks also go to Assoc. Prof. Dr. Mustafa Kibaroğlu and Assoc. Prof. Dr. Ayşegül Kibaroğlu for their patience and comments. I am heavily indebted to the Middle East Technical University, Department of International Relations and Center for European Studies, not only for shaping my academic development through the invaluable knowledge they provided, but for the many unique opportunities they offered me. Among these, two need to be singled out here: field research in United Kingdom with BAP Project No 07.07.03.00.05, entitled “Transormation of the Cyprus Question” in 2007, and field research in Brussels on a Center of European Studies scholarship in June 2007. Acknowledgements and thanks also go to former TRNC President Rauf Denktaş; former “Republic of Cyprus” President George Vassilou; Lord David ix Hannay, former UK special representative to Cyprus; former Turkish Foreign Minister İlter Türkmen Lord Val Corbet; Conservative Party MP Roger Gale; Labor Party MP Andy Love; Dr. James Ker Lindsay, research fellow at Kingston University; Prof. Dr. Thomas Diez, chair of the Department of Political Science at the University of Birmingham; Andrew Rasbash, head of the EU’s Turkish Cypriot Task Force; Georg Ziegler, deputy head of the EU’s Turkish Cypriot Task Force; former TRNC Foreign Minister Kenan Atakol; Ergün Olgun, former undersecretary to the president of the TRNC; İsmail Bozkurt, former president of the Turkish Communal Chamber and former president of the Communal Liberation Party; and Hüseyin Celal, founder of the Republican Turkish Party. Their assistance and personal interviews contributed extensively to the development of this thesis. Special thanks go to Mary Southcott, coordinator of the Friends of Cyprus, and Assoc. Prof. Dr. Ahmet Sözen, head of the Cyprus Policy Center at Eastern Mediterranean University. By providing me with important contacts, they made it possible for me to conduct invaluable interviews with policymakers and opinion leaders in the United Kingdom, Turkey, Brussels and the TRNC. I am also indebted to Dr. Niyazi Kızılyürek, for arranging a meeting with George Vassiliou. I would also like to express my thanks here to Mete Boyacı, president of the Board of Trustees of Cyprus International University, whose understanding and tolerance were exhibited clearly in his allowing me the opportunity to stay in Turkey on an extended leave. Special thanks go to Betil Gürün, IRC Specialist at the American Embassy in Ankara, for her support and advice during my research there. Special thanks also go to my dear colleagues, Dr. Sait Akşit, Assist. Prof. Dr. Mehmet Hasgüler, Dr. Nur Köprülü, Dr.
Recommended publications
  • DIRECTING the Disorder the CFR Is the Deep State Powerhouse Undoing and Remaking Our World
    DEEP STATE DIRECTING THE Disorder The CFR is the Deep State powerhouse undoing and remaking our world. 2 by William F. Jasper The nationalist vs. globalist conflict is not merely an he whole world has gone insane ideological struggle between shadowy, unidentifiable and the lunatics are in charge of T the asylum. At least it looks that forces; it is a struggle with organized globalists who have way to any rational person surveying the very real, identifiable, powerful organizations and networks escalating revolutions that have engulfed the planet in the year 2020. The revolu- operating incessantly to undermine and subvert our tions to which we refer are the COVID- constitutional Republic and our Christian-style civilization. 19 revolution and the Black Lives Matter revolution, which, combined, are wreak- ing unprecedented havoc and destruction — political, social, economic, moral, and spiritual — worldwide. As we will show, these two seemingly unrelated upheavals are very closely tied together, and are but the latest and most profound manifesta- tions of a global revolutionary transfor- mation that has been under way for many years. Both of these revolutions are being stoked and orchestrated by elitist forces that intend to unmake the United States of America and extinguish liberty as we know it everywhere. In his famous “Lectures on the French Revolution,” delivered at Cambridge University between 1895 and 1899, the distinguished British historian and states- man John Emerich Dalberg, more com- monly known as Lord Acton, noted: “The appalling thing in the French Revolution is not the tumult, but the design. Through all the fire and smoke we perceive the evidence of calculating organization.
    [Show full text]
  • The President's News Conference with Prime Minister Andreas
    Administration of William J. Clinton, 1994 / Apr. 22 The President. Absolutely. Q. Are you going to visit Greece, sir? Q. What do you believe about these meas- The President. Oh, I'd love to do that. I've ures? never been there. The President. What I think is that we have Mr. Nimetz over there and Mr. Vance. We're Cyprus trying to help work it out. I think that it's very Q. What about Cyprus? much in the interest of Greece and Europe The President. We're working hard on Cyprus, and the world community for the matters to and I thinkÐI hope there will be some move- be worked out between the two countries, and ment from the Turkish side on Cyprus in the I think they can be. next couple of days with regard to the con- Q. How committed are you to delaying the fidence-building measures. I think that the ball process until Greece's concerns are satisfied, sir? has been sort of in Mr. Denktash's court, and The President. I think it's obvious that we've I hope he will take it up. And then I hope shown a real concern for Greece's concerns. that Greece and all others will support pushing That's one of the main reasons I sent a special forward. I have worked hard to resolve this since envoy over there, and we're trying to work I've been in office, and I will continue to stay through it. We'll discuss that today. We just on it.
    [Show full text]
  • Carol Migdalovitz Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs Foreign Affairs, Trade, and Defense Division
    Order Code RS21855 Updated October 16, 2007 Greece Update Carol Migdalovitz Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs Foreign Affairs, Trade, and Defense Division Summary The conservative New Democracy party won reelection in September 2007. Kostas Karamanlis, its leader, remained prime minister and pledged to continue free-market economic reforms to enhance growth and create jobs. The government’s foreign policy focuses on the European Union (EU), relations with Turkey, reunifying Cyprus, resolving a dispute with Macedonia over its name, other Balkan issues, and relations with the United States. Greece has assisted with the war on terrorism, but is not a member of the coalition in Iraq. This report will be updated if developments warrant. See also CRS Report RL33497, Cyprus: Status of U.N. Negotiations and Related Issues, by Carol Migdalovitz. Government and Politics Prime Minister Kostas Karamanlis called for early parliamentary elections to be held on September 16, 2007, instead of in March 2008 as otherwise scheduled, believing that his government’s economic record would ensure easy reelection. In August, however, Greece experienced severe and widespread wildfires, resulting in 76 deaths and 270,000 hectares burned. The government attempted to deflect attention from what was widely viewed as its ineffective performance in combating the fires by blaming the catastrophe on terrorists, without proof, and by providing generous compensation for victims. This crisis came on top of a scandal over the state pension fund’s purchase of government bonds at inflated prices. Under these circumstances, Karamanlis’s New Democracy party’s (ND) ability to win of a slim majority of 152 seats in the unicameral 300-seat parliament and four more years in office was viewed as a victory.
    [Show full text]
  • DOS: Foreign Relations of the United States: 1977-1980
    FOREIGN RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES 1977–1980 VOLUME XVIII MIDDLE EAST REGION; ARABIAN PENINSULA DEPARTMENT OF STATE Washington 383-247/428-S/40005 6/18/2015 Foreign Relations of the United States, 1977–1980 Volume XVIII Middle East Region; Arabian Peninsula Editor Kelly M. McFarland General Editor Adam M. Howard United States Government Printing Office Washington 2015 383-247/428-S/40005 6/18/2015 DEPARTMENT OF STATE Office of the Historian Bureau of Public Affairs For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office Internet: bookstore.gpo.gov Phone: toll free (866) 512-1800; DC area (202) 512-1800 Fax: (202) 512-2250 Mail: Stop IDCC, Washington, DC 20402-0001 383-247/428-S/40005 6/18/2015 About the Series The Foreign Relations of the United States series presents the official documentary historical record of major foreign policy decisions and significant diplomatic activity of the U.S. Government. The Historian of the Department of State is charged with the responsibility for the prep- aration of the Foreign Relations series. The staff of the Office of the Histo- rian, Bureau of Public Affairs, under the direction of the General Editor of the Foreign Relations series, plans, researches, compiles, and edits the volumes in the series. Secretary of State Frank B. Kellogg first promul- gated official regulations codifying specific standards for the selection and editing of documents for the series on March 26, 1925. These regu- lations, with minor modifications, guided the series through 1991. Public Law 102–138, the Foreign Relations Authorization Act, es- tablished a new statutory charter for the preparation of the series which was signed by President George H.W.
    [Show full text]
  • Law of Thesea
    Division for Ocean Affairs and the Law of the Sea Office of Legal Affairs Law of the Sea Bulletin No. 83 asdf United Nations New York, 2014 NOTE The designations employed and the presentation of the material in this publication do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the Secretariat of the United Nations concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries. Furthermore, publication in the Bulletin of information concerning developments relating to the law of the sea emanating from actions and decisions taken by States does not imply recognition by the United Nations of the validity of the actions and decisions in question. IF ANY MATERIAL CONTAINED IN THE BULLETIN IS REPRODUCED IN PART OR IN WHOLE, DUE ACKNOWLEDGEMENT SHOULD BE GIVEN. Copyright © United Nations, 2013 Page I. UNITED NATIONS CONVENTION ON THE LAW OF THE SEA ......................................................... 1 Status of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, of the Agreement relating to the Implementation of Part XI of the Convention and of the Agreement for the Implementation of the Provisions of the Convention relating to the Conservation and Management of Straddling Fish Stocks and Highly Migratory Fish Stocks ................................................................................................................ 1 1. Table recapitulating the status of the Convention and of the related Agreements, as at 30 November 2013 ................................................................................................................. 1 2. Chronological lists of ratifications of, accessions and successions to the Convention and the related Agreements, as at 30 November 2013 ................................................................................ 9 a. The Convention ....................................................................................................................... 9 b.
    [Show full text]
  • Leadership 100 Approve $2.9 Million in Grants Dora Meets with Condoleeza on FYROM Niarchos Gives $4 Million Grant to Yale U.N. E
    O C V ΓΡΑΦΕΙ ΤΗΝ ΙΣΤΟΡΙΑ Bringing the news ΤΟΥ ΕΛΛΗΝΙΣΜΟΥ to generations of ΑΠΟ ΤΟ 1915 The National Herald Greek Americans A WEEKLY GREEK AMERICAN PUBLICATION c v www.thenationalherald.com VOL. 11, ISSUE 541 February 23, 2008 $1.00 GREECE: 1.75 EURO Leadership U.N. Envoy Presents Latest Proposals for FYROM Name Dispute 100 Approve Greece Urges FYROM to Move Forward, $2.9 Million Nimetz Expects Response within Two Weeks By Evan C. Lambrou Republic of Upper Macedonia, and Special to The National Herald that Mr. Nimetz said FYROM could in Grants keep its “constitutional” name for NEW YORK – United Nations Spe- use in domestic and bilateral rela- cial Envoy Matthew Nimetz made tions, while using a composite Announcement Made his long-awaited new proposals name in all its dealings with inter- this week to end a dispute between national organizations and on its at Annual Conference Greece and FYROM over the latter’s citizens’ passports. official name, a thorny issue which Acknowledging that his propos- in Palm Desert, CA has poisoned bilateral relations for al would not overcome all the ob- years and has added to Balkan re- jections of either side, Mr. Nimetz By Theodore Kalmoukos gion’s festering ethnic tensions. asked for a response from each gov- Special to the National Herald Dramatic developments in Ser- ernment within two weeks so that a bia have overshadowed the fester- final solution could be reached be- BOSTON – Leadership 100 ap- ing name dispute, but the U.N.-su- fore the upcoming NATO summit in proved a total of $2.9 million in pervised talks have acquired Romania this April, when the Al- grants for 2008 during its recent greater urgency following the eth- liance will decide whether or not to conference in Palm Desert, Califor- nic Albanian declaration of inde- admit FYROM.
    [Show full text]
  • Gc(09)/Inf/82
    International Atomic Energy Agency GC(IX)/INF/82 17 September 1965 General Conference GENERAL Distr. ENGLISH only Ninth Regular Session DELEGATIONS Information received by noon on 15 September 1965 CONTENTS Pages I. States A. Member States 3 B. Non-Member States 31 II, Organizations A. United Nations and specialized agencies 32 B. Intergovernmental organizations 33 C. Non-governmental organizations having 34 consultative status with the Agency ANNEX: Addresses I. States II. Organizations An asterisk following the name of a participant indicates that his wife is present in Tokyo, REQUESTS FOR CHANGES IN SUBSEQUENT EDITIONS OF THIS LIST SHOULD BE ADDRESSED TO THE PROTOCOL OFFICE IN WRITING. 65-5760 GC(IX)/lHP/82 page 3 STATES A. LIMBER STATES AFGHANISTAN ALBANIA ALG^HTA ARGENTINA Delegates Rear-Admiral Oscar A. QUIHILLALT * Chairman, Atomic Energy Commission! Governor from Argentina on the Board of Governors £Lksraai&J Professor Mario E. BANCORA * Director, Atcciic Energy Commission! Alternate to the Governor Adviser? Mr. Carlos G. LOUGE Third Secretary, the Embassy in Japan AUSTRALIA Delegate; Sir Philip BAXTER, K.B.E<., C.M.G. Chairman, Atomic Energy Commission! Governor from Australia on the Board of Governors Alternates J- Mr. A.B. THOMAS Head, International Relations Section, Atomic Energy Commission GC(IX)/INF/82 page 4 Mr- Ro do FERCIVAL First Secretary, the Embassy in Japan Mr. P. F. PETERS * First Secretary? the Embassy in Japan Mr. G. Ao CHANDLER Executive Assistants International Relations Section, Atomic Energy Commission AUSTRIA Relegates H.E, Dr. Heinrich HAYMERLE Minister1 Plenipotentiary, Federal Ministry of Foreign Affairs Alternates Mr. Richard POLACZEK Director, Federax Chancellery Advisers Dr.
    [Show full text]
  • HALİL Erdemirdecember 2001- February 2002 / Vol
    PERCEPTIONS JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS December 2001- February 2002 / Vol. - VI Num.4 THE ORIGIN OF THE CYPRUS QUESTION: THE BRITISH POLICY ON THE CREATION OF CYPRUS REPUBLIC HALİL ERDEMİR Halil Erdemir is a PhD candidate and tutor in the Department of Politics, University of Wales Swansea. INTRODUCTION Cyprus holds an important place in the United Kingdom’s foreign policy. There was a rather complex situation in Cyprus during the 1950s; the Greeks tried for enosis (the union of Cyprus with Greece), the Turks resisted, arguing either for the status quo or for taksim (partition), while Britain tried to quit the Island with the exception of keeping two air bases. British officials used every opportunity to preserve British influence on the Island. The Cyprus Question was the most difficult issue to the United Kingdom, Greece and Turkey during the second half of the 1950s and it disturbed Turkey’s relations with Greece and the United Kingdom. The Cyprus Question was the creation of the desires and aggression of two conflicting parties: Greece and the United Kingdom. The Greek Cypriots attempted to exclude the Turkish Cypriots from the Island’s political and economic life and directed terrorist actions against British soldiers and Turks on the Island. There was also a potential threat to the southern border of Turkey. An extreme group within the Greek community wanted to achieve enosis through using violence against their neighbouring community. Regarding Turkey and the international community, Cyprus is located in a crucial strategic area and simply cannot be left to any hostile power. Greece possesses the Aegean Islands that encircle Turkey’s border.1 Periodically, Greek terrorists attacked first the British and then Turkish Cypriots, causing difficulty in relations between Greece and Britain.
    [Show full text]
  • Kıbrıs Politikasının Annan Belgesi Ile Başlayan Kırılma Noktaları Breaking Points in the Cyprus Policy Beginning with the Annan Blueprint
    Kıbrıs Politikasının Annan Belgesi ile Başlayan Kırılma Noktaları Breaking Points in the Cyprus Policy Beginning with the Annan Blueprint Ahmet Zeki Bulunç* Özet Kıbrıs uyuşmazlığı Yunanistan’ın “Kıbrıs Halkına” self-determinasyon hakkı verilmesi ama- cıyla 1954 yılında Birleşmiş Milletlere yaptığı başvuruyla birlikte uluslararası bir nitelik kazanarak evreler halinde günümüze kadar devam etmiştir. Kıbrıs uyuşmazlığının temelinde Yunanistan’ın ve Rumların ENOSİS (Kıbrıs’ın Yunanistan’a ilhakı) mücadelesi vardır. Türkiye’nin bu mücadeleye karşı izlediği politika, Kıbrıs Türk halkının güvenlik ve huzur içinde siyasi eşit, egemen bir halk olarak yaşaması, Ada’nın kendine karşı kullanılabilecek bir konuma getirilmemesi ve Türk-Yunan dengesi- nin korunması ilkelerine dayanmaktadır. Annan Belgesi’nin taraflara sunulmasından sonra yen Türk hükümetinin uyguladığı AB odaklı ve inisiyatifli yeni politika nedeniyle Kıbrıs politikasında kırılmalar meydana gelmiştir. Özel- likle Türk hükümetince, Annan Belgesi’nin kabul edilmesi ve KKTC halkına kabul ettirmesi temel bir kırılma noktasını teşkil etmektedir. Bu arada Avrupa İnsan Hakları Mahkemesi’nin (AİHM) Loizidou Davası Kararının, AB Konseyi’nin 17 Aralık 2004 Brüksel Zirve Kararı’nın ve dolayısıyla Ek Protokolün, 3 Ekim 2005 Müzakere Çerçeve Belgesi’nin kabulü Kıbrıs uyuşmazlığında Türkiye aleyhinde çok ciddi kırılma noktaları olmuştur. Söz konusu kırılma noktalarından sonraki süreçte T.C. Dışişleri Bakanlığı’nın Ocak 2006 Akademik Bakış Eylem Planı, Gambari Anlaşması (8 Temmuz 2006 süreci), 2006 Fin Önerileri’nin ilke olarak 73 kabul edilmesi, Türkiye’nin Kıbrıs politikası’nda ve tezlerinde verdiği önemli tavizler olarak değerlen- Cilt 1, Sayı 1 dirilmektedir. Kış 2007 Kasım 2002 tarihinden itibaren Kıbrıs uyuşmazlığı konusunda Türkiye Hükümetleri’nin uyguladıkları politikalar temel hatalar ve yanlışlar içermektedir. Bu politikaların bir sonucu olarak Türkiye-AB ilişkilerinde ciddi bir tıkanma olmuş ve Kıbrıs uyuşmazlığı Güney Kıbrıs Rum Yönetimi -Yunanistan inisiyatifinde tam bir uzlaşmazlığa sürüklenmiştir.
    [Show full text]
  • Tarih Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Başlangiçtan Bugüne Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Hükümetleri
    T.C. KÜLTÜR VE TURİZM BAKANLIĞI TÜRKİYE KÜLTÜR PORTALI PROJESİ TARİH TÜRKİYE CUMHURİYETİ BAŞLANGIÇTAN BUGÜNE TÜRKİYE CUMHURİYETİ HÜKÜMETLERİ Prof. Dr. Abdulhaluk Mehmet ÇAY 2009 ANKARA 6.8. Başlangıçtan Bugüne Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Hükümetleri Muvakkat İcra Encümeni (25 Nisan 1920-3 Mayıs 1920) İcra Vekilleri Heyeti Reisi Mustafa Kemal Paşa, TBMM Reisi Celalettin Arif Bey, Erzurum Cami Bey (Baykut), Aydın Bekir Sami Bey (Kunduh), Amasya Hamdullah Suphi Bey (Tanrıöver), Antalya Hakkı Behiç Bey (Bayiç), Denizli İsmet Bey (İnönü), Edirne I. İcra Vekilleri Heyeti “1. TBMM Hükümeti” (Mustafa Kemal Paşa) (3 Mayıs 1920-24 Ocak 1921) Bakanlığı Adı Soyadı Seçim Bölgesi İcra Vekilleri Heyeti Reisi Mustafa Kemal Paşa (Başbakan) Umuru Şeriye Vekili Mustafa Fehmi Efendi Bursa (Diyanet Bakanı) (Gerçeker) Cami Bey (Baykut) Aydın Dahiliye Umuru Vekili Hakkı Behiç Bey (Bayiç) Denizli (İçişleri Bakanı) Nazım Bey (Resmor) Tokat Refet Bey (Bele) İzmir Adliye Vekili Celalettin Arif Bey Erzurum 2 (Adalet Bakanı) Nafıa Vekili İsmail Fazıl Paşa (Cebesoy) Yozgat (Bayındırlık Bakanı) Ömer Lütfü Bey (Argeşo) Amasya Hariciye Vekili Bekir Sami Bey (Kunduh) Amasya (Dışişleri Bakanı) Sıhhiye ve Muavenet-i İçtimaiye Vekili Adnan Bey (Adıvar) İstanbul (Sağlık ve Sosyal Yardım Bakanı) İktisat Vekili Yusuf Kemal Bey (Tengirşenk) Kastamonu (Ekonomi Bakanı) Müdafaa-i Milliye Vekili Fevzi Paşa (Çakmak) Kozan (Milli Savunma Bakanı) Bakanlığı Adı Soyadı Seçim Bölgesi Erkân-ı Harbiye-i Umumiye Vekili İsmet Bey (İnönü) Edirne (Genelkurmay Başkanı) Maliye Vekili Hakkı Behiç Bey
    [Show full text]
  • Birinci Bölüm Fatin Rüştü Zorlu’Nun Çocukluğu, Gençliği Ve Memuriyeti A
    TC SÜLEYMAN DEMİREL ÜNİVERSİTESİ SOSYAL BİLİMLER ENSTİTÜSÜ TARİH ANABİLİMDALI FATİN RÜŞTÜ ZORLU DOKTORA TEZİ HAVVA ELTETİK TEZ DANIŞMANI: PROF. DR. BAYRAM KODAMAN ISPARTA 2009 ÖZET Fatin Rüştü Zorlu Havva ELTETİK Süleyman Demirel Üniversitesi, Tarih Bölümü, Doktora Tezi, 266 sayfa, Aralık 2009. Danışman: Prof. Dr. Bayram KODAMAN Fatin Rüştü Zorlu 1910 yılında İstanbul’da doğmuştur. 1932 yılında Dışişleri Bakanlığı Meslek Memurluğu sınavını kazanarak çalışma hayatına başlamıştır. 1954 yılında Çanakkale’den Milletvekili seçilmiş, Devlet Bakanı ve Başbakan Yardımcısı olarak etkin bir görevle siyasi hayatına başlamıştır. 1957 yılında Dışişleri Bakanlığı görevine getirilmiştir. Fatin Rüştü Zorlu’nun siyaset yaptığı dönemde 1950 yılında iktidar olan Demokrat Parti idaresi bulunuyordu. On yıl iktidar hizmeti yürüten DP 27 Mayıs 1960 Darbesi ile hükümetten düşmüştür. Böylece Fatin Rüştü Zorlu’nun üç yıl süren Dışişleri Bakanlığı devresi sona ermiştir. Zorlu, darbe sonrasında Yassıada Mahkemesince yargılanarak idama mahkûm edilmiştir. Fatin Rüştü Zorlu görev yaptığı dönemde önemli başarılara imza atmış bir devlet adamıdır. Çalışmamızın amacı, Türk Siyaset Tarihinde oldukca sancılı yılları teşkil eden bu dönemde Fatin Rüştü Zorlu’nun devlet adamlığını, siyasi kişiliğini, dış politika felsefesini ortaya koymaktır. Çalışmamız Fatin Rüştü Zorlu’nun kişiliği etrafında bu kritik döneme ışık tutacaktır. Anahtar Kelimeler: Fatin Rüştü Zorlu, Demokrat Parti, 27 Mayıs Darbesi, Yassıada Mahkemesi. I ABSTRACT Fatin Rüştü Zorlu Havva ELTETİK Suleyman Demirel Unıversity, Department of History Ph. D, 266 pages, December 2009. Supervising Professor: Bayram KODAMAN Fatin Rüştü Zorlu was born in İstanbul in 1910. He began his career in 1932 after passing his examination on Civil Service in the Foreign Ministry. In 1954 he was elected a member of Parliament by Çanakkale, after which he held important position as State Minister and Vice Prime Minister.
    [Show full text]
  • An Open and Shut Case? Probing the Greek-Cypriot Rejection of the Annan Plan
    THE CYPRUS PROBLEM: AN OPEN AND SHUT CASE? PROBING THE GREEK-CYPRIOT REJECTION OF THE ANNAN PLAN Alexis Heraclides Abstract This article tries to probe the reasons for the Greek-Cypriot rejection of the Annan Plan in 2004, by following two Jines of inquiry. One is to access the dominant view among the Greek-Cypriots before and after the appearance of the Plan. A second line of reasoning is to try to chart the reasons for the rejection at the level of the Republic of Cyprus. As regards the first approach, (a) in the days before the Plan, the Greek-Cypriots were in their majority not prepared to accept a loose federation; (b) from the 1st Annan Plan and up until the Referendum there was never a clear majority for the Plan. The article then goes on to examine seven Rational Actor hypotheses as explanations for the unflinching posture of the Greek-Cypriot leadership: sheer bad faith; international conspiracy theory; tough negotiating strategy; the asset of EU membership negotiation-wise; poker strategy; a 50-year backward leap; and the nationalist mind-set. The results of the 24 April 2004 Cyprus Referenda (Greek-Cypriots 'No' of almost 76%, Turkish-Cypriot 'Yes' of almost 65%), would probably go down in the annals of the Cyprus Question as a watershed. In the wake of the referendum, the spectre of a final partition pervades the atmosphere as never before, for now it is the willingness of the numerical majority for a reunification in a political system establishing equality and power-sharing between the two communities, that is seriously in doubt.
    [Show full text]